CFP- International Conference on the Production, Preservation and Perusal of Buddhist Epigraphy in Central and East Asia – Abstracts

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  1. Stephanie BALKWILL 白思芳 (The University of Winnipeg 加拿大溫尼伯大學): The Earliest Known Biography of a Chinese Buddhist Nun

    In this presentation we will study the earliest dated biography of a Chinese Buddhist nun that is currently known to us, the entombed biography (muzhiming 墓誌銘) of a Buddhist nun whose name was Shi Sengzhi 釋僧芝 (d. 516 CE). Sengzhi was appointed to the court of the Northern Wei 北魏 (386-535 CE) in 477 and died in 516, still serving that same court. In her role at court she intimately served three emperors and two empress dowagers, that latter of which, Empress Dowager Ling 靈太后 (d. 528), was her own niece. The high status that she enjoyed in her life she also enjoyed in her death; given an imperial funeral, her body was interred at the Northern Wei’s imperial mausoleum at Mt. Mang 邙山 and her burial included the commissioning of an entombed biography. That biography is the only source that we have attesting to Sengzhi’s life and it tells the rare story of a woman who modelled a new form womanhood on the rise in the 5th century: an elite Buddhist womanhood which may have been renunciatory but certainly not eremitic. By reading Sengzhi’s entombed biography, we will see how the text positions the nun’s Buddhist practice as an integral component of her success as a politician while it also suggests that her Buddhist practice facilitated trans-regional interaction with the courts of the Chinese south.

  2. T. H. BARRETT 巴瑞特 (SOAS, University of London 英國倫敦大學亞非學院): “Against Epigraphy: Once More a Visit to Zen and History”

    The steady recovery of more and more early epigraphy from China has proved an immense boon to historians and particularly to historians of religion, who have often had to depend in the past on transmitted sources that frequently describe events and personalities of one period through the lens of the preoccupations of one or more later periods in their transmission.  The Chinese Chan tradition affords several examples of this.  Scholars have therefore gladly looked beyond materials produced within the tradition itself to epigraphic records, even though in many cases such records do not survive to this day on stone and have themselves been transmitted through different stages of copying and recopying.  If scrupulously handled, this evidence can of course be of great value. But it is still worth thinking about the circumstances that created such evidence before assessing what it might mean. The specific example examined to illustrate this point is an inscription composed by Tang Shen 唐伸in the ninth century.

  3. CHEN Jinhua 陳金華 (The University of British Columbia 加拿大英屬哥倫比亞大學):A Preliminary Study on the Epitaph, with a Preface, for the Pagoda of Paegwol Pogwang 白月葆光(“Light-Preserving White Moon”) Dedicated to the State-master of Two Reigns of the Sillan State of the Tang Dynasty, Who was Bestowed the Posthumous title of Taeranghye Hwasang 大朗慧和尙(Preceptor Taeranghye)有唐新羅國故兩朝國師教謚大朗慧和尚白月葆光之塔碑銘并序
  4. CHEN Zhiyuan 陳志遠 (Chinese Academy of Social Sciences 中國社會科學院):釋“七世父母”——石刻造像記定型句研究之一七世父

    母是佛教造像、寫經題記中頻繁出現的祈願對象,從宗密《盂蘭盆經疏》可以得知,這一定型表達存在兩種理解,一種是指現世家族的七代祖先,一種是基於輪迴觀念的七次前生中的親生父母。追溯二者在佛教經典中的思想源流,可以確定二者都是印度佛教固有的觀念,前者在原先語境中強調家族種姓的純粹性,後者則注重對眾生的慈悲。而經過對數千方造像銘記的統計分析,可知在中古中國兩種理解處於並存狀態。這促使我們對所謂“佛教中國化”的敘事框架做出反思。

  5. Jessey J.C. CHOO 朱雋琪 (Rutgers University 美國羅格斯大學): Historian who works on Tang Epigraphy
  6. Alexei DITTER 迪磊 (Reed College 美國里德學院): Historian Who Works on Tang epigraphy
  7. FENG Guodong 馮國棟 (The University of Zhejiang 浙江大學) : 宋「大安塔碑銘」疏證——兼論宋初皇族婦女與佛教

    夏竦所撰「大安塔碑銘」,記述了宋代初年尼妙善、道堅師徒二人建立大安塔、護國禪院的經過。在建大安塔過程中,妙善、道堅動用了大量皇室與政府高層的力量,宋太宗、宋真宗、明德太后、章獻明肅太后皆參與其中,反映了宋代初年皇室與佛教之間的互動,通過這一個案可以透視宋代皇族,特別是皇族婦女與佛教之間的關係。皇族婦女為何、如何參與佛教事務,是本文想要回答的問題。

  8. JIAO Jianhui 焦建輝 (Academy of Longmen Grottoes 龍門石窟研究院): 龍門石窟的「業道」像

    唐武則天至玄宗時期,龍門石窟集中出現一批題銘「業道像」甚至「業道佛」的特殊造像,為其它各石窟所未見。此類造像在視覺上與佛像無異,但佛教典籍中卻無與之對應的文字依據,造像記中的尊名排序及龕內造像位置關係等方面也較為無序,表現出強烈的地域性和世俗化傾向,似乎是在皇室佛教信仰的影響下,由略通教義的社會下層雜糅諸佛經內容而創制的崇拜對象,顯示了武則天至唐玄宗時期東亞佛教的一個特殊側面。

  9. JI Yun 紀贇 (Buddhist College of Singapore 新加坡佛學院): 宗族、士紳網絡構建與國族文化認同:新加坡蓮山雙林寺碑銘考訂
  10. KEGASAWA Yasunori 氣賀澤保規 (Meiji University 日本明治大學): 房山石經中的唐代「般若波羅蜜多經」刻經事業和巡禮問題
  11. George KEYWORTH 紀強 (University of Saskatchewan 加拿大薩斯喀徹溫大學): On the Influence of the Longkan Shoujian 龍龕手鑒 as a Glossary on Dhāraī Carved in Stone in the North Pagoda at Chaoyang and in Manuscripts from 12th Century Japan
  12. KURAMOTO Shotoku 倉本尚德 (Academia Sinica 臺北中央研究院): 初唐皇家供奉寺院的變遷──從智首碑談起
  13. LIU Yongsi 劉泳斯 (Minzu University of China 中央民族大學): 道㲀《顯密圓通成佛心要》新考 (A New Study on The Essentials of Attaining the Buddhahood according to Perfect and Penetrative Teaching of Esoteric and Exoteric School by Liao Buddhist Master Daochen)

    准提法在中國佛教界,特別是居士信仰群體中是僅次於淨土信仰的重要修行法門。遼代道㲀《顯密圓通成佛心要》奠定了中國准提法門的基礎。本文利用《燕京永安寺釋迦舍利塔碑記》等遼代石刻、經幢等資料以及黑水城文獻,大體將《顯密圓通成佛心要》的成書年代確定在十一世紀八十年代;並通過遼代契丹藏增補情況的考察,以及比對黑水城發現的道㲀《鏡心錄》西夏文譯本等資料,提出道㲀早年比較關心禪宗,尤其重視荷澤宗,宗密關於華嚴與禪宗匯通的禪教一致思想,而後,由於遼代契丹藏增補等契機,道㲀對晚清以來新譯密教典籍發生興趣,學術研究重點轉向密教,撰寫《顯密圓通成佛心要》,弘揚准提法門。《顯密圓通成佛心要》對待禪、密的不同態度及其前後發展變化,也可以管窺宋、遼佛教逐漸呈現出來的巨大差異性

  14. LUO Xin 羅新 (Peking University 北京大學): 佛教给北朝女性提供了哪些自由——來自石刻的信息
  15. Mylinda SUN  (The University of British Columbia 加拿大英屬哥倫比亞大學): 大足寶頂山石刻南宋第十八龕觀無量壽經變研究

    大足寶頂山大佛灣南宋第18龕觀無量壽經變為大足乃至四川地區已知唯一的宋代觀經變,規模之巨前所未有, 圖像表現亦與當地唐代同類實例差異甚大。在圖像內容方面, 與唐代觀無量壽經變突出西方淨土圖像的表現不同,該南宋觀無量壽經變強調九品往生內容且每一品均表現完整的往生場面,又將供養人代表融入十六觀中,同時弱化西方淨土世界景象並省略未生怨圖像。在表現方式方面,與唐代同類實例僅用圖像表現的形式不同,該南宋觀無量壽經變注重圖文結合的方式,即圖像與碑刻一一對應的方式刻畫。大足寶頂山大佛灣南宋第18龕觀無量壽經變的功能在於教化眾生發願往生極樂世界,凸顯了宋代佛教的教化功能。

  16. SUN Yinggang 孫英剛 (Zhejiang University 浙江大學): 北朝時期的燃燈佛造像與王朝政治

    近年來,有關王朝正統地位或合法性問題的討論,已成中古史界的重要話題。這一討論,是政治史研究回歸其應有位置的一種嘗試,既有對權力來源和委任統治權的思考,也提供了深入討論不同政治文化傳統、不同知識與宗教信仰體系與中古政治關係的機會。歷史圖景往往不是單線的、單一畫面的、非黑即白、整齊劃一的,採用不同類型的史料、從不同的視角出發,我們會看到歷史真相的不同層面。不同歷史事實疊加呈現的歷史畫面,可能更加複雜,卻更加接近真實,也更加符合中古時期信仰繁榮、知識創新、包容開放的時代特徵。
    王朝體制和君主理念這一核心的政治議題,近年來獲得中古史學界越來越多的重視,不論是方法論更新,還是具體史實的挖掘,都取得了顯著的成績,也彰顯出將不同史料引入中古政治史研究這一研究思路的潛力。就與本文討論相關的北朝政治史而言,有的研究從中國傳統的五德終始、陰陽術數的政治文化入手,從中土固有的天命、歷運思想出發,討論北朝的君主與政治;有的研究則基於南北朝時期民族衝突融合的時代特徵,從內亞的視角出發,將有關北亞草原政治文化傳統的歷史信息納入北朝政治史的討論,有效地豐富了歷史圖景;除了上述視角,中古時期的另一個重要時代特徵,是佛教的傳入。這是一個佛教和其他宗教繁榮的時代,宗教對當時人們的思想世界和信仰世界都有深刻的影響。佛教的興起與傳播,不僅僅是宗教信仰的輸入輸出,也帶來了新的政治理論和君主觀念。那麼,將豐富的宗教文獻納入研究視野,或是拓展中古政治史研究視野的有效方法。北齊文宣帝高洋(550—559年在位)視高僧法上(495—580年)為佛,模擬燃燈佛(Dīpaṃkara)授記的場面,佈髮於地,讓法上踐之。通過這樣的儀式,塑造自己佛教轉輪王的身份,從信仰和政治雙重的緯度加強自己統治的神聖性。燃燈佛授記在佛教信仰體系中居於極為特殊的地位,帶有明確的宗教和政治意涵。而其發源於犍陀羅(Gandhāra) 地區,在印度本土罕見,但是卻在中國中古時期的政治和信仰世界里成為一個重要的信仰主題和政治理念。這一方面說明中古時期政治文化的複雜性,另一方面也反映了中國文明具有世界主義的開放性和包容性——這也是中國文明能夠長盛不衰的重要原因。

  17. TONG Ling 童嶺 (University of Nanjing 南京大學):在晉帝與魏主之間:佛國北涼的對外關係——兼談天梯山沮渠蒙遜「為母造丈六石像」的時間 (Between the Emperor of Eastern Jin 東晉and the Lord of Northern Wei 北魏: The Diplomatic Relations of the Buddhist Kingdom Beiliang 北涼: A Research on the time of Juqu Mengxun’s 沮渠蒙遜building Stone Buddha for his mother on Mount Tianti 天梯)

    神清《北山錄》云:「西秦、北涼,俱微國也。」是唐代佛教文獻中將北涼視為一個地方小政權的講法。這一種「邊緣」與「狹小」的錯覺,毋庸說,是後知後覺的歷史維度。即便是視河西走廊為中西「交通」要道,也要跳出「人」與「物」單純空間移動的transportation意味,而要加上文化傳播的communication含義。在玄始十年之後,北涼一度掌控了地域面積超過11萬平方公里的河西走廊,除此之外,高昌地區也進入了北涼沮渠氏的勢力範圍之內。北涼國主沮渠蒙遜在面對晉帝(以及此後的宋武帝劉裕)、北魏國主外交問題之前,最大的一個名義上的「宗主國」是後秦。此後「先魏後晉」這一表徵,蘊含著是地緣政治的影響力。北涼第一次出使北魏,恰逢北魏明元帝拓跋嗣在位期間,拓跋嗣時期的對外策略,相對於之前的道武帝(拓跋珪)以及之後的太武帝(拓跋燾),無疑是相對收縮與保守的,但即便如此,蒸蒸日上的北魏國力也使得沮渠蒙遜選擇將北魏外交置於首要位置。
    以譯經與佛教塑像著稱的北涼,無疑是中古史少有的「佛國」(南方的佛國則為梁)。2018年10月9日,《光明日報》「文化新聞版」刊載了《武威天梯山新發現佛造像與北涼王「為母造丈六石像」契合》一文,筆者隨後有幸到天梯山實地考察。沮渠蒙遜的母親車氏,可能是西域胡人;沮渠蒙遜的妻子彭氏,則可能是羌族人。無論是西域胡還是羌人,中古時代多為信奉佛法的民族。天梯山石窟,又稱「涼州石窟」,被宿白先生稱為「涼州模式」的典型石窟遺址。六世紀的《高僧傳》與七世紀的《法苑珠林》,一則提及「為母造丈六石像於山寺」,另一則提及「蒙遜先為母造丈六石像」。是否「為母造丈六石像」就一定是塑造了「王太后」(實沮渠蒙遜未稱過帝)的女性佛像呢?我覺得這是一種過度解讀,同時也因為對「為……造……」這樣的典型北朝造像記句式的誤解。

  18. Claudia WENZEL 温狄婭 (Heidelberg Academy of Sciences and Humanities 德國海德堡科學與人文科學研究院): Imprinting the living rock with Buddhist texts: On the creation of a regional sacred geography in Shandong in the second half of the sixth century

    During their earliest phase of production, Buddhist texts in China were not carved in their entirety, but in selected passages. While this phenomenon has been explained primarily as a forerunner of later carvings of longer and more complete texts, this paper explores another aspect of the carving of particular passages: The repeated carving of the same short text does not only emphasize the importance of its doctrinal meaning; it actually helps to set up a regional network of sacred sites, where the words of the Buddha have been imprinted on the living rock. This particular function of the carved texts is corroborated by material aspects, namely their careful layout, which stresses at the same time their coherence as members of the same group and their particularity as representatives of each single inscription site. I will show that this early network of short Buddhist texts was not restricted to Shandong Province, but also reached out to the cave temples of Northern and Southern Xiangtangshan in the border region of Hebei and Henan. Moreover, the career of this and other carved passages culled from the Sutra on the Great Perfection of Wisdom Spoken by Mañjuś(T#232) can arguably be connected to the later emergence of Mañjuśrī veneration at Mount Wutai in Shanxi.

  19. ZHANG Chengyu 張成渝 (Peking University 北京大學) & ZHANG Naizhu 張乃翥(Academy of Longmen Grottoes 龍門石窟研究院) : 王維書幢的發現及其與龍門地區佛教文化的因緣(The discovery of a Buddhist pillar inscribed by Wang Wei and its connections with Buddhism in the Longmen area)

    洛陽龍門東山南麓近年出土了一件開元十年(722年)由王維(699-759)書丹的陀羅尼經幢。經幢序文記事顯示,進士擢第翌年的王維,即已顯示出濃郁的佛教信仰的意識。與此同時,這一佛教遺物的出土,不但為研究龍門地區唐代寺院提供了珍貴的文物依據,更為後人觀摩唐代這一著名歷史人物的書法行跡展示出一份千載難遇的文化瑰寶,因而在中國文化史上具有重要的審美價值。A dhāraṇī pillar inscribed by the Tang poet and painter Wang Wei (699-759) in 722 has been recently unearthed at the southern foothills of the eastern Longmen mountain. We know that Wang Wei passed the imperial examination as jinshiin 723, hence the preface of this inscription is the proof that the previous year, when he was only 23 years old, the poet had already manifested a strong involvement in the Buddhist faith. At the same time, not only does the unearthing of this Buddhist inscription provide us with precious evidence for the study of Tang Buddhist monasteries in the Longmen area, but, perhaps more importantly, it also enables us to appraise the handwriting of such an important historical figure as Wang Wei, thus its significant aesthetic value.

  20. ZHANG Xuesong 張雪松 (Renmin University of China 中國人民大學): 房山石經《一乘法界圖合詩一印》發微《韓國佛教全書》

    收入的義湘《華嚴一乘法界圖》是以大谷大學藏正德二年寫本等傳世文獻互校而成。而約十二世紀的房山石經收錄金代《一乘法界圖合詩一印》,除了文字校勘的意義之外,最為引人注意的是署名為“儼法師造”。《一乘法界圖》與智儼本就具有密切的關係,從思想原創性上來說《一乘法界圖》的正文很難說對智儼既有著作有多少超越,義湘最大的創新之處就在於用方印的形式對210字的30句七言詩進行排列組合。在房山石經中《一乘法界圖合詩一印》是單本刻經,並不屬於大藏經系統,出資刊刻的信徒,很可能更重視的是文字排列成“印”的神秘宗教效果,而非哲學思辨討論,類似於對待總持陀羅尼的心態。房山石經《一乘法界圖合詩一印》除了探討唐代智儼、高麗義湘等華嚴學者的哲學思想、文獻版本有重要意義,也對理解遼金佛教徒的信仰實踐,對漢語系佛教文獻神秘形態符號表徵的意義,具有重要的價值。