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Student Forum 學生論壇
(July 11, 2025)
PANEL 1 場次 (9:00-11:15): Textual and Hagiographical Studies (Chair: Jiahang YU 于佳航; Discussant: Benjamin PORTEOUS 熊本恩 [1.1-2] + Zhaoyuan WEI 魏兆源 [1.3] + Yang LEI 雷陽 [1.4])
Part 1 (9:00-10:00) Presentations
1.1 (9:00-9:15): Zhaoyuan WEI 魏兆源 (Peking University 北京大學): Tantric Commitment and Non-Conceptuality: Ratnākaraśānti’s interpretation on Guhyasamājatantra 9.21 and his quotations of the Avikalpapraveśadhāraṇī
1.2 (9:15-9:30): Jiejie ZHAO 趙潔潔 (Capital Normal University 首都師範大學): U5335文本性質蠡測
1.3 (9:30-9:45): Benjamin PORTEOUS 熊本恩 (Harvard University 美國哈佛大學): Reincarnation as a Codex: Form and Function in Sūtra Commentaries at Dunhuang
1.4 (9:45-10:00): Junru DONG 董俊茹 (Chinese University of Hong Kong 香港中文大學): To eat or To be eaten: A Case Study Involving Miracles in Chan Hagiography
Part 2 (10:00-10:15): Comments 評議
Part 3 (10:15-11:15): Discussion ⾃由討論
Lunch Break 午餐: 11:15-13:00
PANEL 2 場次 (13:00-14:45): Identity and Network in Buddhism and East Asian Religions (Chair: Jiejie ZHAO 趙潔潔; Discussant: Jiangnan LI 黎江南)
Part 1 (13:00-13:45) Presentations
2.1 (13:00-13:15) Fanyi GUAN 管凡誼 (University of Tokyo 東京大學): 唐《法華寺碑》所見東晉南朝會稽佛教史事小考 | Buddhism in Kuaiji (會稽) during the Six Dynasties: Insights from the Stele of the Lotus Sutra Temple (法華寺碑)
2.2 (13:15-13:30) Ziyi SHAO 邵子懿 (SOAS University of London 倫敦大學亞非學院): “The Ethnic turn” in the study of the Tibetan Buddhist material cultural of the Qing Dynasty (From Sinicization to Manchu Sovereignty: Rethinking Qing Imperial Identity through Tibetan Buddhist Art)
2.3 (13:30-13:45): Lili WANG 王麗麗 / SHI Anlong 釋安龍 (Renmin University of China 中國人民大學): A Study of the Chan Tradition of Buddhabhadra in Early Chinese Buddhism
Part 2 (13:45-14:00): Comments 評議
Part 3 (14:00-14:45): Discussion ⾃由討論
Coffee Break 茶歇: 14:45-15:00
PANEL 3 (15:00-16:45): Localize the Universal (Chair: Ramesha JAYANETHTHI 賈妍; Discussant: Kai SHENG 聖凱)
Part 1 (15:00-16:45) Presentations
3.1 (15:00-15:15): Qinghe SONG 宋青和 (Cergy-Paris University/Inalco 塞爾吉-巴黎大學/法國國立東方語言文明學院): 地緣詩學中的佛教——宗派和人物 | Buddhism in Geopoetics: Schools and Figures
3.2 (15:15-15:30): Jiabao CUI 崔嘉寶 (Chinese Academy of Social Sciences 中國社會科學院): 山西高平北朝佛教遺存的區域性觀察 | A Regional Observation of the Buddhist Relics of the Northern Dynasties in Gaoping, Shanxi
3.3 (15:30-15:45): Shengtao DENG 鄧盛濤 (Tsinghua University 清華大學): 融佛入儒與李翱普遍人性論的誕生——唐宋之際人性思想轉型的側影 | Weaving Buddhism into Confucianism: Li Ao’s Theory of Universal Human Nature and the Tang-Song Philosophical Turn
Part 2 (15:45-16:00): Comments 評議
Part 3 (16:00-16:45): Discussion ⾃由討論
Abstracts
Jiabao CUI, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
崔嘉寶, 中國社會科學院
山西高平北朝佛教遺存的區域性觀察
A Regional Observation of the Buddhist Relics of the Northern Dynasties in Gaoping, Shanxi
高平位於晉東南地區的丹河流域，北朝時期處在溝通北魏都城平城和洛陽的交通線上，有着豐富的佛 教遺存，包括石窟、佛寺、造像碑和單體造像等。本文以高平地區爲中心，以該地區北朝佛教遺存爲研究對象，結合 碑刻和文獻資料，從區域研究的視角分析高平北朝佛教遺存所受的外來影響和本地特徵。儘可能地復原出接近歷 史事實的高平北朝佛教面貌並分析其發展與轉變軌跡。
Gaoping is located in the Dan River valley in the southeast of Shanxi province. During the Northern dynasties, Gaoping was on the transport route between Pingcheng and Luoyang, the capitals of the Northern Wei dynasty, with rich Buddhist relics including cave temples, Buddhist temples, statue tablets and single statues. This article takes the Buddhist relics of the Northern dynasties in Gaoping as the research object, combines inscriptions and documentary materials, and analyzes the external influences and local characteristics of the Buddhist relics of the Northern dynasties in Gaoping from the perspective of regional research. As much as possible, the Buddhist landscape of the Northern dynasties is restored, and its development and transformation are analyzed.
Shengtao DENG, Tsinghua University
鄧盛濤, 清華大學
融佛入儒與李翱普遍人性論的誕生——唐宋之際人性思想轉型的側影
Weaving Buddhism into Confucianism: Li Ao’s Theory of Universal Human Nature and the Tang-Song Philosophical Turn
唐宋之際中土人性思想發生了一次根本性的變化。李翱吸收了真常唯心佛教如來藏自性清淨心的觀念，以人本具的清淨心體來說人的本性。他也借用了佛教真、妄二分的架構去理解性、情之間的複雜關係。此外，李翱使用了“睹其性”等語詞及其生命歷程中對佛教心性之學抱有的開放態度，顯示了其人性思想與佛教之間的內在而又具體的關聯。在佛教思想的磁化之下，李翱重新激活了儒家經典《中庸》的“誠明”說與源自孟子的“道德之性”觀念，從而建立起基於儒家立場的心體論的普遍人性論。基於此普遍人性論，李翱系統建立起融合儒佛的復性工夫論。通過心寂不動與惟性明照解“誠之明”，以明覺解“格物致知”，以守中解“慎獨”，李翱肯認了人人皆可通過此復性的工夫達至聖人。李翱在中唐至北宋由性三品論向普遍人性論復歸的路上邁出了頗為重要的一步，其提倡普通人皆可以成聖也開了北宋道學的先聲。
The Confucian doctrine on human nature in triple grade had become influential for centuries since the Han dynasty but it underwent a fundamental change from the mid-Tang onwards, and Li Ao (774-836) was a critical figure at this historic juncture. Li Ao drew on key ideas from True Constant Mind-only Buddhism—particularly the innate purity of the Tathāgata-garbha mind—to articulate a conception of human nature rooted in an originally pure xinti 心體. Adopting the Buddhist distinction between the true and the deluded, he explored the complex dynamics between nature (xing 性) and emotions (qing情). His use of phrases such as “observing one’s nature”(du qi xing 睹其性), along with his receptivity to Buddhist teachings on mind and nature, reveals a deep and specific engagement with Buddhist thought in shaping his philosophy of human nature. Influenced by this Buddhist framework, Li Ao reinterpreted Confucian doctrines such as “sincerity and clarity” (cheng ming 誠明) from the Doctrine of the Mean and the Mencian idea of “moral nature” (dao de zhi xing 道德之性), laying the groundwork for a universal theory of human nature. On this basis, he developed a systematic theory of self-cultivation (fuxing gongfu 復性工夫) that integrates both Confucian and Buddhist elements. By interpreting “sincerity and clarity” through notions such as “stillness of mind” (xin ji bu dong 心寂不動) and “illumination of nature” (wei xing ming zhao 惟性明照), linking “investigating things” (gewu zhizhi 格物致知) with intelligent awareness, and reading “holding to the mean” (shendu 慎獨) as preserving centrality, Li Ao affirmed that all people could attain sagehood through cultivation. This theory was markedly different from the traditional Confucian doctrine of human nature in triple grade and indeed foreshadowed the Neo-Confucian theory of innately good human nature.
Junru DONG, Chinese University of Hong Kong
董俊茹, 香港中文大學
To eat or To be eaten: A Case Study Involving Miracles in Chan Hagiography
The accounts of miracles and supranormal powers have played a pivotal role in the Buddhist tradition, often seen as manifestations of dedicated practices of eminent monastics. These accounts not only held spiritual significance, but also served as compelling tools to attract devotees. While these accounts were popular in the earlier periods of Chinese Buddhism, later sects—especially the Chan tradition—demonstrated a more reserved stance on the subject. This paper delves into the ambiguous attitude toward miracle tales in Chan through a case study of Nanyue Mingzan 南嶽明瓚 (circa 8th century), whose legacy was intricately connected to a variety of narratives present in both religious and vernacular writings. The materials for this study can be categorized into two primary groups. The first category consists of Mingzan’s dharmic lineage and gāthā verses, predominantly documented in early lamp records such as Zutang Ji 祖堂集 (952). The second category encompasses Mingzan’s interactions with the official Li Bi 李泌 (722-789), and a few miracles attributed to him on Mt. Song. These anecdotes are preserved in non-Chan sources such as the biography of Li Bi and the Biographies of Eminent Monks in Song 宋高僧傳 (988). Some later Chan works provided an alternative narrative, portraying Mingzan’s encounter with an anonymous emissary from the Emperor Dezong instead, with the miracle tales omitted. Previous scholarship on Mingzan has primarily focused on the earlier accounts, examining the authenticity of his lineage and literary works. In contrast, this current investigation undertakes a detailed analysis of the patterns within the second theme and reviews the strategic efforts across various sources, specifically highlighting the recurring motif of food and eating. Mingzan’s prophetic ability was hinted at through the mysterious food he presented to Li Bi, but ultimately, he was devoured by beasts in the miracle tales. This dynamic of eating and being eaten initially suggested an ambiguous fatalism, but in later narratives, it was reduced to a mere daily routine and further used to represent defiance against vernacular power. This paper thus underscores the subtle transformation of the symbolic interpretations associated with eating and explores how these narratives have been continually reshaped to meet the changing needs of the Chan master model in hagiographical literature.
Fanyi GUAN, University of Tokyo
管凡誼, 東京大學
唐《法華寺碑》所見東晉南朝會稽佛教史事小考 | Buddhism in Kuaiji (會稽) during the Six Dynasties: Insights from the Stele of the Lotus Sutra Temple (法華寺碑)
本文着眼於唐代李邕撰《法華寺碑》，利用僧傳，地方誌等多種文獻考證了碑中所載會稽郡山陰縣法華寺自東晉末年至梁陳期的佛教史事，並着重梳理了重點人物僧翼，慧基在僧傳中和碑文的書寫方式的差異。通過考察，筆者認爲此碑在一定程度上反映了法華信仰在南朝會稽地區流行實態及其成爲地方性歷史記憶的過程，並提示了會稽地區佛教在隋唐之際實現革新的原因。
This paper examines the Stele of the Lotus Sutra Temple (法華寺碑), composed by Tang official Li Yong (李邕), to explore the history of Buddhism in Kuaiji (modern Shaoxing) from the Eastern Jin to the Liang and Chen dynasties. Focusing on the figures Sengyi (僧翼) and Huiji (慧基), it analyzes how the Lotus Sutra Temple (法華寺) evolved from a hermitage into a major center for Lotus Sutra devotion and scholastic Buddhism in Sanwu (三吳)，considered as heartland of imperial rule during the Six Dynasties.
Sengyi, having studied under Huiyuan and Kumārajīva, settled at Mount Qinwang to practice austerities and recite the Lotus Sutra, later becoming associated with miraculous visions of Samantabhadra Bodhisattva. These events, recorded in the stele but absent from early texts like the Gaoseng zhuan, suggest a localized tradition of faith and memory formation.
Huiji, a prominent exegete and religious leader, expanded the temple’s scholastic function and solidified its influence across southern China. His role reflects a broader transformation in Buddhist institutions, supported by local elites and responsive to both doctrinal and communal needs.
With emphasis on the inscription of the two, it can be inferred that Li Yong’s inscription grounded in earlier sources, and reshapes the temple’s history to emphasize sacred legitimacy and regional importance as well. The stele thus serves both as a record of historical events and as an artifact of religious and administrative discourse in the Tang period.
This study aims to reveal the dynamic interaction between local devotion, textual tradition, and political structures in shaping regional Buddhist identities, and highlight the importance of Lotus Sutra practice in Six Dynasties, which has lasting impact in the evolution on East Asian Buddhism.
Benjamin PORTEOUS, Harvard University
熊本恩, 美國哈佛大學
Reincarnation as a Codex: Form and Function in Sūtra Commentaries at Dunhuang
Recent scholarship in Sinology and Buddhist Studies (especially French scholarship, so it is an honor to present on this topic in Paris) has begun to explore the importance of materiality in shaping the experience of readers engaging with ancient and medieval Chinese texts. One area that has yet to be explored but promises rich rewards is the materiality of commentaries: commentaries are especially complex material objects because they must contain organizing structures that allow for the simultaneous use of two or more different texts in parallel. Commentaries are further at the heart of intellectual and religious life in medieval China. A better understanding of the formatting conventions and structure of commentary manuscripts— commentary as presented to medieval readers—thus offers insight into the development and practice of devotional and intellectual traditions.
This paper examines the issue of commentary layout and formatting in medieval Chinese religious life using a rarely noticed case study from Dunhuang. The “Diamond Sutra with the Gloss Commentary of the Diamond Treasure House Boddhisatva” Jingangjing Jingangzang pusa zhu 金剛經金剛藏菩薩注 (JJZ) is an early Chan commentary on Kumārajīva’s 鳩摩羅什 (344- 413CE) translation of the Vajracchedikā Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra (T. 235) in the zhu 注 “interlinear gloss” style that survives only in the Dunhuang cache, where it is attested in three relatively intact manuscripts, and three fragments by call number. While attested in few manuscripts compared to works of the same genre, JJZ is enormously useful because it is one of the only commentaries attested at Dunhuang to survive in versions with dramatically different layouts, both in the way sutra text and commentary are formatted, but also in the shape of the manuscripts themselves: JJZ survives in both scroll and codex form. Furthermore, its manuscripts bear rich evidence that documents different environments of production, and environments of use. Fortuitously, we also happen to have a relative wealth of information about this commentary—who composed it and who read it—beyond even the manuscripts themselves. Exploring the different formats in which JJZ was presented to medieval readers allows us to gain new insight in the role of commentary in Tang intellectual and devotional life, religious education at Dunhuang, and (through exciting coincidence) the transfer of Buddhist texts to Nara and Heian Japan.
Ziyi SHAO, SOAS University of London
邵子懿, 倫敦大學亞非學院
“The Ethnic turn” in the study of the Tibetan Buddhist material cultural of the Qing Dynasty (From Sinicization to Manchu Sovereignty: Rethinking Qing Imperial Identity through Tibetan Buddhist Art)
It is widely acknowledged that a large number of Tibetan Buddhist artworks were produced by the Qianlong imperial workshop, many of which have been categorized under the label of the “Sino-Tibetan” style—a term that seeks to highlight the fusion of Tibetan and Han Chinese visual traditions. One of the most prominent examples of this aesthetic is Fanhualou, a major religious monument located in the Forbidden City, commissioned by the Qianlong Emperor in 1772. It epitomizes the visual and symbolic hybridity typically attributed to this so-called “Sino-Tibetan” style.
In this presentation, I will move beyond the limitations of such hyphenated terminology to explore a significant methodological gap between the art historical discourse of the “Sino-Tibetan” style and the interpretive frameworks proposed by the New Qing History. While the latter emphasizes the distinct ethnic and cultural identity of the Manchu ruling elite—who, according to this school of thought, maintained their non- Han identity rather than assimilating into Chinese norms—studies of Tibetan Buddhist art produced in the Qing imperial workshops rarely account for Manchu agency. Instead, these works are often reduced to a binary visual synthesis of Tibetan and Chinese traditions, overlooking the complex roles the Manchu court may have played in their conception and production.
This paper will use Fanhualou as a case study to interrogate whether and how Manchu imperial identity was expressed or negotiated through Tibetan Buddhist architectural projects. Furthermore, it will address a fundamental historiographical tension: how can scholars meaningfully discuss Manchu identity within material culture when the Manchu elite were simultaneously undergoing processes of sinicization? By applying insights from New Qing History to the study of religious art and architecture, this paper aims to open up new interpretive possibilities that move beyond ethnic binaries and reveal the layered complexity of imperial identity during the Qianlong era.
Qinghe SONG, Cergy-Paris University/Inalco
宋青和, 塞爾吉-巴黎大學/法國國立東方語言文明學院
地緣詩學中的佛教——宗派和人物
Buddhism in Geopoetics: Schools and Figures
本提案旨在分析地緣詩學所選擇的佛教宗派和人物，從而討論地緣詩學與佛教的關係。
地緣詩學在八十年代初肇始於法國，創始人肯尼斯·懷特（Kenneth White）1936 年生於蘇格蘭，是一位詩人、哲學家和旅行家。自 1968 年，懷特在法國長期生活，期間在索邦大學教授二十世紀詩歌。然而，地緣詩學機構的創立則是在大學之外，懷特也強調地緣詩學並非一種學科理論，而是由詩人、作家、藝術家和學者共同推動的一個跨學科運動。儘管地緣詩學的理論資源、實踐形式與研究關切呈現出明顯的多樣化狀態，但是其基本特徵可以歸結爲：地緣詩學的反思立場是對於現代性的批判和超越，反思中心是人與大地（或地球）的關係，反思方法爲步履和思想的浪遊。
在地緣詩學的建構中，我們發現了大量的東方資源，其中，佛教的義學、修行、藝術是最爲顯在的在場。佛教對於懷特最初的吸引，源於其對於西方反現代性先驅的探究。他將一些西方思想家和藝術家——如梵高、蘭波、尼采、洪堡、惠特曼、梭羅等——視爲探索後現代道路的先行者，並認爲他們的思想或行旅，都自覺背離了通往當代生態、文化與心理危機的“西方高速公路”——一條以進步、理性、二元論和線性時間爲特徵的現代性之路。基於一種比較的視野，懷特的視野轉向了東方，他在佛教和佛教人物中看到了與西方後現代先行者的遙遠的相似性，並找到了繼續探索後現代之路的方法。通過這種從西方到東方的智識與行走的雙重運動，地緣詩學者希望光復“人、大地、宇宙”的深度聯結。
此外，我們觀察到了地緣詩學中的佛教所擁有的一些顯著且基本的情況：一，地緣詩學所選擇的佛教宗派——如中觀、密宗、禪宗——無一例外均屬大乘佛教；二，其中的人物，從禪宗行腳僧到密宗行者——如松尾芭蕉、寒山、薩拉哈、米拉日巴，他們的行旅、悟道與詩作均共時展開且互爲助緣。因此，本提案將從兩方面着手，試圖瞭解地緣詩學與佛教的關係：一，理解地緣詩學對於大乘佛教宗派的選擇；二，理解其中重要的佛教行者與詩僧帶來的影響。藉此，本提案將試圖回答地緣詩學與佛教的關係所引發的三個基本問題：怎樣的前提和原因使得大乘佛教與其人物被地緣詩學的思想與實踐所接受？地緣詩學如何闡釋這些佛教宗派與人物？地緣詩學是如何整合不同文化區域中的佛教資源？
This proposal aims to analyze the Buddhist schools and figures selected within geopoetics in order to explore the relationship between geopoetics and Buddhism.
Geopoetics originated in France in the early 1980s. Its founder, Kenneth White (b. 1936, Scotland), is a poet, philosopher, and traveler. Having lived predominantly in France since 1968, White taught twentieth-century poetry at the Sorbonne. However, the institutionalization of geopoetics occurred outside the university system, and White emphasizes that geopoetics is not a disciplinary theory but an interdisciplinary movement propelled by poets, writers, artists, and scholars. Although the theoretical resources, practical forms, and research concerns of geopoetics exhibit significant diversity, its fundamental characteristics can be summarized as follows: its reflective stance constitutes a critique and transcendence of modernity; its central focus is the relationship between humans and the Earth, and its methodology involves the co-movement of both body and intellect.
Within the construction of geopoetics, we find a substantial presence of Eastern resources, among which Buddhist doctrine, practice, and art are the most evident. White’s initial attraction to Buddhism stemmed from his exploration of Western precursors of anti-modernity. He viewed certain Western thinkers and artists—such as Van Gogh, Rimbaud, Nietzsche, Humboldt, Whitman, and Thoreau—as pioneers exploring post-modern paths. He believed their thought or travels consciously deviated from the “Western highway” leading to contemporary ecological, cultural, and psychological crises—a path characterized by progress, reason, dualism, and linear time. Adopting a comparative perspective, White turned his gaze Eastward. In Buddhism and Buddhist figures, he recognized a distant kinship with these Western postmodern pioneers and perceived ways to refine the postmodern path. Through this dual movement of intellect and travel from West to East, geopoetics seeks to restore the profound connection between “humans, the Earth, and the cosmos.”
Furthermore, we observe several significant and fundamental aspects of Buddhism within geopoetics: Firstly, the Buddhist schools selected by geopoetics—such as Madhyamaka, Vajrayana, and Zen—all belong without exception to Mahayana Buddhism. Secondly, the figures chosen, from Zen wandering monks to Vajrayana practitioners—like Matsuo Bashō, Hanshan, Saraha, and Milarepa—all embody the simultaneous unfolding and mutual reinforcement of travel, enlightenment, and Poetics. Therefore, this proposal will proceed in two directions to understand the relationship between geopoetics and Buddhism: 1, Understanding geopoetics’ selection of Mahayana Buddhist schools; 2, Understanding the influence brought by key Buddhist practitioners and poet-monks within it. Through this, the proposal will attempt to answer three fundamental questions raised by the relationship between geopoetics and Buddhism: What premises and reasons led to the acceptance of Mahayana Buddhism and its figures within the thought and practice of geopoetics? How does geopoetics interpret these Buddhist schools and figures? How does geopoetics integrate Buddhist resources from different cultural regions?
Lili WANG (SHI Anlong), Renmin University of China
王麗麗 (釋安龍), 中國人民大學
A Study of the Chan Tradition of Buddhabhadra in Early Chinese Buddhism
Buddhabhadra was the earliest meditation master in the history of Chinese Buddhism to possess a systematic lineage and practical experience. The meditation method he propagated originated from the Sarvāstivāda school of Kashmir and was integrated with Mahāyāna spiritual principles, marking the beginning of a new era of organized meditation transmission in Chinese Buddhism. This paper systematically outlines the lineage of Buddhobhadra’s meditation system, examining its origins, his missionary work after arriving in China, and the promotion of his meditative teachings in regions such as Chang’an 長安, Mount Lu 廬山, Jiangling 江陵, and Jiankang 建康. The study also investigates his disciples (such as Huiguan 慧觀 and Xuangao 玄高) and their subsequent transmission systems. The Buddhobhadra tradition emphasized a sequential practice of śamatha and vipaśyanā 止觀 integrated with monastic discipline, forming a tradition of “simultaneous promotion of meditation and precepts.” Although this system declined a century later, the practice system embodied in the meditation scriptures he translated had a profound impact on the theoretical development and practical transmission of Chinese Chan Buddhism in later generations. This paper seeks to reconstruct the theoretical foundations of this lineage, clarify its distinctive features, and assess its historical significance.
Zhaoyuan WEI, Peking University
魏兆源, 北京大學
Tantric Commitment and Non-Conceptuality: Ratnākaraśānti’s interpretation on Guhyasamājatantra 9.21 and his quotations of the Avikalpapraveśadhāraṇī
How to attain the state of non-conceptuality is an important topic discussed by many Indian Mahāyāna masters. The 11th century Indian Yogācāra scholar Ratnākaraśānti (c. 970-1045) frequently quoted the Avikalparaveśadhāraṇī (henceforth APDh) to support his account about the non-conceptuality. The present article focuses on Ratnākaraśānti’s interpretation on Guhyasamājatantra 9.21 in his commentary Kusumāñjali (henceforth KA). For most commentators, the focus of their glosses on this verse is the wonderfulness of dharmas and the two truths, while Ratnākaraśānti attaches importance to the non-coneptuality. In light of the Kusumāñjali, the tantric commitment is just expressed as convention, it still has the ultimate fruition that is the non-conceptual enlightenment, which is underpinned by the quotation of the APDh. The account of non-conceptuality in the KA shows high similarity with that in Ratnākaraśānti’s non-tantirc works, especially the *Madhyamakālaṃkāropadeśa and the Prajñāpāramitopadeśa, in which the APDh is cited as the scriptural sources. Through an investigation into Ratnākaraśānti’s thoughts concerning the non-conceptualzation, it is evident that his theory of cultivation exceeds the boundary of tantric and non-tantric practices, making it a window for us to understand the doctrinal intersection between tantric mandala cultivation and theoretical foundation in late Indian Buddhism.
Jiejie ZHAO, Capital Normal University
趙潔潔, 首都師範大學
U5335文本性質蠡測
德藏回鶻文文書U5335出土於新疆吐魯番，册子本裝幀，共35頁，主要包含《五會讚》《念佛之時得見佛讚》《較量坐禪念佛讚》《云何梵》《六根讚》《五台山讚》等讚文，更有圖表形式呈現的文本“念佛菩薩圖”，這表明淨土五會念佛行儀也曾繼續從敦煌往西傳入高昌回鶻。回鶻文佛教文獻少有對於回鶻普通民衆佛教信仰實踐的記述，U5335真實呈現出淨土五會念佛行儀在回鶻民間的具體應用和傳播情況。除了“持頌諸讚”，U5335還有佛教徒在進行禮拜、懺悔等儀節時所念誦的多篇禮懺文，讚文和禮懺文共同組成一個記載群體修行儀軌次第的法事儀本，並以“回鶻文注漢字音”的方式，最大程度避免翻譯漢文文獻造成的局限，保證了文本頌念時的音樂性。
