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- BRIGHTLY, Briana, Harvard University
Painting the Pure Land, Picturing Materia-Medica: A Design Manual (bkod yig) for the Medicine Buddha’s Pure Land from Early-Modern TibetA Buddhist monk and self-described “physician of the degenerate age,” Deumar Geshé Tendzin Püntsok (b. 1672) wrote a number of Tibet’s most important treatises on medicine and craft. Today, he is perhaps best remembered as the author of the groundbreaking two-part pharmacopoeia A Lump of Crystal: A Rosary of Crystal (Shel gong shel phreng), which he composed in 1727. But almost a decade before Deumar wrote his magnum opus, the physician put his extensive knowledge of materia-medica toward a different end: namely, the creation of a design manual for the Medicine Buddha’s Pure Land titled the One Hundred Displays of Marvelous Maināka: A Design Manual for Tanaduk (Sprul ba’i sman zhing lta na sdug gi bkod yig ngo mtshar mai na ka’i gar brgya). The One Hundred Displays offers detailed directions to the artist and develops (in words) a comprehensive visual program for Tanaduk. The term Tanaduk refers to the abode of the Medicine Buddha, a paradisical city where every type of medicine grows and the site of the first preaching of the Four Tantras. This paper shows how Deumar drew upon medical learning to refine the visual representation of Tanaduk, thereby transforming a Buddhist icon into a repository for knowledge about the natural world. If realized, Deumar’s visual program would have been a uniquely hybrid form, at once Pure Land painting and illustrated materia-medica.
- CHEN Jinhua, University of British Columbia
陳金華, 英屬哥倫比亞大學
智顗止觀學說對中國傳統醫學的創意發揮forthcoming
- CHEN Ming, Peking University
陳明, 北京大學
As a Buddhist Vaidyaraja (Physician King)?: Imaginations of Jivaka’s Images across Asian Cultures
身為佛醫王？——耆婆圖像的跨文化想像耆婆（Jīvaka）是與佛陀同時代的一名醫生，因為醫術高超，在漢譯佛經中，他被稱為“醫王”。而在以印度教理論為基礎的傳統醫學典籍中，耆婆並未獲得佛教醫王這樣的地位。中古以來，耆婆的故事、傳說與圖像不僅僅出現在犍陀羅地區，也流傳到克孜爾、于闐、敦煌等絲綢之路的重鎮，並東傳到東亞的朝鮮半島與日本；與此同時，還沿著海上絲綢之路流傳到東南亞的多個地區。本文在廣泛搜集耆婆相關圖像的基礎上，重點分析這些圖像在南亞、中國西北地區、東亞、東南亞的不同表現類型及其跨文化流傳的特點，從而揭示長時段、多區域、多民族的人們對耆婆圖像的不同想象，以及形成這些想象的具體原因。
Jīvaka was a doctor of the same era as Buddha, and due to his superb medical skills, he was known as the Vaidyarāja (“King of Medicine”) in the Buddhist scriptures. In the traditional medical texts based on Hindu theory, Jīvaka did not obtain such a status as the Buddhist King of Medicine. Since the Middle Ages, the stories, legends, and images related to Jīvaka have not only appeared in Gandhara, but also spread to the important towns along the Silk Road such as Kizil, Khotan, and Dunhuang, and spread eastward to the Korean Peninsula and Japan in East Asia. At the same time, they also spread to many regions in Southeast Asia along the Maritime Silk Road. On the basis of extensive collection of images related to Jīvaka, this paper focuses on analyzing the different types of these images in South Asia, Northwest China, East Asia and Southeast Asia and their cross-cultural transmission characteristics, so as to reveal the different imaginations of people in long-term, multi-regional and multi-ethnic groups on Jīvaka images, as well as the specific reasons for forming these imaginations.
- DIVINO, Federico, University of Antwerp
The Dawn of the Physician: A Buddhist Approach to the History of MedicineThe purpose of this intervention is to analyze the possibility that the role of the ‘physician’ in India may have been in some way shaped by the innovative contribution of Buddhist thought, and that the physician emerges at the intersection of various historical and cultural issues.
More precisely, the roles of the physician and the Buddhist ascetic appear to emanate from a shared archetype of a healer, of which Buddhists inherit a portion, attesting also, in conjunction with their ‘therapeutic’ ethos, to the emergence of a technical therapist specialized in the treatment of ailments and dysfunctions.
Scholars of Indian medicine have long pondered the origins of the āyurvedic tradition, discovering that the core concepts of this medical tradition appear to be first attested in Buddhist literature rather than in the Vedas, where a different type of medical thought was present. This research aims to reflect on the earliest attestations of the concepts of medicine and disease as found in the Pāli Canon, to reconstruct the Buddhist idea of medicine that branches out from the referenced ascetic tradition, and to hypothesize the sources that may have nourished such innovative conceptions in the Indian context of the time. Specifically, this research aims to be an expansion on themes previously addressed concerning the emergence of the physician figure within the Buddhist context, and how the Buddhist world innovated within the Indian tradition by establishing for the first time a form of empirical medicine. This innovation laid the groundwork for subsequent developments well-documented in the history of Buddhist medical traditions in Asia.
The depiction of the physician (bhisakka/tikicchaka) and the ascetic (samaṇa) within early Buddhist thought appears to exhibit a degree of fluidity: both being ‘therapists’ (of illness or suffering), experts in the medical art. The two figures share many common aspects, but they are treated as separate, like in the case of Jīvaka, personal physician of the Buddha but not a real samaṇa. Nevertheless, the Pāli canon furnishes not only the earliest documentation of a structured epistemological framework within medical discourse—ranging from the theory of the three humors (dosas) to a comprehensive anatomical knowledge—but also marks the emergence of the physician as a distinct professional entity specializing in the treatment of illness (roga). Like a physician, the ascetic possesses medical knowledge and situates their practices within a therapeutic paradigm, whose primary concern remains the alleviation of dukkha and a holistic resolution of profound malaise. This analysis highlights a significant concern with crisis management that permeates both healers, as they contend with complex afflictions. Contemplation of the apocalyptic concept of the “end of the world” (lokanta) and the rationale behind the ascetic’s acceptance of it, rather than avoidance, offer insights into metaphysical dilemmas that unravel from the socio-cultural environment.
It is imperative to bear in mind that medical culture inherited its ideas of care and therapy, which, however, were rooted in an entirely different model: there did not exist the figure of a ‘physician’ as a professional of illness, but rather medical capacity was embodied by sacred operators, proposing a medicine in which “healing may be conceived broadly in terms of magical rituals during which specialized priests exorcised demonic diseases by means of spells and amulets or other apotropaic devices”. This view of illness will remain predominant even in Brahmanism, thus creating a gap, according to Zysk, between the more empirically based medicine advocated by Buddhists and the magical-religious medicine of the Vedic tradition. The reason for this gap may certainly lie in the fact that the Buddhists were custodians or heirs of non-Indo-Aryan traditions that envisioned another medical conception, but it is equally true that the emergence of this model as an alternative may also involve the problem of crisis and therefore its management, which with this therapeutic model appeared to be more effective. This entailed a higher conception of crisis and the necessity to reform unsustainable, ‘sick’ social models.
This shift corresponds to the evolving positions of Indian medicine as described by Zysk: in the earliest, or Vedic, stage of Indian medicine diseases were connected to divine punishment or sorcery, whereas in the second stage, the humoral theory comes in. This conception “has no antecedents in Vedic medicine”, and that’s the reason why it is difficult to determine its origin. What differs the most however is not just the conception of the disease, but also the consequence of this epistemology, which led to the emergence of the physician as a specialized figure capable to deal with roga or vyādhi (in Pāli: byādhi).
- GAO Junling, University of Hong Kong (co-authors: LEE George, WU Bonnie, SIK Hinhung)
The Power of the Buddhist Mind: Interdisciplinary Perspectives on Reducing Suffering and Promoting Well-being in the Modern WorldIn an era where physical ailments are increasingly well-managed through advancements in medicine and science, the psychological and spiritual dimensions of human suffering persist (Kearney & Siegman, 2013). The Buddha, as the “Supreme Healer,” recognized that the root causes of suffering lie in the three poisons of greed, anger, and ignorance (Goleman, 2003). These afflictions, primarily psychological and intellectual in nature, continue to plague modern society despite progress in treating bodily diseases (Ekman et al., 2005). Buddhism offers a wealth of insights and practices that can help alleviate these mental and emotional afflictions, promoting individual and collective well-being in the contemporary world (Kabat-Zinn, 2003).
The relevance of Buddhist wisdom in addressing modern psychological and spiritual challenges has been increasingly recognized by scholars and practitioners across various fields (Wallace & Shapiro, 2006). Mindfulness meditation, a practice rooted in Buddhist tradition, has been extensively studied and shown to reduce stress, alleviate pain, and promote mental well-being (Hölzel et al., 2011). Moreover, the cultivation of compassion, a central tenet of Buddhist teachings, has been identified as a potential antidote to the destructive effects of prejudice, hatred, and conflict in contemporary society (Ricard, 2015). As neuroscience advances our understanding of the brain and human psychology, there is growing recognition of the compatibility between Buddhist insights and scientific findings (Hanson & Mendius, 2009). The study of the neural correlates of religious and contemplative practices, such as Buddhist chanting, has yielded promising results, suggesting that these practices can help counterbalance negative emotions and establish positive mental schemas (Gao et al., 2017).
To fully realize the potential of Buddhist wisdom in promoting well-being in the modern world, it is essential to foster interdisciplinary collaboration and consider global historical perspectives (Kirmayer, 2015). By bringing together scholars and practitioners from diverse fields, including neuroscience, psychology, medicine, engineering, computer science, and Buddhist studies, we can generate new insights and practical applications that can benefit individuals and societies worldwide (Davidson & Lutz, 2008).
- GAO Xi, Fudan University
高晞, 復旦大學
在基督教與佛教之間：黃春甫與黃涵之父子的醫學慈善活動——近人中國士人的醫療慈善理念探微
Between Protestantism and Buddhism: The medical charity of Huang’s father-son
A thinking of the Chinese Elites idea of the medical charity in Modern China在中國近代史，尤其是慈善史的書寫中，黃春甫與黃涵之父子是處在兩個不同的層面，受到不同的研究者所關注。 黃春甫作為基督教在上海第一家西式醫院——仁濟醫院的醫生、第一位華人西醫生而為醫學史和傳教史研究者所重視，他所從事的醫療慈善活動在晚清上海成為美談，屢屢 登上《申報》。 而其子黃涵之則被譽為近代佛教居士領袖，出任中國佛教會執行委員江蘇佛教聯合會暨江浙佛教聯合會常務委員，上海特別市佛教會執行委員，佛教淨業社副社長、世界佛教居士 林理事會等職。 黃涵之自喻自己從事醫療慈善活動甚至為官之道都受其父親的影響，“仰承先志，嗜善如命，凡慈善事業無役不與”， 為己任官治民“一以父師訓 型為從政之本」。 顯然，黃氏父子留存在於世的名望都是基於其以醫療慈善行為為社會作出重要的貢獻，父子倆都是自己所處領域的翹楚。這是晚清民初中國家庭中基督教與佛教並存的典型例子，是一種特殊的文化現象。本文透過檢視父子倆慈善活動的模式、理念和方式，以及在慈善活動中所擔當的角色，分析兩個問題：一、既然黃涵之受父親影響深重，為何他會轉向佛教，並成為滬上乃至 江浙地區最有影響力的佛教居士領袖，引領醫療慈善事業？ 二、從活動內容考察，黃氏父子所從事的慈善事業基本相同，但擔當的角色和處理方式卻有所不同，由此，本文試圖透過黃氏父子的個案研究，探討在佛教慈善活動近代轉型 過程中，與基督教慈善模式的相關性，考察兩者理念的異同處，由此呈現佛教醫療慈善的現代性和社會意義。
In the historiography of modern China, particularly in the realm of philanthropic history, the father-son duo of Huang Chunfu (黄春甫) and Huang Hanzhi (黄涵之) occupies distinct positions, drawing attention from different scholars. Huang Chunfu, as the first Chinese Western-style physician at the Chinese Hospital (仁濟醫院), the first Western hospital in Shanghai established by Christian mission society(London Mission Society), attraction from researchers in the history of medicine and Protestant in Modern China.His endeavors in medical philanthropy became legendary, frequently referred in the media such as the Shen Bao (《申報》) in late Qing Shanghai.On the other hand, his son Huang Hanzhi is acclaimed as a leader among modern lay Buddhists. He held prominent positions within Buddhist organizations, including Executive Committee member of the China Buddhist Association, Executive Committee member of the Jiangsu Buddhist Federation and the Jiangsu-Zhejiang Buddhist Federation, Executive Committee member of the Shanghai Buddhist Association, Vice President of the Buddhist Pure Land Society, and Council member of the World Buddhist laity. Huang Hanzhi himself attributed his engagement in medical philanthropy and even his approach to governance to the influence of his father, stating, “I look up to my father’s aspirations, and my love for charity is as strong as my life. I participate in every charitable endeavor without hesitation,” and “I consider my father’s teachings as the foundation for my career in governance.” Clearly, the fame and reputation of the Huang father-son duo are rooted in their significant contributions to medical philanthropy within their respective domains of expertise. Their coexistence within a single family as adherents of Christianity and Buddhism, respectively, exemplifies a distinctive cultural phenomenon in late Qing and early Republican Chinese society. This article aims to address two key questions by examining the models, ideals, approaches, and roles adopted by the father-son duo in their philanthropic activities respectively: first, Given Huang Hanzhi’s profound influence from his father, why did he convert to Buddhism and emerge as the most influential lay Buddhist leader in Shanghai and even the Jiangsu-Zhejiang region, leading the medical philanthropy cause? Despite engaging in similar philanthropic activities, the roles and approaches taken by the Huang father-son duo differ. Therefore, through an analysis of primary sources and historical context, the divergent motivations and methods employed by the Huang father-son duo shed light on the intersection of religion, medicine, and philanthropy in Chinese society. This paper seeks to explore the correlation between Buddhist and Christian philanthropy through the case study of the Huang’s family, examining the similarities and differences in their ideals, roles, and approaches. Through this exploration, it aims to rethink on the modernity of Buddhist medical philanthropy.
- HU, Enbo, LMU München
虎恩博, 慕尼黑大學
The Hidden “Medicine Buddha”: deciphering the Tibetan liturgy of building stūpa with the liturgy of Bhaiṣajyaguru
“隱藏”的藥師佛：以藥師儀軌解讀藏傳造塔儀軌By showing the close connection between the liturgy (vidhi, cho ga) of building stūpa entitled mChod rten brgya rtsa brgyad btab pa’i cho ga (Liturgy of Building 108 Stūpas) and a series of liturgies for Bhaiṣajyaguru, this paper focuses on their intertextuality in order to show not only the similarity of the structure, but also the similarity of the content of the liturgy. The evidence also reveals that they can be traced back to a common start point, i.e., Śāntarakṣita. He could be presumably identified to be the author of the previous one, i.e., mChod rten brgya rtsa brgyad btab pa’i cho ga, and he could also be the founder of the tradition of the latter one in Tibetan, which has been adopted in a series of texts containing the liturgical method of Bhaiṣajyaguru (sMan bla’i chog sgrigs) by the 4th Panchen bLo bzang Chos kyi rgyal mtshan, the 5th Dalai Lama Ngag dbang bLo bzang rgya mtsho and so forth.
通過分析藏文《一百零八塔建立儀軌》中的建造佛塔儀軌與一系列藥師修行儀軌之間的密切聯繫，本文重點關注它們的互文性，不僅揭示了二者儀軌結構的相似性，而且揭示了儀軌內容的相似性。證據還表明，它們很可能可以溯源到一個共同的起點，即寂護（Śāntarakṣita）。他被確定為前一傳統(造塔儀軌)的創造者，他也可能是後一傳統（藥師儀軌）在藏地的奠基人。尤其是後者，成為後世四世班禪羅桑·卻吉堅贊以及五世達賴喇嘛阿旺·罗桑嘉措等所造藥師儀軌的依據。
- KHAN, Mujeeb, University of Utah
Early Japan and the ‘Buddhist’: In Medicine or As Medicine?In the earliest periods of the Japanese intellectual milieu, Buddhism quickly shifted from a foreign import to a local institution. Travel to and from the continent was normal with Chinese monks such as Jianzhen (Jp. Ganjin, d. 763) establishing local temples whose legacies continue until today. Japanese missions to visit the continent became commonplace during the Sui and Tang dynasties, from about 600 until 894. However, no further missions were sent following the fall of the Tang dynasty. It is no surprise then that the Yamato state established a new capital in Nara (710-784) and then in Heian (794- 1185) with Buddhism institutionalized into the infrastructure of these capitals. However, the end of these missions coincided with the mid-Heian period, a period of local development based on imported knowledge. Histories of Buddhism and medicine in Japan often emphasize the post-Heian period, when clearcut Buddhist medical texts, like those of Kajiwara Shōzen (d. 1337), are identifiable. But what about the earlier periods of Buddhism and medicine in Japan? Most histories of Buddhism of early Japan take Buddhism as an appropriated object or a foreign import. In the context of medicine, itself a localized foreign tradition, the role and presence of Buddhism becomes obscured. The result is a quandary over how to address the tripartite construction of the adjectival modifiers ‘Japanese,’ ‘medical,’ and ‘Buddhist,’ which invariably lead to the diminishing of one or more of these in the analysis of early Japan. To overcome this, this paper explores the mid-Heian to the late Heian period as a cultural moment of medical production and Buddhist intersectionality.
In 984, Tanba no Yasuyori (d. 995) presented the court with his Essential Medical Methods (Jp. Ishinpō), based on earlier Chinese and Korean works, including continental Buddhist texts. In fact, even Jianzhen’s formulary is cited as a source, identifying an intersectionality in the earliest extant medical work of Japan. It should then be no surprise that Yasuyori’s practice of sourcing medicine can be observed in his continental predecessors as well. However, Yasuyori’s Essential Medical Methods also discloses a historical reality of the intersection of Buddhism and medicine in early Japan. This story continues through the Heian period with the works of Tanba no Masatada (d. 1088) and Koremune Tomotoshi (d. 13th c.), both of whose works remain understudied, especially with respect to the larger narrative of medicine and Buddhism. Masatada’s Redaction and Synopsis of Medicine (Jp. Iryakushō) and Tomotoshi’s Selection of Medical Accounts (Jp. Idanshō) are two very different medical works, but both reveal aspects of an increasingly Buddhist-connected medical imagination. Taken together with Yasuyori’s Ishinpō, it is possible to discern not only a history of medical writing but also a history of Buddhism in local medical formulations from the mid-Heian period to just after its end. This paper analyzes the use of Buddhist sources and concepts in each text, including comparatively. It will reveal the changing nature of the relationship between Buddhism and medicine within the context of medical literature while also identifying how the agency of each author affects this intersectionality. In its analysis, the paper will also consider how the cultural moment of the Heian period facilitates a reconsideration of how to understand Buddhism and medicine in early Japan. In particular, I hope to use this as an introductory study to reassess the relationship between Buddhism and medicine, both textually and conceptually, in early Japan.
- LANGENBERG, Amy Paris, Eckerd College
Female Reproductive Health According to the Bhikṣuṇī-VinayaThis presentation starts from the premise, argued in an earlier publication of mine, that the Bhikṣuṇī-Vinaya traditions are in some imperfect and/or indirect way, an archive of monastic women’s lives. It also acknowledges that a strong Buddhist ideology negatively identifies the femaleness with female reproductivity, a topic I have also explored in earlier research. However, this negative Buddhist discourse about women’s reproductive bodies is a dominant discourse, but not the only discourse. Keeping these two framings in mind—that the Vinaya can be read as imperfect and incomplete archive of monastic women’s lives and that the symbolic overlay of ideas like impurity or negative mental states onto the reproductive bodies of women is a dominant but not the only Buddhist discourse—this presentation will survey and categorize the Bhikṣuṇī-Vinaya of the Mahāsāṅghika-lokottaravādin school for texts about female reproductive health, anatomy, and self-care. Acknowledging the vital importance of women’s reproductive health in the lives of women, it will simply ask and then attempt to answer the question “What does the Vinaya know and say about female reproductive health?” Specific topics will include female anatomy, menstrual practices, hygiene, abortion, pregnancy, nursing, sexual health, and treatments for reproductive disease.
- LI Tiehua, Shanghai University of Traditional Chinese Medicine
李铁华, 上海中醫藥大學
民国时期佛教报刊中的医药卫生专栏
Medical and Health Columns in Buddhist Periodicals during the Republic of China民国时期（1912-1949）佛教界创办有300余种报刊，其中有不少开设有医药卫生专栏。这些医药卫生专栏，栏目设置灵活，知识内容丰富，参与主体多元。从栏目设置看，有医药答问、卫生研究、药圃、药方等；从知识内容看，以中医药为主，兼及西方医药学知识，还有公共卫生、素食养生等；从参与主体看，既有僧医，也有居士医家，还有教界聘请的医界专科医师,亦有僧俗病患。这些医药卫生专栏的开设，一方面为僧俗信众求医问药提供了方便，为僧团内部传戒卫生、禅病疗治等问题的讨论和解决提供了契机。另一方面也为教内僧俗医家传承交流医药卫生知识提供了平台，并保存了近代佛医互涉方面的大量文献资料。本文就民国佛时期教报刊医药卫生专栏开设情况作全面调查，在详细介绍栏目设置、参与主体、知识内容的同时，剖析佛教报刊设置医药卫生专栏的教内外背景，以期呈现民国时期佛教与社会多元互动的一个侧面。
During the period of the Republic of China(1912-1949), there were more than 300 periodicals founded by Chinese Buddhist community, and many of them had medical and health columns which features flexible column settings, rich knowledge content and diverse participants. As regards the column settings, there were medical Q & A, health research, medicine nursery, prescription, etc.. In terms of the content, they mainly focused on traditional Chinese medicine, combined with knowledge of western medicine, as well as public health and vegetarian health. As far as the participants concerned, both monks and lay Buddhist doctors, as well as medical specialists hired by the Buddhist Community, as well as monks and laymen patients. The establishment of these columns made it convenient for monks and laymen to seek medical treatment and medicine, and provided opportunities for discussions and solutions on issues such as preaching health and treatment of Zen diseases within the Sangha. It also provided a platform for the inheritance and exchange of medical and health knowledge among monks, laymen, and medical practitioners, and helped preserve a large number of literature and materials on the interaction between modern Buddhism and medicine. This article will conduct a comprehensive investigation into the establishment of medical and health columns in Buddhist magazines in the Republic of China. While providing a detailed introduction to column settings, participants and knowledge content, it will also analyze the internal and external background of the establishment of medical and health columns in Buddhist magazines, which will present one aspect of the multi-dimensional interaction between Buddhism and society during the Republican era.
- LI Wei, Henan University
李巍, 河南大學
Cleaning, Healing and Offering: An Examination of the Ritual of Willow Twigs and Purified Water
清潔、療疾與供養：楊枝淨水咒儀研究Yangzhi jingshui 楊枝淨水(willow twigs and purified water) originated from India, travelled via Central Asia to China, and became one of the most typically venerated offerings in Chinese Buddhist practices. In Buddhist scriptures, there are numerous praises for the purifying function of willow twigs. Accounts also record stories of the Buddha chewing on willow twigs and spitting them out, then they grow into trees immediately. The scriptures frequently mention the right order of using willow twigs in the process of cleaning.In order to preserve dental health and eliminate bad odours, in daily facial related cleaning process, the Vinaya texts specifies rules for chewing willow twigs (aka chimu 齒木, toothbrush) as tooth brushing which has some therapeutic benefits.
Willow twigs and purified water are also frequently employed in Esoteric rituals, where they are combined with dhāraṇīs to create intricate ceremonies that have the power to heal illnesses, ward off bad luck, and bring about happiness and tranquilly. The usage of willow twigs and purified water was not originally connected to any particular deity, but later on, it became the symbol of Avalokitêśvara (Guanyin,觀音) who used them as a crucial tools for healing and saving lives. The symbolic meaning of using willow and water has been thoroughly discussed by Master Zhiyi 智顗(538-597). The Yangliu Guanyin (Avalokitêśvara with the willow-branch), one of the 33 forms of Guanyin, rose to prominence in the Tang Dynasty, and the willow-vase took the place of the lotus as the key Guanyin symbolic objects. People pray to Yangliu Guanyin for health and carve and print her image in an effort to drive out evils.
As for the specific medical practices of monks, in The Biographies of Eminent Monks (Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳) , Jīvaka (Qiyu 耆域,d.u) saved sick people and trees and Fotu Cheng 佛圖澄 (232?-348) brought Shile’s 石勒son Shibin 石斌(?-349) back to life using willow twigs and purify water. There are other accounts from later centuries of monks ( including the monk as emanation of Avalokitêśvara) treating people’s illnesses using willow branches and purified water, among them. This formed the narrative system of tells of the Buddha, Guanyin, and monks using willow branches and pure water to save people or trees. The use of “willow decoction” (yangzhi tang 楊枝湯) in Tang Dynasty medicine can be seen as a remnant of analogous medical procedures found in ancient Chinese medical texts.
People’s hearts are firmly imprinted with the picture of Guanyin holding a vase and willow leaves from Chinese literature. A pivotal scene can be found in Journey to the West (Xiyou ji 西遊記),in which Guanyin using willow branches and purify water to save the Ginseng Tree at the Wuzhuang Temple 五莊觀. The occurrence of “yangzhi jingshui” in poetry is frequently connected to Guanyin, primarily highlighting the central idea of healing ailments and preserving life. But it also serves useful purposes like adornment, providing gifts, and worship, therefore it became a standard offering item. Therefor, these worship objects can also refer to Maitreya Buddha, not just Guanyin in particular.
Overall, through the medical narratives of monks, believers’ worship of Yangliu Guanyin, and the exaltation of Yangliu Guanyin in poetry and literature, the transformation of the yangzhi jingshui from cleaning objects in scriptural stories to daily tools in monastic precepts, and then to ritual implements in healing ceremonies centered on Guanyin in Esoteric Buddhism, evolved into common Buddhist offering objects. There have been new additions through time, but the central idea of healing and purification has mainly not changed.
楊枝淨水起源於印度，經中亞傳入中國，成為漢傳佛教最常見的供奉物品之一。佛經中，有盛讚楊枝種種清潔功德的記載，也有佛陀嚼楊枝吐地，瞬間生成樹木的故事，並多次提及楊枝在清潔中的次序。律藏中對嚼楊枝（齒木）有明確的戒律要求，主要目的是保持口腔清潔，去除異味，嚼楊枝本身就具有一定的治愈屬性。
密教儀式廣泛使用楊枝，楊枝結合淨水，再配合特定的陀羅尼，形成了具有除疾、消災、以及安息等功用的複雜儀式。智者大師智顗（538-597）對此儀式的象征意義進行了細緻說明。值得註意的是，在密教文獻中，一開始楊枝淨水並非特定神祇的專屬儀式，但後來成為以觀音為中心的密教儀式。楊柳觀音作為觀音三十三相之一，在唐代觀音造像中大為興盛，楊柳淨瓶也取代蓮花手成為觀音的重要代表法器。人們雕造、刻印楊柳觀音，期望消災除惡，祈求健康。
就僧人具體的醫療實踐而言，《高僧傳》描繪了耆域（耆婆）以楊枝淨水救病救樹的情形，並記載了佛圖澄以楊枝令石勒（274-333）之子石斌（？-349）起死回生的故事。後世也多有僧人（包括化身為僧人的觀音菩薩）以楊枝淨水治愈他人疾病的記載。由此就形成了佛陀、觀音、僧人以楊枝（淨水）救人（救樹）的敘事體系。而唐代醫術中收入“楊枝湯”，也是視為相關醫療實踐在中醫典籍中的痕跡。
在文學上，手持楊柳淨瓶的觀音的形象深入人心。《西遊記》中，觀音於五莊觀以楊枝甘露救活人參樹可以視為此傳統最有名的小說情節之一。在詩歌中，出現楊枝淨水多與觀音有關，主要強調治病救人的這一核心內涵。但是也具有了裝飾、贈禮、供奉等實用性功能，成為常見的供奉物品。供奉對象也不特指觀音，也可以指彌勒佛。
整體而言，楊枝淨水從從經文故事，化作僧人戒律，再變為以觀音為中心的密教療愈儀式，隨後在僧人的醫療敘事、信徒對楊柳觀音的信仰崇拜、以及詩文對楊柳觀音的鋪敘美化中又變為常見的佛教供奉儀式，其清潔療愈的主線並沒有發生大的變動，不過新增了新的內容，而楊枝和淨水（淨瓶）也完成了從戒律用品到密教救治法器再到一般器物的衍變過程。
- LIU Qing, Hirosaki University
劉青, 日本弘前大學
白隱禪師的健康法和佛道交涉
Hakuin’s Health Methods and the Interactions between Buddhism and Taoism白隠慧鶴（1685-1768），江戶中期的禪僧，被稱為日本臨濟宗的中興之祖。34歲，成為松蔭寺第五代住持，42歲大悟之後的四十年間，白隱禪師對日漸衰落的日本禪宗進行了改革、統一和復興，實現了禪宗中興的偉業。白隱禪師在26歲之時，身體虛弱，積勞成疾，隨後在京都遇到白幽仙人，學習了養生療病之法，並根據自身的經驗，創造了“內觀法”和“軟酥法”，恢復了健康。從白隱禪師的健康法中可以看出，其除了受到禪宗的影響外，也有很多道教養生術的痕跡。本次報告將對白隱禪師的著作《夜船閒話》《遠羅天釜》中呼吸、導引等健康法以及長壽、療病等思想進行整理、分析，並通過與道教的養生法進行了對比，來揭示白隱思想以及日本近世思想中的佛道交涉。
Hakuin Ekaku (1685-1768), a Zen monk from the mid-Edo period, is hailed as the reviver of the Japanese Rinzai school. At the age of 34, he became the fifth abbot of Shoin Temple, and after attaining great enlightenment at the age of 42, he spent the next forty years reforming, unifying, and revitalizing the declining Japanese Zen Buddhism, thereby achieving the great feat of Zen restoration. When Hakuin was 26 years old, he suffered from poor health and illness due to overwork. Subsequently, in Kyoto, he encountered a hermit named Hakuyu, from whom he learned various health and healing techniques. Drawing from his own experiences, Hakuin created the “Naikan Method” and the “Nanso Method,” which restored his health. From Hakuin’s health practices, it can be observed that, in addition to the influences of Zen Buddhism, there are significant traces of Daoist health practices. This report aims to organize and analyze the health methods such as breathing and Daoyin, as well as the ideas of longevity and healing in Hakuin’s works “Yasen Kana” and “Orategama.” By comparing these with Daoist health practices, the report will reveal the interactions between Buddhism and Taoism thought in Hakuin’s philosophy and Japanese early modern intellectual history.
- LOK, Irene, University of Cambridge
Healing the Mind: Expansion and Importance of the Medicine Buddha in Medieval ChinaIn Dunhuang Grottoes Mogao Cave No. 220, the images of Bhaisajyaguru, Medicine Buddha, are illustrated on the whole of the north wall. The Cave was constructed in 642 CE. The mural was rediscovered in the 21th Century. There are Seven Medicine Buddhas from the Oriental Pure Land depicted instead of one Medicine Buddha in the mural, unlike the other iconography of Medicine in Dunhuang Caves. Why was it so? What was the connection with the sutra translation then? And what was it to do with the mural painting and the famous family of the donors of the cave? What were the medical methods to deal with life and death, sickness and longevity in life in the Tang Dynasty? According to the Medicine Buddha Sutra, Medicine Buddha have two attending Bodhisattvas, the Suryaprabha, Sunlight, and the Chandraprabha, Moonlight, and twelve Medicine Heavenly Kings. They are protecting lives from the nine misfortunes, all illnesses and hardships. This paper intends to review the spread of Medicine Buddha Belief in Tang Dynasty through analysis of the contents of the mural in Dunhuang Cave 220, as well as the manuscripts from the Library Cave in Dunhuang.
在敦煌莫高窟第220窟，整個北壁繪有藥師佛經變。 該窟存題記紀錄洞窟開鑿建於貞觀十六年（西元 642 年）。 這幅藥師佛經變壁畫在21世紀被重新發現。 畫中描繪的是東方淨土的七尊藥師佛，而不是一尊藥師佛，這與敦煌石窟中的其他藥師佛圖像不同。為何如此？ 這現象與當時的經典翻譯有何關係？ 這幅壁畫和名門望族窟施主又有何關係、互動和影響？ 唐代面對及處理生命生死、疾病、長壽的醫學方法和態度有那種？ 據《藥師佛經》記載，藥師佛有日光、月光兩大菩薩及十二藥天王。 他們保護生命免九橫死、一切疾病和苦難。 本文擬透過對敦煌第220窟壁畫內容以及敦煌藏經洞出土文獻的分析，回顧唐代藥師佛信仰的傳播情況。
- LOMI, Benedetta, University of Bristol
Nightmares and Premonitions: Healing Dreams in Medieval JapanOn the ninth day of the eighth month of Jōkyū 1 (1219), Digoji prelate Seigen 成賢 (1162-1231) performed a Fugen 普賢 (Samantabhadra) Longevity Rite for the retired emperor Gotoba 後鳥羽天皇 (1180-1239), following a premonitory dream (gomusō 御夢想) of his mother, Shichijō’in 七條院 (1157–1228). According to the records, she had dreamt of a red demon sucking the soul out of her son’s mouth. The rite was one of many requested by Gotoba, his mother, and his consorts in response to dreams, sometimes occurring during illness and sometimes foreseeing ailments and dangers.
By focusing on a selection of these incidents, this paper has two aims. First, it examines how Buddhist ritual specialists addressed health concerns that emerged or were articulated through oneiric visions in medieval Japan. While dreams could point to impending diseases and even suggest possible cures, they could also be considered a debilitating affliction, as attested in medical and ritual literature. Thus, this paper also explores how both physicians and ritualists conceptualized and treated nightmares.
- LU Lu, Zhejiang University
盧鷺, 浙江大學
Translating Medicine Across Cultures: The Divergent Strategies of An Shigao and Dharmarakṣa in Introducing Indian Medical Concepts to China
醫方東被：安世高和竺法護譯介印度醫學術語的不同策略This study examines the pioneering efforts of An Shigao and Dharmarakṣa in translating Indian medical concepts into Chinese, a domain unfamiliar to the Chinese audience of their time. An Shigao, regarded as the earliest credibly recorded translator of Buddhist scriptures into Chinese, adopted a strategy of localising Indian medical and divinatory terms to align with existing Chinese concepts, reflecting his profound understanding of both Indian Ayurvedic medicine and Chinese medical practices. This approach is evident in his translation of the Daodi Jing (T.607), originally the Yogācārabhūmi composed by Saṅgharakṣa, one of the earliest Buddhist texts introduced to China, which includes detailed descriptions of life, ageing, sickness, and death, paralleled in Ayurvedic texts such as the Caraka-saṃhitā and the Suśruta-saṃhitā. The terms selected by An Shigao in his translations can be verified in medical and divination texts dating back to the Eastern Han Dynasty or earlier, corroborating the accounts of his expertise in these areas as recorded in Chu Sanzang Ji Ji.
Dharmarakṣa’s later translation, the more comprehensive Xiuxing Daodi Jing (T.606), demonstrates his preference for a more faithful rendition of the original texts, while also incorporating An Shigao’s terminological adaptations to some extent, striving for a balance between fidelity to the source material and the localised understanding of the concepts.
僧伽羅剎（Saṅgharakṣa）原作、安世高節譯的《道地經》（T.607，Yogācārabhūmi），是最早傳入中國的佛教文獻之一，在安世高之後，竺法護在公元284年翻譯出了另一個更完整的譯本，即《修行道地經》（T.606）。由於這兩部早期譯本的語言存在許多難以理解的地方（尤其是安世高的語言一向以此著稱），而且也沒有梵文或巴利文平行本存世，我們今天對這部文獻的認識仍然十分有限，在很多地方甚至連它的字面意義也無法理解。
儘管Yogācārabhūmi的完整梵文平行本尚未發現，但它當中涉及到許多世俗生活的內容，特別是對人生、老、病、死的過程進行了非常詳細的描寫，可以在梵文的阿育吠陀文獻（如Caraka-saṃhitā和Suśruta-saṃhitā等）中找到不少系統對應的內容。通過梵漢平行文本的對讀，《道地經》和《修行道地經》的眾多疑難、歧異之處迎刃而解。
本文探討了安世高和竺法護在將印度醫學概念翻譯成漢語時的開創性探索。由於這一領域對當時的中國讀者來說相當陌生，安世高採用了將印度醫學和占卜術語本地化的策略，反映了他對印度和中國醫學實踐的深刻理解。安世高在翻譯中選用的術語可以在東漢或更早的漢文文獻中找到用例，證實了《出三藏記集》中對於安世高精通醫理數術的記載（“七曜五行之象、風角雲物之占、推步盈縮，悉窮其變；兼洞曉醫術，妙善鍼䘑，覩色知病，投藥必濟，乃至鳥獸嗚呼，聞聲知心。”）。
在安世高之後，西晉竺法護所譯《修行道地經》則顯示了他更傾向於忠實於原始文本，同時竺法護也沿用了一部分安世高的譯語，力求在忠實原本與本地化之間取得平衡。
- MCGRATH, William A., New York University
A History of Buddhist Medical Ethics: Instituting the Bodhisattva Physician in TibetTo ethically orient their practice of medicine, biomedical physicians have the Hippocratic Oath. Similarly, some might argue that practitioners of Traditional Chinese Medicine have the “Perfect Integrity of the Great Physician” by Sun Simiao (fl. late seventh century). Where have the bodhisattva physicians of Tibet turned for prescriptions on Buddhist medical ethics? This paper explores ethical instructions for the practice of medicine in Tibet, from advice found in the early scriptures of Sowa Rigpa, to the institutionalization of Tibetan medical ethics during the period of Mongol-Sakya hegemony (ca. 1250–1350). According to the Four Tantras (Rgyud bzhi), for example, the physician must be careful to protect his reputation, even if it means deceiving clients and rejecting terminally ill patients. Once Tibetan medicine was instituted at Sakya monastery, however, the physician-patient relationship was reimagined as that of the parent and child, much like the ethical codes of ancient Greece and medieval China. Unlike the followers of Hippocrates and Sun Simiao, however, according to these early Tibetan sources, the bodhisattva physicians of Tibet should cultivate the mind of enlightenment and practice medicine on a Tantric path to buddhahood. By situating Buddhist medical ethics in their historical and practical contexts, this study argues that the details of medical ethics often depend upon institutional support, and that the Buddhist medical prescriptions developed at fourteenth-century Sakya have long served as a model for the subsequent flourishing of bodhisattva physicians in Tibet and beyond.
- MEI Ching Hsuan, Dharma Drum Institute of Liberal Arts
梅靜軒, 法鼓文理學院
Prioritizing Body Care Before Meditation
禪修前的身體調養與準備―前現代的漢、藏佛教禪修指引This paper aims to elucidate the importance of attending to one’s physical well- being before engaging in meditation. This is a pivotal preparatory stage that, regrettably, has frequently been overlooked by both scholars and practitioners alike.
The textual sources under scrutiny encompass a chapter dedicated to bodily healing from the esteemed work Essentials of Practicing Samatha and Vipassanā Meditation《修習止觀坐禪法要》authored by the renowned sixth-century Tiantai Patriarch, 智顗 (538-597). In tandem with dissecting the contents of this chapter, a comparative analysis will be conducted. I will investigate The Lamp for the Eye of Contemplation (bSam gtan mig sgron) by Nuchen Sangye Yeshe (10th C.). This is a tenth-century Tibetan meditation text which also featuring a section on the maintenance of physical health and the management of illness. Despite these materials receiving scholarly attention, the critical nexus between corporeal well-being and the meditative process has often been overlooked. This paper endeavors to address this scholarly lacuna and illuminate the pivotal role of nurturing and caring for the body in facilitating effective meditation practice.
In short, this paper seeks to address the overlooked issue of pre-meditative body care and its implications for effective meditation practice. By examining key textual sources and conducting a comparative analysis, this study aims to fill a notable gap in the existing scholarship and contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of the interplay between physical well-being and meditative efficacy.
- POLETTO, Alessandro, Washington University in St. Louis
薄樂陀, 美國華盛頓大學 (聖路易斯)
Precepts, the nenbutsu and moxibustion: the toolkit of a Buddhist healer in medieval JapanBuddhist monks played a crucial role in bringing continental healing practices (both Buddhist and non-Buddhist) to Japan. The case of Jianzhen 鑑真 (J: Ganjin; 688-763) is especially well known, but early Japanese sources contain mentions of other monks, such as Pŏpchang 法蔵 (J: Hōzō; fl. late 7th century) from Paekche, and Keishun 惠俊 (fl. early 8th century), who was later laicized and whose technical expertise originated on the Korean Peninsula.
Despite changes in social structures, ideas and practices surrounding healing and disease, this close connection between Buddhism and health would continue throughout the following centuries. In this talk, I will focus on an effervescent period of Japanese history — the second half of the twelfth century — when new techniques were added to the therapeutic toolkit of Buddhist practitioners. In particular, I will examine the activities of the monk Butsugon-bō Shōshin 仏厳房聖心 (fl. 1141-1194; hereafter, Butsugon), often studied for his close ties with Fujiwara no Kanezane 藤原兼実 (1149-1207), one of the most influential political figures in Japan at the time.
Through an analysis of records written by his patrons and patients, I will look at the therapeutic practices that Butsugon employed. He can be seen, for example, carrying out rituals from both the esoteric and exoteric traditions, promoting the practice of the nenbutsu 念仏 — the chanting of Amitābha Buddha’s name — but also conferring the precepts to ill and pregnant patients, and practicing moxibustion, a therapeutic modality typically associated with court physicians.
The conferral of the precepts and moxibustion favored by Butsugon are especially noteworthy, as they represent relatively new additions to the toolkit of Buddhist healers that would soon become popular among members of the court bureaucracy. I will conclude my talk discussing the methodological implications of these additions and what the diversity of the healing practices employed by Buddhist technicians like Butsugon can tell us about the relationship between “Buddhism” and “medicine.”
- SALGUERO, Pierce, Penn State University’s Abington College
Buddhist Healing in the Lanna Region of Northern ThailandThis paper focuses on the healing practices of “Master P,” a respected ritualist and local healer (maw-meuang) specializing in the Lanna healing traditions of Northern Thailand. I describe his activities as the officiant of a blessing ceremony at a regionally important traditional medicine school, an annual event that showcases the rich healing repertoire of Lanna medicine. I then follow Master P back to his home village, where I describe his healing interactions with the local people and discuss the ritual space where he meets his patients. From holy water to ritual offerings, herbal preparations, talismanic tattoos, spirit invocations, and empowered massage tools, my descriptions throughout this paper emphasize the many ways that Master P’s healing deeply engages with Buddhist practices and symbols. These aspects of Lanna medicine echo other Buddhist medical traditions from places such as China, Japan, Myanmar, and Tibet, but here they are combined in ways that celebrate and perform the northern identity of healers in this part of Thailand.
- SHULMAN, Eviatar, HUJI
舒爾曼, 耶路撒冷希伯來大學
Healing through letting go: On the maturation of a certain conception of Buddhist medicine in Indian Buddhism
通過放下而獲得治愈：論印度佛教中一種特定佛教醫學概念的成熟“Illness is itself emptiness” says Vīmalakīrti (p. 54 of the recent translation by Gómez and Harrison). With this he concludes a captivating argument that defines illness as a karmic maturation of mistaken conceptuality, which takes things to be real in a way they never were. Vimalakīrti’s argument is grounded in his understanding of non-duality, suggesting that illness results from dualistic perception, which itself aggravates the grasping at I and mine. His illness is, in fact, an illusion, brought about by his utter grasp of reality.
Such understandings of non-duality, illusion and emptiness are generally alien to the early Buddhist notion of reality. However, we can identify an intriguing antecedent of this position in texts where the Buddha heals different students from illness. In the Saṃyutta-nikāya the Buddha recites the formula on the seven limbs of enlightenment (bojjhaṅga) to Mahākassapa and Mahāmoggalāna who are gravely ill, and we are explicitly told that this happens because they let go of the disease. Even-though the Buddha also heals in the same way, it is not the bojjhaṅgas that do the trick, as the monk Girimānanda is said to heal by hearing a series of powerful Buddhist philosophical conceptions. It is also not the chanting or the Buddha’s presence that makes the impact, as the householder Nakulapita, who was on the verge of death, heals when his wife helps him reach a state of complete trust in her and in her ability to take care of their childrens’ physical and spiritual needs.
This emphasis on letting go as a method of healing, which we can identify in these earlier sources, can be seen as a precursor of Vimalakīrti’s approach. It speaks of a dependency of matter on mind, which we can identify in similar contexts within the early texts, such as when the Buddha controls the time of his death, or in masterful acts of dying performed by adept students. Even-though the contexts are different, they share much in common, so that in this talk we will be able to define a key Buddhist insight about healing and explore some of the tensions it holds within it.
“疾病本身就是空性”，維摩詰如是說（參見戈麥斯和哈里森最近的譯本第54頁）。
他以此總結了一個引人入勝的論點，將疾病定義為錯誤概念性的業力成熟，這種概念性將事物視為從未有過的真實存在。維摩詰的論點建立在他對非二元性的理解之上，暗示疾病源於二元化的感知，而這種感知本身又加劇了對“我”和“我所”的執著。事實上，他的疾病是一種幻覺，源於他對實相的徹底把握。
這種對非二元性、幻覺和空性的理解通常與早期佛教的實相觀念格格不入。然而，我們可以在描述佛陀治愈不同弟子疾病的經文中找到這一立場的有趣先例。在《相應部》中，佛陀向重病中的大迦葉和大目犍連誦念七覺支（bojjhaṅga）的公式，我們被明確告知這之所以發生是因為他們放下了疾病。盡管佛陀也以同樣的方式治愈，但並非七覺支起了作用，因為我們被告知比丘耆利摩難陀是通過聽聞一系列強大的佛教哲學概念而痊愈的。同樣，也不是誦經或佛陀的在場產生了影響，因為瀕臨死亡的居士那拘羅父在他的妻子幫助他達到完全信任她和她照顧他們子女身心需求的能力的狀態時痊愈了。
這種強調放下作為治療方法的觀念，我們可以在早期佛教文獻中找到其蹤跡，這可以被視為維摩詰方法的先驅。它談到了物質對心靈的依賴，這一點我們可以在早期經文的類似語境中看到，比如當佛陀控制自己的死亡時間，或者在熟練的弟子展現的精湛死亡行為中。盡管語境不同，但它們有很多共同點，因此在這次討論中，我們將能夠定義一個關於治愈的關鍵佛教洞見，並探討其中蘊含的一些張力。
- SARBACKER, Stuart, Oregon State University
On the Borderlands of Religion and Science: Indo-Tibetan Buddhist Contemplative Traditions and Psychedelic MedicineThe current “Second Wave Psychedelic Movement” or “Psychedelic Renaissance” promises to transform contemporary medicine, particularly psychological and psychiatric therapies, in profound ways. As psychedelic therapies have become increasingly mainstream, issues have emerged regarding the salience of religious and philosophical issues to these interventions. Roland Griffiths, a leading researcher on psychedelics, argued that the therapeutic potential of psilocybin-based therapy can be correlated with participants’ reporting of profound spiritual or even “mystical” experiences. Religious communities have increasingly been compelled to address the spiritual implications of psychedelic therapy, with responses that range from explicit prohibition to the establishment of practices of “psychedelic chaplaincy” and certification programs in psychedelic-assisted therapy. In this paper, I examine the response of contemporary Indo-Tibetan Buddhist traditions to psychedelic medicine among both “ethnic” and “convert” Buddhist communities in light of Pali and Sanskrit canonical discussions of prohibitions against alcohol (majja/madya) and discussions regarding the use of herbs (oṣadhi) as a means to achieve extraordinary accomplishments (ṛddhi). On this basis, I argue three things: (1) that if psychedelics are argued to be medicine (bhesajja/bhaiṣajya) as opposed to being akin to alcohol (majja/madya), they fall into a “therapeutic” as opposed to an “enhancement” sphere and are defensible as a medical intervention via Buddhist Vinaya ethics; (2) that many “traditionalists,” on the other hand, connect the notion of “heedlessness” (pamāda/pramāda) to all intoxicants, widening the scope of the fifth precept to a range of substances that induce cognitive and behavioral distortions and thus include psychedelics within the prohibited sphere; and (3) that Indic sources convey an understanding that herbs (osadhī/oṣadhi) are a known, if not legitimate, source of extraordinary experiences and capacities (ṛddhi) and thus provide conceptual grounds supporting the contemporary linkage among Buddhist communities between psychedelic and meditative experiences.
- SKILTON, Andrew, University of Oxford
When threatened masculinity trumps pastoral care in the Theravāda vinaya: calling the Buddha ‘queer’ in PaliThe article discusses the Pali vinaya rule prohibiting surgery on the anus (Vin.i.215–216) by clarifying the meaning of key terminology: uppaṇḍeti ‘to mock someone by questioning their sexuality’. In addition a discussion of the nuances of the frame story in the Pali vinaya is conducted – in which the Buddha walks away from an encounter with a doctor – and used to reveal a strand of anxiety related to any reference to the Buddha having a sexual identity that is other than being a heteronormative male. This article is one of four in which the rule on surgery is discussed from a variety of exegetical perspectives – here from a text-historical, philological, and narratological veiwpoint, the others lexicographical, medical and comparative mode focussing on redaction.
- SOGO, Alexander, Columbia University
Healing as Statecraft, Statecraft as Healing: Bureaucracy, Benevolent Rule, and Buddhist Healing in Ancient JapanThis paper is a chapter from my forthcoming dissertation titled “Social Welfare in Ancient Japanese Buddhism: Disease, Disability, and Healing in the Ritsuryō Polity.” I examine how eighth-century Japanese aristocrats in the fledgling Ritsuryō state deployed Buddhist ideals of health and charity imported from the Asian continent in the construction of Japan’s first welfare institutions, the Seyaku-in 施薬院 and Hiden-in 悲田院. These institutions were emblematic of the idiosyncratic fusions of Confucianism, Buddhism, and local clan politics that characterized the rapid transformation of the Yamato kingdom into a Chinese-style bureaucratic state. My paper shows how the notion of Buddhist medicine in the Ritsuryō period extended far beyond the treatment and healing of individuals—Buddhist medicine was a key piece of state ideology, and conversely proper statecraft was imagined as the central karmic force that could heal the sick throughout the realm.
I begin with a study of the “Laws of Medicine” (Ishitsu-ryō 医疾令) section of Japan’s earliest extant law codes, the Yōrō ritsuryo 養老律令, showing how Japanese literate elites inherited a culture of rulership rooted in classical Chinese sources that demanded a mechanical bureaucracy capable of dispensing of medicine to the populace. I then demonstrate how the impersonal, systematic institution idealized in these law codes was quickly overshadowed by private family monopolization of medical resources at Buddhist temples. I reveal how Kōfukuji, the family temple of the Fujiwara clan, oversaw the development of the first Seyaku-in and Hiden-in, paired institutions that functioned as an apothecary and welfare center. These extra-legal institutions were privately funded and justified through a Buddhist vocabulary of the elimination of suffering for all sentient beings. However, through an examination of eight-century medical dispensation records, I show how the primary consumers of the medicine stocked at Buddhist temples were aristocratic patrons and monks, not the masses. The juxtaposition of ideological requirements for universal benevolence with the inward focus of severely limited medical infrastructure encouraged eight-century elites to settle instead for a notion of cosmic medicine: the act of producing and gathering medicine itself was imagined to generate karmic merit which on its own would heal the masses beyond the reach of the urban center.
- H.S. SUM CHEUK SHING, University of Chicago
Sinitic Buddhist Approaches for Anti-Aging, Life Extension, and DeathlessnessStudies about the Sinitic quest for long life and transcendence, particularly Daoist expressions and experiences, constitute a wellspring of knowledge regarding notions of medicine and healing throughout the history of China and its diasporas. Yet, interrogations of the Sinitic Buddhist tradition’s attitudes and approaches towards longevity and the related arenas of anti-aging, life extension, and deathlessness are far and few between—either revealing the seemingly peripheral nature of such pursuits or the symbolic importance of deities associated with longevity. Most crucially, I contend that Chinese Buddhist discourses and practices revolving around the application of material and/or medical substances in these pursuits remain a largely understudied dimension.As such, my research first examines normative opinions about the ingestion of such substances and hagiographic deployments detailing practices that involve the use of plants or minerals. This study’s primary focus, however, belongs to recipes and rituals that target outward signs of aging, the lengthening of one’s lifespan, and/or outright deathlessness. Considering both excavated and transmitted sources from premodern Chinese Buddhist and medical traditions, particularly materials from the Tang-Song period, I center the role of material substances in Dunhuang manuscript materials and esoteric Chinese Buddhist canonical texts such as Stein 5598, T. 946, T. 1080, and T. 1133. Bringing the burgeoning perspectives of material culture studies and the history of medicine into conversation with each other, I offer insight into how some Chinese Buddhists entered relationships with material things to ensure efficacious results regarding the betterment of their physical being and the augmentation of their mortal lives.
- TEISER, Stephen, Princeton University
太史文, 普林斯頓大學
Minions of the Medicine Master Buddha: Healthcare Pantheons in Medieval Chinese Buddhist PracticeAmong the deities who cure illness, protect health, and ensure longevity in medieval Chinese Buddhism, the figure of Bhaiṣajyaguru 藥師 (Medicine Master) Buddha was surely the most powerful. And yet, this Buddha’s name is mentioned only infrequently in the considerable number of liturgical texts used in healing rituals that survive among the Dunhuang manuscripts.
This paper explores the range of deities beseeched in the curing rituals performed for a wide range of people. It also reflects on why deities subordinate to Medicine Master were invoked so often, how manuscript sources on the performance of ritual contribute to our knowledge of Buddhist practice, and possible models for understanding pantheons in premodern Buddhism.
- WU Junqing, Liverpool University
Buddhism and Healing in the Southern Song society
南宋社会的佛教与疗愈This article explores the utilization of Buddhist symbols in healing practices at the local level in Southern Song society, drawing primarily from the twelfth-century colossal collection of folk stories, Yijian zhi 夷堅志 by Hong Mai 洪邁 (1123-1202). Hong Mai meticulously documents supernormal stories from around the country, providing valuable insights into the intersection of Buddhism, folk beliefs, and healing methodologies. I hope to demonstrate the intricate connections between these elements, diverging from the teachings found in canonical texts.
For analytical purposes, I categorize the Buddhist healing stories into four distinct groups. The first category highlights instances where the Buddhist Dharma alone serves as the remedy. Here, practitioners are miraculously healed through diligent and repetitive recitation of a Buddhist sutra or incantation. In the second category, the stories centre on the manifestation of Buddhas or Bodhisattvas. In these narratives, the Buddha or a Bodhisattva intervenes by delivering a magical medicine or performing a miraculous surgery. It is noteworthy that the Buddha or Bodhisattva frequently appears in the form of a monk within these accounts. In the third category, we explore the role of healing monks, who were revered for their ritual power and expertise in curing diseases. Frequently sought after by the laity, these monks were invited to conduct healing and exorcism rituals. It is important to recognize that within the religious marketplace, monks competed with other religious professionals to provide healing services. Notably, Buddhist-oriented healing rituals, including specific spells, were predominantly associated with monks. This suggests that in the Southern Song society, monks were largely regarded as representatives of Buddhist teachings. In the fourth category, we examine cases where Buddhist ritual healing fails as a result of the patient’s unresolved karmic debts. In such instances, demons or ghosts are perceived as having the “legitimacy” to inflict harm. This underscores the significance of karmic retribution in the Song understanding of disease and healing.
这篇文章探讨了南宋社会地方层面上利用佛教符号进行疗愈实践的情况，主要从十二世纪的巨著《夷坚志》中（作者洪迈，1123-1202）汲取内容。洪迈详细记录了全国各地的超自然故事，为我们提供了宝贵的洞见，揭示了佛教、民间信仰和疗愈方法的交汇之处。我希望能够展示这些元素之间错综复杂的联系，偏离经典文本中所述的教义。
为了分析目的，我将佛教疗愈故事分为四个独特的类别。第一类突出了仅仅依靠佛法本身作为疗法的情况。在这里，从业者通过勤奋而反复地诵读佛经或咒语而奇迹般地被治愈。第二类故事围绕着佛陀或菩萨的显化展开。在这些叙述中，佛陀或菩萨通过提供神奇药物或进行奇迹般的手术介入。值得注意的是，在这些故事中，佛陀或菩萨经常以僧侣的形象出现。第三类我们探讨了治愈僧侣的角色，他们因其仪式力量和治疗疾病的专业知识而备受崇敬。常常受到信众的追捧，这些僧侣被邀请进行治疗和驱邪仪式。重要的是要认识到，在宗教市场中，僧侣与其他宗教专业人士竞争提供治疗服务。值得注意的是，以佛教为导向的治愈仪式，包括特定的咒语，主要与僧侣联系在一起。这表明在南宋社会中，僧侣在很大程度上被视为佛教教义的代表。第四类我们审视了佛教仪式治疗失败的案例，原因是患者未解决的业障。在这种情况下，恶魔或鬼魂被认为有“合法性”造成伤害。这凸显了宋代对疾病和疗愈理解中业障报应的重要性。
- YI, Dan, University of Tokyo
伊丹, 東京大學
Buddhism’s Imprint on Medical Narratives: Exploring the Intersection of Spirituality and Medicine in China and Japan Through the Lens of the Face-Like TumorThe Face-Like Tumor known as Jinmensō, characterized by its human-like facial features, represents one of the more peculiar afflictions within traditional East Asian medical and spiritual literature. Originating from the Tang Dynasty, its earliest documented account appears in the “You Yang Za Zu” – an eclectic collection of essays, which has become synonymous with the archetype of this ailment. However, it is within Buddhist scriptures that one finds divergent narratives, particularly those associated with figures like Wu Da Guo Shi-Zhi Xuan from the same era, offering unique insights into the condition’s spiritual interpretations. From the Song dynasty onward, medical texts began to describe Jinmensō as a consequence of false accusations and karmic retribution, prescribing repentance followed by medication as a treatment, thus underscoring the profound influence of Buddhist thought on medical practices. Extensively documented across a variety of literary genres, these narratives of Jinmensō have permeated both Chinese and Japanese cultures, impacting literature, religion, and medicine alike. This presentation aims to meticulously trace the lineage of Jinmensō stories, analyze pertinent texts from Japan and China, and evaluate the significance of Zhi Xuan’s contributions to these narratives. By employing visual aids to illustrate these intriguing cases, this study endeavors to elucidate the complex interplay between literature, Buddhist scriptures, and medical theory, using Jinmensō as a focal point to explore broader themes of spirituality and medicine in historical contexts.
- YOELI-TLALIM, Ronit, Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton and Goldsmiths, University of London (??)
Buddhist Healthscaping: Towards Leaving the GhettoThe global turn in health historiography has called upon us to provide a broader definition of health, to look at sources which were not considered part of previous health historiographies and to suggest alternative methodologies. Within that general scope we ought to be thinking—or rather: rethinking—the history of public health. Healthscaping is a recent project which I have been involved with, with a view to be doing just that: moving away from looking at the history of public health as a product of Euro-American modernity, biomedicine, colonialism and the nation-state and rethinking history of public health on wider scales, broadening the scope of the types of practice which are considered, as well as the periods and geographical expanse in question. The long and multi-faceted history of Buddhist interactions with health and medicine supplies plenty of food for thought within this general approach. In this paper, I will present some of these aspects. I would also like to argue that this approach can help us think about health and medicine in broader terms, with a view of making the kind of work we all do to become relevant beyond our own disciplinary silos.
- ZHAI Yunyao, Harvard University
翟韻堯, 哈佛大學
Healing the Overlords: The Worship of Medicine Buddha in the Yuan China (1279-1368)
《治癒霸主：元朝中國（1279-1368）對藥師佛的崇拜》In the zenith of the 13th century, the ascendency of the Mongols to power in China catalyzed a parallel elevation of Buddhism, witnessed through the conversion of a considerable Mongol elites and generous imperial patronage. Within the scholarly discourse concerning the Mongols’ religious inclinations, the strategic embrace of Buddhism—fueled by its practical efficacies—is frequently overlooked. This paper then will cast a discerning eye on one pivotal yet underestimated dimension: the worship of the Medicine Buddha (Skt. Bhaiṣajyaguru), which significantly influenced the Mongols’ religious proclivities.
The Mongols, as once the Franciscan Friar William of Rubruck (1220-1293) observed, had a profound zeal for longevity, as they constantly inquired whether the Catholic Pope was five hundred years old. This curiosity underscores the significance of longevity within Mongol culture and belief, framing it as one of the decisive factors in their contemplation of religious conversion. For example, as it is attested by the Chinese monk Nianchang 念常 (fl. 14th century) that Qubilai (1215-1294) was much interested in the worship of the Medicine Buddha that he commissioned the translation of several ritual texts into Chinese.
This paper will conduct an analysis of both Chinese and Tibetan narratives, including the Yuan shi 元史, Fozu lidai tongzai 佛祖歷代通載and the De zhin gshegs pa bdun gyi mdo (Skt. Āryasaptatathāgatapūrvapraṇidhānaviśeṣavistāra) to examine the practices associated with the Medicine Buddha in the Yuan period. It posits that the Medicine Buddha’s worship and its attributed healing powers were instrumental in consolidating the Mongols’ faith to Buddhism. The distinct healing efficacy attributed to Buddhism pertaining to the Medicine Buddha carved a unique niche for the religion amidst a competitive milieu for imperial endorsement. This historical exploration delineates how spiritual faith and pragmatic benefits were intertwined in the Mongols’ religious conversion and illustrates the singular influence of the Medicine Buddha’s worship in the broader context of Yuan religious life.
在13世紀中葉，蒙古人在中國的崛起催化了佛教地位的提昇，這一點從相當一部分蒙古貴族的歸依和慷慨的皇家贊助中可以得到見證。在現當代關於蒙古人宗教傾向的學術論述中，學者們紛紛探究究竟為何蒙古人在眾多宗教信仰中選擇了佛教，其中常常被忽視的一點就是佛教在蒙古人軍事和日常生活中所擁有的重要「實際效用」。本文將仔細審視一個關鍵而被低估的維度：藥師佛（梵文：Bhaiṣajyaguru）的崇拜，這顯著地影響了蒙古人的宗教傾向。 正如方濟各會修士魯不魯乞(William of Rubruck,1220-1293）所觀察的，蒙古人對「長壽」有著深厚的熱情，在與魯不魯乞的交往中，他們不斷詢問天主教教皇是否有五百歲。這種好奇心證明了長壽在蒙古文化和信仰中的重要性，並且成為他們考慮宗教轉換的決定性因素之一。例如，據14世紀的中國僧侶念常記載，元世祖忽必烈（1215-1294）對藥師佛的崇拜非常感興趣，以至於他委託將幾個藥師佛相關的儀式文本翻譯成中文。 本文將對包括《元史》、《佛祖歷代通載》和《七如來所作願經》（梵文：Āryasaptatathāgatapūrvapraṇidhānaviśeṣavistāra）在內的中文和藏文敘述進行分析，考察元代與藥師佛相關的實踐。筆者認為，藥師佛的崇拜及它的治癒能力，在鞏固蒙古人對佛教的信仰中發揮了重要作用。有關藥師佛的獨特治癒效能，為佛教爭取皇家支持的競爭環境中為宗教創造了獨特的市場。這一歷史探索闡明了蒙古人宗教轉換中精神信仰與務實利益是如何交織在一起的，並揭示了藥師佛崇拜在元代宗教生活更廣泛背景下的獨特影響。
- ZHANG Yuanyuan, Ningxia University
張園園, 寧夏大學
從“萬戶蟲”到“三尸蟲”與“九蟲”：論佛、道蟲病觀對隋唐醫學知識的型塑
From “wan hu chong” to “san shi chong” and “jiu chong”:The conception of Buddhism and Taoism shaped TCM knowledge in Sui and Tang Dynasties“蟲”在中國古代醫學中被認為是重要的致病因素。隋代巢元方《諸病源候論》中“九蟲候”的論述奠定了“蟲”病因觀的知識基礎和理論雛形。雖然《黃帝內經》《傷寒論》等經典醫書認為人體“生蟲”的病因在於臟腑虛弱或濕熱生蟲並持續影響了隋唐直至明清時期的醫學認識，但通過對醫學文獻的分析，可以發現唐宋時期對“蟲病”的探討顯著地受道教“三尸蟲”觀念的影響，且這一時期對“蟲”的探討與“毒”和“傳染”的疾病觀念緊密相聯。而進一步追根溯源則可發現，魏晉南北朝時期道教逐漸形成的“三尸蟲”觀念實則來源於佛教對人體中存在“萬戶蟲”的認識。佛教中關於人體中“蟲”的認識，促使了道教“三尸蟲”概念的形成和演變，並進一步進入到中國傳統醫學知識之中，型塑了中國古代對蟲病因觀的理解與探索。
“Worms”(虫) were regarded as important pathogenic factors in ancient Chinese medicine. In Sui Dynasty Chao Yuanfang’s “Zhu Bing Yuan Hou Lun“(《諸病源候論》), the discussion of “nine worm syndromes”(九蟲候) laid the knowledge foundation and theoretical rudiment of “worms” etiology view. Although classical medical books such as “Huangdi Neijing”(《黃帝內經》) and “Shang Han Lun”(《傷寒論》) hold that the cause of “worms” in human body is weakness of viscera or dampness-heat, which continuously affected the medical understanding of Sui, Tang until Ming and Qing Dynasties, through the analysis of medical literature, it can be found that the discussion on “worms” in Tang and Song dynasties was significantly influenced by the Taoist concept of “san shi chong”(三尸蟲). In this period, the discussion of “worm” was closely related to the concept of “poison” and “infection”. Further tracing the origin, we can find that the concept of “san shi chong”(三尸蟲) gradually formed in Daoism during the Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties is actually from the Buddhist understanding of the existence of “wan hu chong”(萬戶蟲) in the human body. The understanding of “worms” in human body in Buddhism promoted the formation and evolution of the concept of “san shi chong” in Chinese Taoism, and further entered the traditional Chinese medical knowledge, shaping the understanding and exploration of the etiology of worms in ancient China.
