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- BRIGHTLY, Briana, Harvard University
明辨拏, 哈佛大學
Painting the Pure Land, Picturing Materia-Medica: A Design Manual (bkod yig) for the Medicine Buddha’s Pure Land from Early-Modern Tibet
畫出淨土，繪出本草——早期現代西藏藥師佛淨土設計指南A Buddhist monk and self-described “physician of the degenerate age,” Deumar Geshé Tendzin Püntsok (b. 1672) wrote a number of Tibet’s most important treatises on medicine and craft. Today, he is perhaps best remembered as the author of the groundbreaking two-part pharmacopoeia A Lump of Crystal: A Rosary of Crystal (Shel gong shel phreng), which he composed in 1727. But almost a decade before Deumar wrote his magnum opus, the physician put his extensive knowledge of materia-medica toward a different end: namely, the creation of a design manual for the Medicine Buddha’s Pure Land titled the One Hundred Displays of Marvelous Maināka: A Design Manual for Tanaduk (Sprul ba’i sman zhing lta na sdug gi bkod yig ngo mtshar mai na ka’i gar brgya). The One Hundred Displays offers detailed directions to the artist and develops (in words) a comprehensive visual program for Tanaduk. The term Tanaduk refers to the abode of the Medicine Buddha, a paradisical city where every type of medicine grows and the site of the first preaching of the Four Tantras. This paper shows how Deumar drew upon medical learning to refine the visual representation of Tanaduk, thereby transforming a Buddhist icon into a repository for knowledge about the natural world. If realized, Deumar’s visual program would have been a uniquely hybrid form, at once Pure Land painting and illustrated materia-medica.
帝瑪格西·丹增彭措（生於1672年）是一位佛教僧侶，自稱為“墮落時代的醫生”。他撰寫了西藏許多最重要的醫學和工藝學論著。今天，人們對他最深刻的印象可能是他於1727年著述的由兩部分組成的開創性藥典《晶珠本草》（Shel gong shel phreng）。但在帝瑪寫下這部巨著的近十年前，這位醫生將其豐富的本草醫學知識用於另一個目的：即為藥師佛淨土創作一本名為《奇妙曼納卡的百種呈現：“達那鬥”設計指南》（Sprul ba’i sman zhing lta na sdug gi bkod yig ngo mtshar mai na ka’i gar brgya）。《百種呈現》為藝術家提供了詳細的指導，並為“達那鬥”製定了全面的視覺方案（以文字的方式）。“達那鬥”指的是藥師佛的居所，是一座生長著各種藥物的壇城，也是《四部醫典》首次傳教的地點。本文展示了帝瑪如何借鑒醫學知識來完善達那鬥”的視覺呈現，從而將佛教圖像轉化為自然世界的知識寶庫。如果能够實現，帝瑪的視覺計畫將成為一種獨特的混合形式，既是淨土繪畫，又是醫學插圖。
- CHEN Ming, Peking University
陳明, 北京大學
身為佛醫王？——耆婆圖像的跨文化想像
As a Buddhist Vaidyaraja (Physician King)?: Imaginations of Jivaka’s Images across Asian Cultures耆婆（Jīvaka）是與佛陀同時代的一名醫生，因為醫術高超，在漢譯佛經中，他被稱為“醫王”。而在以印度教理論為基礎的傳統醫學典籍中，耆婆並未獲得佛教醫王這樣的地位。中古以來，耆婆的故事、傳說與圖像不僅僅出現在犍陀羅地區，也流傳到克孜爾、于闐、敦煌等絲綢之路的重鎮，並東傳到東亞的朝鮮半島與日本；與此同時，還沿著海上絲綢之路流傳到東南亞的多個地區。本文在廣泛搜集耆婆相關圖像的基礎上，重點分析這些圖像在南亞、中國西北地區、東亞、東南亞的不同表現類型及其跨文化流傳的特點，從而揭示長時段、多區域、多民族的人們對耆婆圖像的不同想象，以及形成這些想象的具體原因。
Jīvaka was a doctor of the same era as Buddha, and due to his superb medical skills, he was known as the Vaidyarāja (“King of Medicine”) in the Buddhist scriptures. In the traditional medical texts based on Hindu theory, Jīvaka did not obtain such a status as the Buddhist King of Medicine. Since the Middle Ages, the stories, legends, and images related to Jīvaka have not only appeared in Gandhara, but also spread to the important towns along the Silk Road such as Kizil, Khotan, and Dunhuang, and spread eastward to the Korean Peninsula and Japan in East Asia. At the same time, they also spread to many regions in Southeast Asia along the Maritime Silk Road. On the basis of extensive collection of images related to Jīvaka, this paper focuses on analyzing the different types of these images in South Asia, Northwest China, East Asia and Southeast Asia and their cross-cultural transmission characteristics, so as to reveal the different imaginations of people in long-term, multi-regional and multi-ethnic groups on Jīvaka images, as well as the specific reasons for forming these imaginations.
- DIVINO, Federico, University of Antwerp
神斐德, 安特衛普大學
The Dawn of the Physician: A Buddhist Approach to the History of Medicine
醫生的開端——從佛教角度看醫學史The purpose of this intervention is to analyze the possibility that the role of the ‘physician’ in India may have been in some way shaped by the innovative contribution of Buddhist thought, and that the physician emerges at the intersection of various historical and cultural issues.
More precisely, the roles of the physician and the Buddhist ascetic appear to emanate from a shared archetype of a healer, of which Buddhists inherit a portion, attesting also, in conjunction with their ‘therapeutic’ ethos, to the emergence of a technical therapist specialized in the treatment of ailments and dysfunctions.
Scholars of Indian medicine have long pondered the origins of the āyurvedic tradition, discovering that the core concepts of this medical tradition appear to be first attested in Buddhist literature rather than in the Vedas, where a different type of medical thought was present. This research aims to reflect on the earliest attestations of the concepts of medicine and disease as found in the Pāli Canon, to reconstruct the Buddhist idea of medicine that branches out from the referenced ascetic tradition, and to hypothesize the sources that may have nourished such innovative conceptions in the Indian context of the time. Specifically, this research aims to be an expansion on themes previously addressed concerning the emergence of the physician figure within the Buddhist context, and how the Buddhist world innovated within the Indian tradition by establishing for the first time a form of empirical medicine. This innovation laid the groundwork for subsequent developments well-documented in the history of Buddhist medical traditions in Asia.
The depiction of the physician (bhisakka/tikicchaka) and the ascetic (samaṇa) within early Buddhist thought appears to exhibit a degree of fluidity: both being ‘therapists’ (of illness or suffering), experts in the medical art. The two figures share many common aspects, but they are treated as separate, like in the case of Jīvaka, personal physician of the Buddha but not a real samaṇa. Nevertheless, the Pāli canon furnishes not only the earliest documentation of a structured epistemological framework within medical discourse—ranging from the theory of the three humors (dosas) to a comprehensive anatomical knowledge—but also marks the emergence of the physician as a distinct professional entity specializing in the treatment of illness (roga). Like a physician, the ascetic possesses medical knowledge and situates their practices within a therapeutic paradigm, whose primary concern remains the alleviation of dukkha and a holistic resolution of profound malaise. This analysis highlights a significant concern with crisis management that permeates both healers, as they contend with complex afflictions. Contemplation of the apocalyptic concept of the “end of the world” (lokanta) and the rationale behind the ascetic’s acceptance of it, rather than avoidance, offer insights into metaphysical dilemmas that unravel from the socio-cultural environment.
It is imperative to bear in mind that medical culture inherited its ideas of care and therapy, which, however, were rooted in an entirely different model: there did not exist the figure of a ‘physician’ as a professional of illness, but rather medical capacity was embodied by sacred operators, proposing a medicine in which “healing may be conceived broadly in terms of magical rituals during which specialized priests exorcised demonic diseases by means of spells and amulets or other apotropaic devices”. This view of illness will remain predominant even in Brahmanism, thus creating a gap, according to Zysk, between the more empirically based medicine advocated by Buddhists and the magical-religious medicine of the Vedic tradition. The reason for this gap may certainly lie in the fact that the Buddhists were custodians or heirs of non-Indo-Aryan traditions that envisioned another medical conception, but it is equally true that the emergence of this model as an alternative may also involve the problem of crisis and therefore its management, which with this therapeutic model appeared to be more effective. This entailed a higher conception of crisis and the necessity to reform unsustainable, ‘sick’ social models.
This shift corresponds to the evolving positions of Indian medicine as described by Zysk: in the earliest, or Vedic, stage of Indian medicine diseases were connected to divine punishment or sorcery, whereas in the second stage, the humoral theory comes in. This conception “has no antecedents in Vedic medicine”, and that’s the reason why it is difficult to determine its origin. What differs the most however is not just the conception of the disease, but also the consequence of this epistemology, which led to the emergence of the physician as a specialized figure capable to deal with roga or vyādhi (in Pāli: byādhi).
本文旨在分析這樣一種可能性：印度“醫生”的角色在某種程度上可能是由佛教思想的創新性貢獻所塑造的，並且醫生是在各種歷史和文化問題的交匯點上出現的。更確切地說，醫生和佛教苦行僧的角色似乎來自於一個共同的治療者原型，佛教徒繼承了其中的一部分，這也與他們的“治療”精神一起，證實了專門治療疾病和功能障礙的技術治療師的出現。
長期以來，研究印度醫學的學者們一直在思考阿育吠陀傳統的起源，他們發現這一醫學傳統的核心概念似乎最早見於佛教文獻，而不是吠陀經，因為吠陀經中是一種不同類型的醫學思想。本研究旨在反思巴利文藏經中關於醫學和疾病概念的最早記載，重構從所引用的苦行傳統中分支出來的佛教醫學思想，並假設在當時的印度背景下可能孕育了這種創新概念的來源。具體而言，本研究旨在擴展之前探討的主題，即佛教背景下醫生形象的出現，以及佛教世界如何在印度傳統中進行創新，首次建立了一種經驗醫學。 這一創新為亞洲佛教醫學傳統史中記載的後續發展奠定了基礎。
早期佛教思想中對醫生（bhisakka/tikicchaka）和苦行僧（samaṇa）的描述似乎表現出一定程度的流動性：他們都是疾病或痛苦的“治療師”，都是醫術方面的專家。 這兩種人物有許多共同之處，但他們被視為彼此獨立的，就像佛陀的私人醫生耆婆（Jīvaka）一樣，但他並不是真正的苦行僧samaṇa。 儘管如此，巴利藏經不僅提供了醫學話語中結構化認識論框架的最早文獻——從三體液（dosas）理論到全面的解剖學知識，還標誌著醫生作為專門治療疾病（roga）的獨特專業實體的出現。與醫生一樣，苦行僧也擁有醫學知識，並將自己的實踐置於治療範式之中，而治療範式的首要關注點仍然是減輕“苦痛”（dukkha）和全面解决深重的病痛。這一分析凸顯了這兩種治療者在應對複雜疾病時對危機管理的極大關注。對“世界末日”（lokanta）這一末世概念的思考，以及苦行僧接受而非回避這一概念背後的理由，為我們提供了從社會文化環境中揭示形而上學困境的見解。
必須牢記的是，醫學文化繼承了其護理和治療理念，但這些理念植根於一種完全不同的模式：當時並不存在作為疾病專業人員的“醫生”形象，而是由神聖的操作者體現醫療能力，並提出了一種醫學，“可以從魔法儀式的角度對治療進行廣義的構想，在這些儀式中，專門的祭司通過咒語、護身符或其他避邪手段驅除惡魔疾病”。即使在婆羅門教中，這種疾病觀仍占主導地位，囙此齊斯克（Zysk）認為，在佛教徒提倡的更注重經驗的醫學與吠陀傳統的魔法宗教醫學之間存在著差距。造成這種差距的原因當然可能在於佛教徒是非印度-雅利安傳統的保管人或繼承人，而這些傳統設想了另一種醫學概念。但同樣真實的是，這種模式作為一種替代方案的出現也可能涉及危機以及危機管理的問題，而這種治療模式似乎更有效。 這就要求對危機有更高的認識，必須改革不可持續的“病態”社會模式。
這一轉變與齊斯克描述的印度醫學立場的演變相吻合：在印度醫學的最早階段，即吠陀階段，疾病與神罰或巫術有關，而在第二階段，體液理論出現了。這一概念“在吠陀醫學中沒有先例”，這也是難以確定其起源的原因。然而，最大的不同不僅在於疾病的概念，還在於這種認識論的結果，它導致醫生作為一個專門的人物出現，能够處理疾病（roga or vyādhi，巴利語byādhi）。
- GAO Junling, University of Hong Kong (co-authors: LEE George, WU Bonnie, SIK Hin Hung)
高峻嶺 (合作者：李堅強、吳蕙茵、釋衍空；香港大學佛學研究中心佛教實踐與諮商科學實驗室）
The Power of the Buddhist Mind: Interdisciplinary Perspectives on Reducing Suffering and Promoting Well-being in the Modern World
佛教的心靈療癒力量：當下社會的拔苦難培福之跨學科視角考量In an era where physical ailments are increasingly well-managed through advancements in medicine and science, the psychological and spiritual dimensions of human suffering persist (Kearney & Siegman, 2013). The Buddha, as the “Supreme Healer,” recognized that the root causes of suffering lie in the three poisons of greed, anger, and ignorance (Goleman, 2003). These afflictions, primarily psychological and intellectual in nature, continue to plague modern society despite progress in treating bodily diseases (Ekman et al., 2005). Buddhism offers a wealth of insights and practices that can help alleviate these mental and emotional afflictions, promoting individual and collective well-being in the contemporary world (Kabat-Zinn, 2003).
The relevance of Buddhist wisdom in addressing modern psychological and spiritual challenges has been increasingly recognized by scholars and practitioners across various fields (Wallace & Shapiro, 2006). Mindfulness meditation, a practice rooted in Buddhist tradition, has been extensively studied and shown to reduce stress, alleviate pain, and promote mental well-being (Hölzel et al., 2011). Moreover, the cultivation of compassion, a central tenet of Buddhist teachings, has been identified as a potential antidote to the destructive effects of prejudice, hatred, and conflict in contemporary society (Ricard, 2015). As neuroscience advances our understanding of the brain and human psychology, there is growing recognition of the compatibility between Buddhist insights and scientific findings (Hanson & Mendius, 2009). The study of the neural correlates of religious and contemplative practices, such as Buddhist chanting, has yielded promising results, suggesting that these practices can help counterbalance negative emotions and establish positive mental schemas (Gao et al., 2017).
To fully realize the potential of Buddhist wisdom in promoting well-being in the modern world, it is essential to foster interdisciplinary collaboration and consider global historical perspectives (Kirmayer, 2015). By bringing together scholars and practitioners from diverse fields, including neuroscience, psychology, medicine, engineering, computer science, and Buddhist studies, we can generate new insights and practical applications that can benefit individuals and societies worldwide (Davidson & Lutz, 2008).
當今社會，醫學和科學進步讓身體疾病得到越來越好的控制，反而人們心理和精神層面的苦楚仍然持續存在，有時候甚至更為突顯（Kearney & Siegman, 2013）。此時佛教的醫治地位就顯現出來。佛陀作為”至高無上的醫者”，首先是心靈之大醫王，并認識到苦難（包括疾病）的根源在於貪、嗔、癡三毒（Goleman, 2003）。如今，人類身體疾病治療取得巨大進展後，但心理和精神層面性質的煩惱并不會隨之消失，反而更為嚴重的影響著現代社會（Ekman et al., 2005）。佛教的醫者作用正當其時，提供了豐富的見解和實踐，可以幫助緩解人們的心理和情感煩惱，促進當代世界個人和集體福祉（Kabat-Zinn, 2003）。
佛教智慧在解決現代心理和精神挑戰方面的相關性已日益得到各領域學者和實踐者的認可（Wallace & Shapiro, 2006）。正念冥想源於佛教傳統，目前已被廣泛深入研究，並被大量科研和實際應用證實能夠減輕壓力、緩解疼痛並促進心理健康（Hölzel et al., 2011）。此外，佛教教義的核心要旨——培養慈悲心，則是對抗當代社會偏見、仇恨和衝突破壞性影響的解藥（Ricard, 2015）。隨著神經科學加深我們對大腦和人類心理的理解，佛教之洞見與科學發現之間的相容性得到越來越多的認可（Hanson & Mendius, 2009）。比如我們對宗教和冥想實踐（如佛教誦經）的神經相關性研究取得了令人信服的結果，這表明佛學修行可以幫助減輕負面情緒並建立積極的心理框架（Gao et al., 2017; 2021）。
鑒於佛學智慧能造福現代人們的心靈健康，我們認為促進跨學科合作和考慮全球歷史視角是最為有效而且不可避免的（Kirmayer, 2015）。我們提議通過匯聚神經科學、心理學、醫學、工程學、計算機科學和佛教研究等不同領域的學者和實踐者，溫故知新，促進佛學和科學的實際應用，方能造福全人類（Davidson & Lutz, 2008）。
- GAO Xi, Fudan University
高晞, 復旦大學
在基督教與佛教之間：黃春甫與黃涵之父子的醫學慈善活動——近人中國士人的醫療慈善理念探微
Between Protestantism and Buddhism: The medical charity of Huang’s father-son
A thinking of the Chinese Elites idea of the medical charity in Modern China在中國近代史，尤其是慈善史的書寫中，黃春甫與黃涵之父子是處在兩個不同的層面，受到不同的研究者所關注。 黃春甫作為基督教在上海第一家西式醫院——仁濟醫院的醫生、第一位華人西醫生而為醫學史和傳教史研究者所重視，他所從事的醫療慈善活動在晚清上海成為美談，屢屢 登上《申報》。 而其子黃涵之則被譽為近代佛教居士領袖，出任中國佛教會執行委員江蘇佛教聯合會暨江浙佛教聯合會常務委員，上海特別市佛教會執行委員，佛教淨業社副社長、世界佛教居士 林理事會等職。 黃涵之自喻自己從事醫療慈善活動甚至為官之道都受其父親的影響，“仰承先志，嗜善如命，凡慈善事業無役不與”， 為己任官治民“一以父師訓 型為從政之本」。 顯然，黃氏父子留存在於世的名望都是基於其以醫療慈善行為為社會作出重要的貢獻，父子倆都是自己所處領域的翹楚。這是晚清民初中國家庭中基督教與佛教並存的典型例子，是一種特殊的文化現象。本文透過檢視父子倆慈善活動的模式、理念和方式，以及在慈善活動中所擔當的角色，分析兩個問題：一、既然黃涵之受父親影響深重，為何他會轉向佛教，並成為滬上乃至 江浙地區最有影響力的佛教居士領袖，引領醫療慈善事業？ 二、從活動內容考察，黃氏父子所從事的慈善事業基本相同，但擔當的角色和處理方式卻有所不同，由此，本文試圖透過黃氏父子的個案研究，探討在佛教慈善活動近代轉型 過程中，與基督教慈善模式的相關性，考察兩者理念的異同處，由此呈現佛教醫療慈善的現代性和社會意義。
In the historiography of modern China, particularly in the realm of philanthropic history, the father-son duo of Huang Chunfu (黄春甫) and Huang Hanzhi (黄涵之) occupies distinct positions, drawing attention from different scholars. Huang Chunfu, as the first Chinese Western-style physician at the Chinese Hospital (仁濟醫院), the first Western hospital in Shanghai established by Christian mission society(London Mission Society), attraction from researchers in the history of medicine and Protestant in Modern China.His endeavors in medical philanthropy became legendary, frequently referred in the media such as the Shen Bao (《申報》) in late Qing Shanghai.On the other hand, his son Huang Hanzhi is acclaimed as a leader among modern lay Buddhists. He held prominent positions within Buddhist organizations, including Executive Committee member of the China Buddhist Association, Executive Committee member of the Jiangsu Buddhist Federation and the Jiangsu-Zhejiang Buddhist Federation, Executive Committee member of the Shanghai Buddhist Association, Vice President of the Buddhist Pure Land Society, and Council member of the World Buddhist laity. Huang Hanzhi himself attributed his engagement in medical philanthropy and even his approach to governance to the influence of his father, stating, “I look up to my father’s aspirations, and my love for charity is as strong as my life. I participate in every charitable endeavor without hesitation,” and “I consider my father’s teachings as the foundation for my career in governance.” Clearly, the fame and reputation of the Huang father-son duo are rooted in their significant contributions to medical philanthropy within their respective domains of expertise. Their coexistence within a single family as adherents of Christianity and Buddhism, respectively, exemplifies a distinctive cultural phenomenon in late Qing and early Republican Chinese society. This article aims to address two key questions by examining the models, ideals, approaches, and roles adopted by the father-son duo in their philanthropic activities respectively: first, Given Huang Hanzhi’s profound influence from his father, why did he convert to Buddhism and emerge as the most influential lay Buddhist leader in Shanghai and even the Jiangsu-Zhejiang region, leading the medical philanthropy cause? Despite engaging in similar philanthropic activities, the roles and approaches taken by the Huang father-son duo differ. Therefore, through an analysis of primary sources and historical context, the divergent motivations and methods employed by the Huang father-son duo shed light on the intersection of religion, medicine, and philanthropy in Chinese society. This paper seeks to explore the correlation between Buddhist and Christian philanthropy through the case study of the Huang’s family, examining the similarities and differences in their ideals, roles, and approaches. Through this exploration, it aims to rethink on the modernity of Buddhist medical philanthropy.
- HU, Enbo, LMU München
虎恩博, 慕尼黑大學
The Hidden “Medicine Buddha”: deciphering the Tibetan liturgy of building stūpa with the liturgy of Bhaiṣajyaguru
“隱藏”的藥師佛：以藥師儀軌解讀藏傳造塔儀軌By showing the close connection between the liturgy (vidhi, cho ga) of building stūpa entitled mChod rten brgya rtsa brgyad btab pa’i cho ga (Liturgy of Building 108 Stūpas) and a series of liturgies for Bhaiṣajyaguru, this paper focuses on their intertextuality in order to show not only the similarity of the structure, but also the similarity of the content of the liturgy. The evidence also reveals that they can be traced back to a common start point, i.e., Śāntarakṣita. He could be presumably identified to be the author of the previous one, i.e., mChod rten brgya rtsa brgyad btab pa’i cho ga, and he could also be the founder of the tradition of the latter one in Tibetan, which has been adopted in a series of texts containing the liturgical method of Bhaiṣajyaguru (sMan bla’i chog sgrigs) by the 4th Panchen bLo bzang Chos kyi rgyal mtshan, the 5th Dalai Lama Ngag dbang bLo bzang rgya mtsho and so forth.
通過分析藏文《一百零八塔建立儀軌》中的建造佛塔儀軌與一系列藥師修行儀軌之間的密切聯繫，本文重點關注它們的互文性，不僅揭示了二者儀軌結構的相似性，而且揭示了儀軌內容的相似性。證據還表明，它們很可能可以溯源到一個共同的起點，即寂護（Śāntarakṣita）。他被確定為前一傳統(造塔儀軌)的創造者，他也可能是後一傳統（藥師儀軌）在藏地的奠基人。尤其是後者，成為後世四世班禪羅桑·卻吉堅贊以及五世達賴喇嘛阿旺·罗桑嘉措等所造藥師儀軌的依據。
- KHAN, Mujeeb, University of Utah
闞穆寂, 猶他大學
Early Japan and the ‘Buddhist’: In Medicine or As Medicine?
早期日本與“佛教” ——在醫學中還是作為藥物？In the earliest periods of the Japanese intellectual milieu, Buddhism quickly shifted from a foreign import to a local institution. Travel to and from the continent was normal with Chinese monks such as Jianzhen (Jp. Ganjin, d. 763) establishing local temples whose legacies continue until today. Japanese missions to visit the continent became commonplace during the Sui and Tang dynasties, from about 600 until 894. However, no further missions were sent following the fall of the Tang dynasty. It is no surprise then that the Yamato state established a new capital in Nara (710-784) and then in Heian (794- 1185) with Buddhism institutionalized into the infrastructure of these capitals. However, the end of these missions coincided with the mid-Heian period, a period of local development based on imported knowledge. Histories of Buddhism and medicine in Japan often emphasize the post-Heian period, when clearcut Buddhist medical texts, like those of Kajiwara Shōzen (d. 1337), are identifiable. But what about the earlier periods of Buddhism and medicine in Japan? Most histories of Buddhism of early Japan take Buddhism as an appropriated object or a foreign import. In the context of medicine, itself a localized foreign tradition, the role and presence of Buddhism becomes obscured. The result is a quandary over how to address the tripartite construction of the adjectival modifiers ‘Japanese,’ ‘medical,’ and ‘Buddhist,’ which invariably lead to the diminishing of one or more of these in the analysis of early Japan. To overcome this, this paper explores the mid-Heian to the late Heian period as a cultural moment of medical production and Buddhist intersectionality.
In 984, Tanba no Yasuyori (d. 995) presented the court with his Essential Medical Methods (Jp. Ishinpō), based on earlier Chinese and Korean works, including continental Buddhist texts. In fact, even Jianzhen’s formulary is cited as a source, identifying an intersectionality in the earliest extant medical work of Japan. It should then be no surprise that Yasuyori’s practice of sourcing medicine can be observed in his continental predecessors as well. However, Yasuyori’s Essential Medical Methods also discloses a historical reality of the intersection of Buddhism and medicine in early Japan. This story continues through the Heian period with the works of Tanba no Masatada (d. 1088) and Koremune Tomotoshi (d. 13th c.), both of whose works remain understudied, especially with respect to the larger narrative of medicine and Buddhism. Masatada’s Redaction and Synopsis of Medicine (Jp. Iryakushō) and Tomotoshi’s Selection of Medical Accounts (Jp. Idanshō) are two very different medical works, but both reveal aspects of an increasingly Buddhist-connected medical imagination. Taken together with Yasuyori’s Ishinpō, it is possible to discern not only a history of medical writing but also a history of Buddhism in local medical formulations from the mid-Heian period to just after its end. This paper analyzes the use of Buddhist sources and concepts in each text, including comparatively. It will reveal the changing nature of the relationship between Buddhism and medicine within the context of medical literature while also identifying how the agency of each author affects this intersectionality. In its analysis, the paper will also consider how the cultural moment of the Heian period facilitates a reconsideration of how to understand Buddhism and medicine in early Japan. In particular, I hope to use this as an introductory study to reassess the relationship between Buddhism and medicine, both textually and conceptually, in early Japan.
在日本早期的知識環境中，佛教很快從舶來品轉變為本土機构。鑒真（Jp. Ganjin，卒於763年）等中國僧侶在當地建立了寺廟，這些寺廟的遺產一直延續至今。在隋唐時期（約600年至894年），日本使團訪問大陸已成為常態。然而，唐朝滅亡後，日本就再也沒有派遣過使團。大和國先後在奈良（710-784年）和平安（794-1185年）建立了新的都城，並將佛教納入這些都城的基礎設施中，這也就不足為奇了。 然而，這些傳教活動的結束恰逢平安時代中期，這是一個以引進知識為基礎的本土發展時期。
關於日本佛教和醫學的歷史通常強調平安時代以後，因為在這時可以找到明確的佛教醫學文獻，如梶原性全（卒於1337年）的著述。但日本早期的佛教和醫學又如何呢？大多數日本早期佛教史都將佛教視為納入物或舶來品。醫學本身就是本土化的外來傳統，在這種背景下，佛教的作用和存在變得模糊不清。其結果是，如何處理“日本”、“醫學”和“佛教”這三個形容詞修飾詞的三元結構，這必然導致在分析早期日本時削弱其中一個或多個形容詞修飾詞的作用。為了克服這一問題，本文將平安中期至平安後期作為醫療生產與佛教交叉性的文化時刻進行探討。
984年，丹波康頼（卒於995年）向宮廷呈獻了《醫心方》（Jp. Ishinpō），該書以早期的中國和朝鮮著作為基礎，包括大陸佛教典籍。事實上，就連鑒真的方劑學也被引用為資料來源，這表明日本現存最早的醫學著作具有交叉性。因此，從康頼的大陸前輩那裡也可以看到他的醫藥來源，這一點不足為奇。不過，康頼的《醫心方》也揭示了日本早期佛教與醫學相互交融的歷史現實。這種情況在平安時代丹波雅忠（卒於1088年）和惟宗具俊（卒於13世紀）的作品中一直存在。這兩部作品仍未得到充分研究，尤其是在醫學和佛教的敘事方面。
丹波雅忠的《醫略抄》（Jp.Iryakusho）和惟宗具俊的《醫談抄》（Jp.Idanshō）是兩部截然不同的醫學著作，但它們都揭示了與佛教聯系日益緊密的醫學想像的各個方面。將這兩部作品與康頼的《醫心方》放在一起，我們不僅可以看到一部醫學著作史，還可以看到一部從平安時代中期到平安時代結束後地方醫學發展中的佛教史。本文分析了各個文本中對佛教文獻和概念的使用，包括比較分析。它將揭示在醫學文獻中佛教與醫學之間關係的變化的性質，同時還將確認每位作者如何影響這種交叉性。在分析中，本文還將考慮平安時代的文化時刻如何促進重新思考如何理解日本早期的佛教和醫學。特別是，我希望以此作為入門研究，從文本和概念兩方面重新評估日本早期佛教與醫學之間的關係。
- LANGENBERG, Amy Paris, Eckerd College
朗艾秘, 艾科特學院
Female Reproductive Health According to the Bhikṣuṇī-Vinaya
比丘尼戒律中的女性生殖健康This presentation starts from the premise, argued in an earlier publication of mine, that the Bhikṣuṇī-Vinaya traditions are in some imperfect and/or indirect way, an archive of monastic women’s lives. It also acknowledges that a strong Buddhist ideology negatively identifies the femaleness with female reproductivity, a topic I have also explored in earlier research. However, this negative Buddhist discourse about women’s reproductive bodies is a dominant discourse, but not the only discourse. Keeping these two framings in mind—that the Vinaya can be read as imperfect and incomplete archive of monastic women’s lives and that the symbolic overlay of ideas like impurity or negative mental states onto the reproductive bodies of women is a dominant but not the only Buddhist discourse—this presentation will survey and categorize the Bhikṣuṇī-Vinaya of the Mahāsāṅghika-lokottaravādin school for texts about female reproductive health, anatomy, and self-care. Acknowledging the vital importance of women’s reproductive health in the lives of women, it will simply ask and then attempt to answer the question “What does the Vinaya know and say about female reproductive health?” Specific topics will include female anatomy, menstrual practices, hygiene, abortion, pregnancy, nursing, sexual health, and treatments for reproductive disease.
本次演講的出發點是我在早期發表作品中論證的一個假定，即比丘尼戒律傳統以某種不完美和/或間接的方式，是尼眾生活的檔案。它還認為，强烈的佛教觀念將女性與女性生殖能力消極地聯系在一起，這也是我在早期研究中探討過的一個話題。然而，佛教關於女性具有生殖能力的身體的負面論述是一種主流論述，但不是唯一的論述。
請記住這兩點：戒律可被解讀為尼眾生活的不完美、不完整的檔案，以及將不淨或消極的精神狀態等觀念象徵性地疊加到女性的具有生殖能力的身體上，是佛教的主流話語，但不是唯一的話語。本次演講將調查並歸類大眾部–出世說部比丘尼戒律中有關女性生殖健康、解剖學和自我保健的文字。 認識到女性生殖健康在女性生活中的極端重要性，它將簡單地提出並嘗試回答這樣一個問題：戒律對女性生殖健康有哪些瞭解和論述？具體的主題將包括女性身體結構、月經習俗、衛生、墮胎、懷孕、護理、性健康和生殖疾病的治療。
- LI Tiehua, Shanghai University of Traditional Chinese Medicine
李鐵華, 上海中醫藥大學
民國時期佛教報刊的醫藥衛生專欄
Medical and Health Columns in Buddhist Periodicals during the Republic of China民国时期（1912-1949）佛教界创办有300余种报刊，其中有不少开设有医药卫生专栏。这些医药卫生专栏，栏目设置灵活，知识内容丰富，参与主体多元。从栏目设置看，有医药答问、卫生研究、药圃、药方等；从知识内容看，以中医药为主，兼及西方医药学知识，还有公共卫生、素食养生等；从参与主体看，既有僧医，也有居士医家，还有教界聘请的医界专科医师,亦有僧俗病患。这些医药卫生专栏的开设，一方面为僧俗信众求医问药提供了方便，为僧团内部传戒卫生、禅病疗治等问题的讨论和解决提供了契机。另一方面也为教内僧俗医家传承交流医药卫生知识提供了平台，并保存了近代佛医互涉方面的大量文献资料。本文就民国佛时期教报刊医药卫生专栏开设情况作全面调查，在详细介绍栏目设置、参与主体、知识内容的同时，剖析佛教报刊设置医药卫生专栏的教内外背景，以期呈现民国时期佛教与社会多元互动的一个侧面。
During the period of the Republic of China(1912-1949), there were more than 300 periodicals founded by Chinese Buddhist community, and many of them had medical and health columns which features flexible column settings, rich knowledge content and diverse participants. As regards the column settings, there were medical Q & A, health research, medicine nursery, prescription, etc.. In terms of the content, they mainly focused on traditional Chinese medicine, combined with knowledge of western medicine, as well as public health and vegetarian health. As far as the participants concerned, both monks and lay Buddhist doctors, as well as medical specialists hired by the Buddhist Community, as well as monks and laymen patients. The establishment of these columns made it convenient for monks and laymen to seek medical treatment and medicine, and provided opportunities for discussions and solutions on issues such as preaching health and treatment of Zen diseases within the Sangha. It also provided a platform for the inheritance and exchange of medical and health knowledge among monks, laymen, and medical practitioners, and helped preserve a large number of literature and materials on the interaction between modern Buddhism and medicine. This article will conduct a comprehensive investigation into the establishment of medical and health columns in Buddhist magazines in the Republic of China. While providing a detailed introduction to column settings, participants and knowledge content, it will also analyze the internal and external background of the establishment of medical and health columns in Buddhist magazines, which will present one aspect of the multi-dimensional interaction between Buddhism and society during the Republican era.
- LI Wei, Henan University
李巍, 河南大學
Cleaning, Healing and Offering: An Examination of the Ritual of Willow Twigs and Purified Water
清潔、療疾與供養：楊枝淨水咒儀研究Yangzhi jingshui 楊枝淨水 (willow twigs and purified water) originated from India, travelled via Central Asia to China, and became one of the most typically venerated offerings in Chinese Buddhist practices. In Buddhist scriptures, there are numerous praises for the purifying function of willow twigs. Accounts also record stories of the Buddha chewing on willow twigs and spitting them out, then they grow into trees immediately. The scriptures frequently mention the right order of using willow twigs in the process of cleaning.In order to preserve dental health and eliminate bad odours, in daily facial related cleaning process, the Vinaya texts specifies rules for chewing willow twigs (aka chimu 齒木, toothbrush) as tooth brushing which has some therapeutic benefits.
Willow twigs and purified water are also frequently employed in Esoteric rituals, where they are combined with dhāraṇīs to create intricate ceremonies that have the power to heal illnesses, ward off bad luck, and bring about happiness and tranquilly. The usage of willow twigs and purified water was not originally connected to any particular deity, but later on, it became the symbol of Avalokitêśvara (Guanyin,觀音) who used them as a crucial tools for healing and saving lives. The symbolic meaning of using willow and water has been thoroughly discussed by Master Zhiyi 智顗 (538-597). The Yangliu Guanyin (Avalokitêśvara with the willow-branch), one of the 33 forms of Guanyin, rose to prominence in the Tang Dynasty, and the willow-vase took the place of the lotus as the key Guanyin symbolic objects. People pray to Yangliu Guanyin for health and carve and print her image in an effort to drive out evils.
As for the specific medical practices of monks, in The Biographies of Eminent Monks (Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳) , Jīvaka (Qiyu 耆域,d.u) saved sick people and trees and Fotu Cheng 佛圖澄 (232?-348) brought Shile’s 石勒 son Shibin 石斌 (?-349) back to life using willow twigs and purify water. There are other accounts from later centuries of monks ( including the monk as emanation of Avalokitêśvara) treating people’s illnesses using willow branches and purified water, among them. This formed the narrative system of tells of the Buddha, Guanyin, and monks using willow branches and pure water to save people or trees. The use of “willow decoction” (yangzhi tang 楊枝湯) in Tang Dynasty medicine can be seen as a remnant of analogous medical procedures found in ancient Chinese medical texts.
People’s hearts are firmly imprinted with the picture of Guanyin holding a vase and willow leaves from Chinese literature. A pivotal scene can be found in Journey to the West (Xiyou ji 西遊記), in which Guanyin using willow branches and purify water to save the Ginseng Tree at the Wuzhuang Temple 五莊觀. The occurrence of “yangzhi jingshui” in poetry is frequently connected to Guanyin, primarily highlighting the central idea of healing ailments and preserving life. But it also serves useful purposes like adornment, providing gifts, and worship, therefore it became a standard offering item. Therefor, these worship objects can also refer to Maitreya Buddha, not just Guanyin in particular.
Overall, through the medical narratives of monks, believers’ worship of Yangliu Guanyin, and the exaltation of Yangliu Guanyin in poetry and literature, the transformation of the yangzhi jingshui from cleaning objects in scriptural stories to daily tools in monastic precepts, and then to ritual implements in healing ceremonies centered on Guanyin in Esoteric Buddhism, evolved into common Buddhist offering objects. There have been new additions through time, but the central idea of healing and purification has mainly not changed.
楊枝淨水起源於印度，經中亞傳入中國，成為漢傳佛教最常見的供奉物品之一。佛經中，有盛讚楊枝種種清潔功德的記載，也有佛陀嚼楊枝吐地，瞬間生成樹木的故事，並多次提及楊枝在清潔中的次序。律藏中對嚼楊枝（齒木）有明確的戒律要求，主要目的是保持口腔清潔，去除異味，嚼楊枝本身就具有一定的治愈屬性。
密教儀式廣泛使用楊枝，楊枝結合淨水，再配合特定的陀羅尼，形成了具有除疾、消災、以及安息等功用的複雜儀式。智者大師智顗（538-597）對此儀式的象征意義進行了細緻說明。值得註意的是，在密教文獻中，一開始楊枝淨水並非特定神祇的專屬儀式，但後來成為以觀音為中心的密教儀式。楊柳觀音作為觀音三十三相之一，在唐代觀音造像中大為興盛，楊柳淨瓶也取代蓮花手成為觀音的重要代表法器。人們雕造、刻印楊柳觀音，期望消災除惡，祈求健康。
就僧人具體的醫療實踐而言，《高僧傳》描繪了耆域（耆婆）以楊枝淨水救病救樹的情形，並記載了佛圖澄以楊枝令石勒（274-333）之子石斌（？-349）起死回生的故事。後世也多有僧人（包括化身為僧人的觀音菩薩）以楊枝淨水治愈他人疾病的記載。由此就形成了佛陀、觀音、僧人以楊枝（淨水）救人（救樹）的敘事體系。而唐代醫術中收入“楊枝湯”，也是視為相關醫療實踐在中醫典籍中的痕跡。
在文學上，手持楊柳淨瓶的觀音的形象深入人心。《西遊記》中，觀音於五莊觀以楊枝甘露救活人參樹可以視為此傳統最有名的小說情節之一。在詩歌中，出現楊枝淨水多與觀音有關，主要強調治病救人的這一核心內涵。但是也具有了裝飾、贈禮、供奉等實用性功能，成為常見的供奉物品。供奉對象也不特指觀音，也可以指彌勒佛。
整體而言，楊枝淨水從從經文故事，化作僧人戒律，再變為以觀音為中心的密教療愈儀式，隨後在僧人的醫療敘事、信徒對楊柳觀音的信仰崇拜、以及詩文對楊柳觀音的鋪敘美化中又變為常見的佛教供奉儀式，其清潔療愈的主線並沒有發生大的變動，不過新增了新的內容，而楊枝和淨水（淨瓶）也完成了從戒律用品到密教救治法器再到一般器物的衍變過程。
- LIU Qing, Hirosaki University
劉青, 日本弘前大學
白隱禪師的健康法和佛道交涉
Hakuin’s Health Methods and the Interactions between Buddhism and Taoism白隠慧鶴（1685-1768），江戶中期的禪僧，被稱為日本臨濟宗的中興之祖。34歲，成為松蔭寺第五代住持，42歲大悟之後的四十年間，白隱禪師對日漸衰落的日本禪宗進行了改革、統一和復興，實現了禪宗中興的偉業。白隱禪師在26歲之時，身體虛弱，積勞成疾，隨後在京都遇到白幽仙人，學習了養生療病之法，並根據自身的經驗，創造了“內觀法”和“軟酥法”，恢復了健康。從白隱禪師的健康法中可以看出，其除了受到禪宗的影響外，也有很多道教養生術的痕跡。本次報告將對白隱禪師的著作《夜船閒話》《遠羅天釜》中呼吸、導引等健康法以及長壽、療病等思想進行整理、分析，並通過與道教的養生法進行了對比，來揭示白隱思想以及日本近世思想中的佛道交涉。
Hakuin Ekaku (1685-1768), a Zen monk from the mid-Edo period, is hailed as the reviver of the Japanese Rinzai school. At the age of 34, he became the fifth abbot of Shoin Temple, and after attaining great enlightenment at the age of 42, he spent the next forty years reforming, unifying, and revitalizing the declining Japanese Zen Buddhism, thereby achieving the great feat of Zen restoration. When Hakuin was 26 years old, he suffered from poor health and illness due to overwork. Subsequently, in Kyoto, he encountered a hermit named Hakuyu, from whom he learned various health and healing techniques. Drawing from his own experiences, Hakuin created the “Naikan Method” and the “Nanso Method,” which restored his health. From Hakuin’s health practices, it can be observed that, in addition to the influences of Zen Buddhism, there are significant traces of Daoist health practices. This report aims to organize and analyze the health methods such as breathing and Daoyin, as well as the ideas of longevity and healing in Hakuin’s works “Yasen Kana” and “Orategama.” By comparing these with Daoist health practices, the report will reveal the interactions between Buddhism and Taoism thought in Hakuin’s philosophy and Japanese early modern intellectual history.
- LOK, Irene, University of Cambridge
駱慧瑛, 劍橋大學
Healing the Mind: Expansion and Importance of the Medicine Buddha in Medieval China
療癒身心：唐代敦煌藥師佛崇拜研究The mural of the Medicine Buddha Sūtra from Tang Dynasty was secretly hidden behind the mural from Song Dynasty on the north wall of Cave 220 in the Dunhuang Mogao Grottoes for a millennium before being rediscovered in 1942. The artwork depicts not merely a representation of the Medicine Buddha, but the Pure Land of the Medicine Buddha, featuring the Seven Medicine Buddhas instead of the usual one Medicine Buddha, which is distinct from all other mural of such found in Dunhuang Grottoes. Why is this the case so distinctive? How does this phenomenon relate to the translations of Buddhist texts at the time? Is there a connection to the patron of the cave, Zhai family? Through this, we can observe how the Tang people confronted the impermanence of life, illness, death, and physical and mental suffering through the Medicine Buddha Sūtra and its mural. This paper aims to analyze the specific Buddhist texts referenced in the mural of the Medicine Buddha Sūtra in Cave 220, based on the materials available in Dunhuang Grottoes, and to elucidate the medical practices proposed by the Buddha within the Medicine Buddha Sūtra, along with their application in relation to the impermanence of life.
在敦煌莫高窟220窟北壁秘存唐繪「藥師經變」千年，於1942年被重新發現。畫中描繪美好的藥師琉璃光如來的淨土世界，不是一般一尊藥師佛像，而是藥師七佛，這與敦煌石窟所有其他「藥師經變」不同。為何如此？ 這現象與當時的經典翻譯有何關係？ 與窟主翟氏家族有關？籍此見唐人如何透過《藥師經》及「藥師經變」面對生命中的無常、疾病、死亡和身心的傷痛？本文擬透過對敦煌220窟內題記等資料，分析220窟「藥師經變」所依佛典版本問题。及依《藥師經》内容，闡明佛陀提出的醫療方法和對無常生命的應用方案。
- LOMI, Benedetta, University of Bristol
羅冪, 布里斯托大學
Nightmares and Premonitions: Healing Dreams in Medieval Japan
噩夢與預感——中世紀日本的夢境治癒On the ninth day of the eighth month of Jōkyū 1 (1219), Digoji prelate Seigen 成賢 (1162-1231) performed a Fugen 普賢 (Samantabhadra) Longevity Rite for the retired emperor Gotoba 後鳥羽天皇 (1180-1239), following a premonitory dream (gomusō 御夢想) of his mother, Shichijō’in 七條院 (1157–1228). According to the records, she had dreamt of a red demon sucking the soul out of her son’s mouth. The rite was one of many requested by Gotoba, his mother, and his consorts in response to dreams, sometimes occurring during illness and sometimes foreseeing ailments and dangers.
By focusing on a selection of these incidents, this paper has two aims. First, it examines how Buddhist ritual specialists addressed health concerns that emerged or were articulated through oneiric visions in medieval Japan. While dreams could point to impending diseases and even suggest possible cures, they could also be considered a debilitating affliction, as attested in medical and ritual literature. Thus, this paper also explores how both physicians and ritualists conceptualized and treated nightmares.
承久元年（1219年）八月初九，醍醐寺長老成賢（1162-1231年），在後鳥羽天皇（1180-1239年）的母親七條院（1157-1228年）做了一個預兆夢之後，為退位的後鳥羽天皇舉行了普賢延壽法會。根據記載，她夢見一個紅色惡魔從她兒子的嘴裡吸走了靈魂。這個儀式是後鳥羽天皇、他的母親和他的妃子們因為夢境要求舉行的眾多儀式之一。這些夢境有時發生在生病期間，有時預見疾病和危險。
本文選取其中部分事件作為研究對象，有兩個目的。首先，本文探討了佛教儀式專家如何處理中世日本出現的或通過靈異夢境表達的健康問題。正如醫學和儀式文本所證實的那樣，雖然夢境可以指出即將發生的疾病，甚至提出可能的治療方法，但它們也可能被視為一種使人衰弱的折磨。因此，本文還探討了醫生和儀式主持者是如何看待和處理噩夢的。
- LU Lu, Zhejiang University
盧鷺, 浙江大學
Translating Medicine Across Cultures: The Divergent Strategies of An Shigao and Dharmarakṣa in Introducing Indian Medical Concepts to China
醫方東被：安世高和竺法護譯介印度醫學術語的不同策略This study examines the pioneering efforts of An Shigao and Dharmarakṣa in translating Indian medical concepts into Chinese, a domain unfamiliar to the Chinese audience of their time. An Shigao, regarded as the earliest credibly recorded translator of Buddhist scriptures into Chinese, adopted a strategy of localising Indian medical and divinatory terms to align with existing Chinese concepts, reflecting his profound understanding of both Indian Ayurvedic medicine and Chinese medical practices. This approach is evident in his translation of the Daodi Jing (T.607), originally the Yogācārabhūmi composed by Saṅgharakṣa, one of the earliest Buddhist texts introduced to China, which includes detailed descriptions of life, ageing, sickness, and death, paralleled in Ayurvedic texts such as the Caraka-saṃhitā and the Suśruta-saṃhitā. The terms selected by An Shigao in his translations can be verified in medical and divination texts dating back to the Eastern Han Dynasty or earlier, corroborating the accounts of his expertise in these areas as recorded in Chu Sanzang Ji Ji.
Dharmarakṣa’s later translation, the more comprehensive Xiuxing Daodi Jing (T.606), demonstrates his preference for a more faithful rendition of the original texts, while also incorporating An Shigao’s terminological adaptations to some extent, striving for a balance between fidelity to the source material and the localised understanding of the concepts.
僧伽羅剎（Saṅgharakṣa）原作、安世高節譯的《道地經》（T.607，Yogācārabhūmi），是最早傳入中國的佛教文獻之一，在安世高之後，竺法護在公元284年翻譯出了另一個更完整的譯本，即《修行道地經》（T.606）。由於這兩部早期譯本的語言存在許多難以理解的地方（尤其是安世高的語言一向以此著稱），而且也沒有梵文或巴利文平行本存世，我們今天對這部文獻的認識仍然十分有限，在很多地方甚至連它的字面意義也無法理解。
儘管Yogācārabhūmi的完整梵文平行本尚未發現，但它當中涉及到許多世俗生活的內容，特別是對人生、老、病、死的過程進行了非常詳細的描寫，可以在梵文的阿育吠陀文獻（如Caraka-saṃhitā和Suśruta-saṃhitā等）中找到不少系統對應的內容。通過梵漢平行文本的對讀，《道地經》和《修行道地經》的眾多疑難、歧異之處迎刃而解。
本文探討了安世高和竺法護在將印度醫學概念翻譯成漢語時的開創性探索。由於這一領域對當時的中國讀者來說相當陌生，安世高採用了將印度醫學和占卜術語本地化的策略，反映了他對印度和中國醫學實踐的深刻理解。安世高在翻譯中選用的術語可以在東漢或更早的漢文文獻中找到用例，證實了《出三藏記集》中對於安世高精通醫理數術的記載（“七曜五行之象、風角雲物之占、推步盈縮，悉窮其變；兼洞曉醫術，妙善鍼䘑，覩色知病，投藥必濟，乃至鳥獸嗚呼，聞聲知心。”）。
在安世高之後，西晉竺法護所譯《修行道地經》則顯示了他更傾向於忠實於原始文本，同時竺法護也沿用了一部分安世高的譯語，力求在忠實原本與本地化之間取得平衡。
- MCGRATH, William A., New York University
麥威廉, 紐約大學
The Professional Ethics of Buddhist Medicine: Instituting the Bodhisattva Physician in Tibet
佛教醫學的職業道德——在西藏建立菩薩醫師制度To ethically orient their practice of medicine, biomedical physicians have the Hippocratic Oath. Similarly, some might argue that practitioners of Traditional Chinese Medicine have the “Perfect Integrity of the Great Physician” by Sun Simiao (fl. late seventh century). Where have the bodhisattva physicians of Tibet turned for prescriptions on Buddhist medical ethics? This paper explores ethical instructions for the practice of medicine in Tibet, from advice found in the early scriptures of Sowa Rigpa, to the institutionalization of Tibetan medical ethics during the period of Mongol-Sakya hegemony (ca. 1250–1350). According to the Four Tantras (Rgyud bzhi), for example, the physician must be careful to protect his reputation, even if it means deceiving clients and rejecting terminally ill patients. Once Tibetan medicine was instituted at the Buddhist monastery, however, the physician-patient relationship was reimagined as intimate, like that of the parent and child, similar to the ethical codes of ancient Greece and medieval China. Unlike the followers of Hippocrates and Sun Simiao, however, according to these early Tibetan sources, the bodhisattva physicians of Tibet should cultivate the mind of enlightenment and practice medicine on a graduated path to buddhahood. By situating Buddhist medical ethics in their historical and practical contexts, this study argues that the details of medical ethics often depend upon institutional support, and that the Buddhist medical prescriptions developed at fourteenth-century Sakya have long served as a model for the subsequent flourishing of bodhisattva physicians in Tibet and beyond.
生物醫學醫生有《希波克拉底誓言》作為行醫的道德準則。同樣，有人可能會說，傳統中醫師有孫思邈（約七世紀末）的“大醫精誠”。西藏的菩薩醫師們又從哪裡獲得了佛教醫學倫理的處方呢？本文探討了西藏的行醫道德規範，從早期藏醫典籍中的建議，到蒙古-薩迦政權時期（約1250-1350年）西藏醫德的制度化。 例如，根據《四部醫典》（Rgyud bzhi），醫生必須小心保護自己的聲譽，即使這意味著欺騙客戶和拒絕絕症病人。
然而，一旦藏醫學在佛教寺院中得到確立，醫生與病人的關係就被重新想像為親密的，就像父母與子女的關係，類似於古希臘和中世中國的倫理規範。然而，與希波克拉底和孫思邈的追隨者不同的是，根據這些早期藏文資料，西藏的菩薩醫師應培養覺悟之心，在通往成佛的漸進道路上行醫。通過將佛教醫學倫理置於其歷史和現實背景中，本研究認為醫學倫理的細節往往取決於制度支持，而十四世紀薩迦寺製定的佛教醫方長期以來一直是後來西藏和其他地區菩薩醫師蓬勃發展的範例。
- MEI Ching Hsuan, Dharma Drum Institute of Liberal Arts
梅靜軒, 法鼓文理學院
Prioritizing Body Care Before Meditation
禪修前的身體調養與準備―前現代的漢、藏佛教禪修指引This paper aims to elucidate the importance of attending to one’s physical well-being before engaging in meditation. This preparatory stage is pivotal but, regrettably, has frequently been overlooked by both scholars and practitioners alike.
The textual sources under scrutiny encompass chapters dedicated to bodily caring primarily from the esteemed work Essentials of Practicing Samatha and Vipassanā Meditation《修習止觀坐禪法要》authored by the renowned sixth-century Tiantai Patriarch, 智顗 (538-597). In tandem with analysing the contents of these chapters, a comparative analysis will be conducted. I will investigate The Lamp for the Eye of Contemplation (bSam gtan mig sgron) by Nuchen Sangye Yeshe (10th C.), a tenth-century Tibetan meditation text that also features a section on the maintenance of physical health and the management of illness. Despite these materials receiving scholarly attention, the critical nexus between corporeal well-being and the meditative process has often been overlooked. This paper endeavors to address this scholarly lacuna and illuminate the pivotal role of nurturing and caring for the body in facilitating effective meditation practice.
From the examination of the pre-modern Chinese and Tibetan meditation texts presented in this article, it is observed that, structurally, the Tiantai School offers a more comprehensive and clearly organized discussion on the steps and principles for adjusting the body and mind, moving from external to internal, and from coarse to subtle. Nevertheless, both reveal a shared understanding across traditions about the significance of proper preparation and the dedication needed to achieve meditative success. By studying these texts, we gain a deeper appreciation for the foundational aspects of meditation practice and how they transcend cultural and historical boundaries.
本文旨在闡明在進行禪修之前關注自身身體健康的重要性。這一準備階段至關重要，但遺憾的是，學者和修行者都經常忽視這一階段。
本研究的文本資料主要來自六世紀著名的天臺宗祖師智顗（538-597年）所著的《修習止觀坐禪法要》中有關身體護理的章節。在分析這些章節內容的同時，還將進行比較分析。我將研究努欽·桑傑益西（Nuchen Sangye Yeshe，西元10世紀）所著的《禪定目炬》（bSam gtan mig sgron）。這是一部10世紀的藏文禪修經典，其中也有關於保持身體健康和治療疾病的章節。 儘管這些資料受到學術界的關注，但身體健康與禪修過程之間的重要聯系卻常常被忽視。本文試圖彌補這一學術空白，闡明養護和關愛身體在促進有效禪修方面的關鍵作用。
通過對本文所呈現的前現代漢藏禪修典籍的研究，我們發現，從結構上看，天臺宗對調整身心、從外到內、從粗到細的步驟和原則的論述更為全面，條理也更為清晰。儘管如此，兩者都揭示了不同傳統對適當準備的重要性和實現禪修成功所需的獻身精神的共同理解。通過研究這些文本，我們可以更深入地瞭解禪修的基本要素，以及它們是如何超越文化和歷史界限的。
- POLETTO, Alessandro, Washington University in St. Louis
薄樂陀, 美國華盛頓大學 (聖路易斯)
Precepts, the nenbutsu and moxibustion: the toolkit of a Buddhist healer in medieval Japan
戒律、念佛和艾灸——中世紀日本佛教治療師的工具包Buddhist monks played a crucial role in bringing continental healing practices (both Buddhist and non-Buddhist) to Japan. The case of Jianzhen 鑑真 (J: Ganjin; 688-763) is especially well known, but early Japanese sources contain mentions of other monks, such as Pŏpchang 法蔵 (J: Hōzō; fl. late 7th century) from Paekche, and Keishun 惠俊 (fl. early 8th century), who was later laicized and whose technical expertise originated on the Korean Peninsula.
Despite changes in social structures, ideas and practices surrounding healing and disease, this close connection between Buddhism and health would continue throughout the following centuries. In this talk, I will focus on an effervescent period of Japanese history — the second half of the twelfth century — when new techniques were added to the therapeutic toolkit of Buddhist practitioners. In particular, I will examine the activities of the monk Butsugon-bō Shōshin 仏厳房聖心 (fl. 1141-1194; hereafter, Butsugon), often studied for his close ties with Fujiwara no Kanezane 藤原兼実 (1149-1207), one of the most influential political figures in Japan at the time.
Through an analysis of records written by his patrons and patients, I will look at the therapeutic practices that Butsugon employed. He can be seen, for example, carrying out rituals from both the esoteric and exoteric traditions, promoting the practice of the nenbutsu 念仏 — the chanting of Amitābha Buddha’s name — but also conferring the precepts to ill and pregnant patients, and practicing moxibustion, a therapeutic modality typically associated with court physicians.
The conferral of the precepts and moxibustion favored by Butsugon are especially noteworthy, as they represent relatively new additions to the toolkit of Buddhist healers that would soon become popular among members of the court bureaucracy. I will conclude my talk discussing the methodological implications of these additions and what the diversity of the healing practices employed by Buddhist technicians like Butsugon can tell us about the relationship between “Buddhism” and “medicine.”
佛教僧侣在将大陆的治疗方法（佛教和非佛教）传入日本方面发挥了至关重要的作用。鉴真（688-763年）的事例尤其广为人知，但日本早期的资料中也提到了其他僧侣，如百济的法蔵（约7世纪晚期），以及專業知識技能源自朝鮮半島本土的惠俊（约8世纪早期，後被迫還俗）。
儘管圍繞治療和疾病的社會結構、觀念和實踐發生了變化，但佛教與健康之間的這種緊密聯系將在接下來的幾個世紀中一直延續下去。在本次演講中，我將重點介紹日本歷史上的一個充滿活力的時期——12世紀下半葉，當時佛教修行者的治療工具包中增加了新的技術。我將特別探討佛嚴房聖心（仏厳房聖心，活躍於1141-1194，以下簡稱佛嚴）的活動，他與藤原兼實（藤原兼実，1149-1207年）關係密切，是當時日本最有影響力的政治人物之一。
佛教僧侣在将大陆的治疗方法（佛教和非佛教）传入日本方面发挥了至关重要的作用。鉴真（688-763年）的事例尤其广为人知，但日本早期的资料中也提到了其他僧侣，如百济的法蔵（约7世纪晚期），以及專業知識技能源自朝鮮半島本土的惠俊（约8世纪早期，後被迫還俗）。
儘管圍繞治療和疾病的社會結構、觀念和實踐發生了變化，但佛教與健康之間的這種緊密聯系將在接下來的幾個世紀中一直延續下去。在本次演講中，我將重點介紹日本歷史上的一個充滿活力的時期——12世紀下半葉，當時佛教修行者的治療工具包中增加了新的技術。我將特別探討佛嚴房聖心（仏厳房聖心，活躍於1141-1194，以下簡稱佛嚴）的活動，他與藤原兼實（藤原兼実，1149-1207年）關係密切，是當時日本最有影響力的政治人物之一。
通過分析他的贊助人和病人所寫的記錄，我將研究佛嚴所採用的治療方法。舉例來說，我們可以看到他同時採用密教和顯教傳統的儀式，推廣念佛法門（誦念阿彌陀佛的名號），同時也為生病和懷孕的接受治療者授戒，並使用艾灸這種通常與宮廷醫生相關的治療方法。佛嚴所偏愛的授戒和艾灸的治療方式尤其值得注意，因為它們代表了佛教治療師工具包中相對較新的內容，它們很快就在宮廷官僚中流行起來。最後，我將討論這些新增內容在方法論上的意義，以及像佛嚴這樣的佛教治療師所採用的多種治療方法對“佛教”與“醫學”之間關係的啟示。
- SALGUERO, Pierce, Penn State University’s Abington College
薩毘爾, 賓夕法尼亞州立大學阿賓頓學院
Buddhist Healing in the Lanna Region of Northern Thailand
泰國北部蘭納地區的佛教療法This paper focuses on the healing practices of “Master P,” a respected ritualist and local healer (maw-meuang) specializing in the Lanna healing traditions of Northern Thailand. I describe his activities as the officiant of a blessing ceremony at a regionally important traditional medicine school, an annual event that showcases the rich healing repertoire of Lanna medicine. I then follow Master P back to his home village, where I describe his healing interactions with the local people and discuss the ritual space where he meets his patients. From holy water to ritual offerings, herbal preparations, talismanic tattoos, spirit invocations, and empowered massage tools, my descriptions throughout this paper emphasize the many ways that Master P’s healing deeply engages with Buddhist practices and symbols. These aspects of Lanna medicine echo other Buddhist medical traditions from places such as China, Japan, Myanmar, and Tibet, but here they are combined in ways that celebrate and perform the northern identity of healers in this part of Thailand.
本文重點介紹“P大師”的治療實踐，他是一位受人尊敬的儀式師和當地治療師（maw-meuang），擅長泰國北部的蘭納治療傳統。我描述了他在當地一所重要的傳統醫學學校主持祈福儀式的活動，這是一項展示蘭納醫學豐富療法的年度活動。然後，我跟隨P大師回到他家所在的村子，我描述了他在那裡與當地人的治療互動，並討論了他與病人會面的儀式空間。從聖水到儀式供品、草藥製劑、護身符紋身、招魂術以及加持按摩工具，我在本文中的描述強調了P大師的治療方法與佛教實踐和符號深度結合的眾多形式。蘭納醫學的這些方面與中國、日本、緬甸和西藏地區等地的其他佛教醫學傳統不謀而合，但在這裡，它們與慶祝和展現泰國這一地區醫者的北方身份的方式結合在一起。
- SHULMAN, Eviatar, HUJI
舒爾曼, 耶路撒冷希伯來大學
Healing through letting go: On the maturation of a certain conception of Buddhist medicine in Indian Buddhism
通過放下而獲得治愈：論印度佛教中一種特定佛教醫學概念的成熟“Illness is itself emptiness” says Vīmalakīrti (p. 54 of the recent translation by Gómez and Harrison). With this he concludes a captivating argument that defines illness as a karmic maturation of mistaken conceptuality, which takes things to be real in a way they never were. Vimalakīrti’s argument is grounded in his understanding of non-duality, suggesting that illness results from dualistic perception, which itself aggravates the grasping at I and mine. His illness is, in fact, an illusion, brought about by his utter grasp of reality.
Such understandings of non-duality, illusion and emptiness are generally alien to the early Buddhist notion of reality. However, we can identify an intriguing antecedent of this position in texts where the Buddha heals different students from illness. In the Saṃyutta-nikāya the Buddha recites the formula on the seven limbs of enlightenment (bojjhaṅga) to Mahākassapa and Mahāmoggalāna who are gravely ill, and we are explicitly told that this happens because they let go of the disease. Even-though the Buddha also heals in the same way, it is not the bojjhaṅgas that do the trick, as the monk Girimānanda is said to heal by hearing a series of powerful Buddhist philosophical conceptions. It is also not the chanting or the Buddha’s presence that makes the impact, as the householder Nakulapita, who was on the verge of death, heals when his wife helps him reach a state of complete trust in her and in her ability to take care of their childrens’ physical and spiritual needs.
This emphasis on letting go as a method of healing, which we can identify in these earlier sources, can be seen as a precursor of Vimalakīrti’s approach. It speaks of a dependency of matter on mind, which we can identify in similar contexts within the early texts, such as when the Buddha controls the time of his death, or in masterful acts of dying performed by adept students. Even-though the contexts are different, they share much in common, so that in this talk we will be able to define a key Buddhist insight about healing and explore some of the tensions it holds within it.
“疾病本身就是空性”，維摩詰如是說（參見戈麥斯和哈里森最近的譯本第54頁）。
他以此總結了一個引人入勝的論點，將疾病定義為錯誤概念性的業力成熟，這種概念性將事物視為從未有過的真實存在。維摩詰的論點建立在他對非二元性的理解之上，暗示疾病源於二元化的感知，而這種感知本身又加劇了對“我”和“我所”的執著。事實上，他的疾病是一種幻覺，源於他對實相的徹底把握。
這種對非二元性、幻覺和空性的理解通常與早期佛教的實相觀念格格不入。然而，我們可以在描述佛陀治愈不同弟子疾病的經文中找到這一立場的有趣先例。在《相應部》中，佛陀向重病中的大迦葉和大目犍連誦念七覺支（bojjhaṅga）的公式，我們被明確告知這之所以發生是因為他們放下了疾病。盡管佛陀也以同樣的方式治愈，但並非七覺支起了作用，因為我們被告知比丘耆利摩難陀是通過聽聞一系列強大的佛教哲學概念而痊愈的。同樣，也不是誦經或佛陀的在場產生了影響，因為瀕臨死亡的居士那拘羅父在他的妻子幫助他達到完全信任她和她照顧他們子女身心需求的能力的狀態時痊愈了。
這種強調放下作為治療方法的觀念，我們可以在早期佛教文獻中找到其蹤跡，這可以被視為維摩詰方法的先驅。它談到了物質對心靈的依賴，這一點我們可以在早期經文的類似語境中看到，比如當佛陀控制自己的死亡時間，或者在熟練的弟子展現的精湛死亡行為中。盡管語境不同，但它們有很多共同點，因此在這次討論中，我們將能夠定義一個關於治愈的關鍵佛教洞見，並探討其中蘊含的一些張力。
- SARBACKER, Stuart, Oregon State University
薩跋軻, 俄勒岡州立大學
On the Borderlands of Religion and Science: Indo-Tibetan Buddhist Contemplative Traditions and Psychedelic Medicine
宗教與科學的邊界——印藏佛教禪觀傳統與迷幻藥物The current “Second Wave Psychedelic Movement” or “Psychedelic Renaissance” promises to transform contemporary medicine, particularly psychological and psychiatric therapies, in profound ways. As psychedelic therapies have become increasingly mainstream, issues have emerged regarding the salience of religious and philosophical issues to these interventions. Roland Griffiths, a leading researcher on psychedelics, argued that the therapeutic potential of psilocybin-based therapy can be correlated with participants’ reporting of profound spiritual or even “mystical” experiences. Religious communities have increasingly been compelled to address the spiritual implications of psychedelic therapy, with responses that range from explicit prohibition to the establishment of practices of “psychedelic chaplaincy” and certification programs in psychedelic-assisted therapy. In this paper, I examine the response of contemporary Indo-Tibetan Buddhist traditions to psychedelic medicine among both “ethnic” and “convert” Buddhist communities in light of Pali and Sanskrit canonical discussions of prohibitions against alcohol (majja/madya) and discussions regarding the use of herbs (oṣadhi) as a means to achieve extraordinary accomplishments (ṛddhi). On this basis, I argue three things: (1) that if psychedelics are argued to be medicine (bhesajja/bhaiṣajya) as opposed to being akin to alcohol (majja/madya), they fall into a “therapeutic” as opposed to an “enhancement” sphere and are defensible as a medical intervention via Buddhist Vinaya ethics; (2) that many “traditionalists,” on the other hand, connect the notion of “heedlessness” (pamāda/pramāda) to all intoxicants, widening the scope of the fifth precept to a range of substances that induce cognitive and behavioral distortions and thus include psychedelics within the prohibited sphere; and (3) that Indic sources convey an understanding that herbs (osadhī/oṣadhi) are a known, if not legitimate, source of extraordinary experiences and capacities (ṛddhi) and thus provide conceptual grounds supporting the contemporary linkage among Buddhist communities between psychedelic and meditative experiences.
當前的“第二次迷幻運動”或“迷幻復興”有望深刻地改變當代醫學，尤其是心理和精神療法。隨著迷幻療法日益成為主流，有關宗教和哲學在這些干預措施中突出地位的問題也隨之出現。羅蘭·格里菲斯（Roland Griffiths）是研究迷幻藥的主要學者，他認為以裸蓋菇素(psilocybin)為基礎的療法的治療潜力與參與者報告的深刻的精神甚至“神秘”體驗相關。越來越多的宗教團體不得不正視迷幻療法的精神影響，採取的應對措施包括明令禁止、設立“迷幻藥牧師”和迷幻藥輔助療法認證項目等。
在本文中，我根據巴利文和梵文經典中關於禁酒（majja/madya）的討論，以及關於使用草藥（oṣadhi）作為達到神通（ṛddhi）的手段的討論，研究了當代印藏佛教傳統中“民族”和“皈依”佛教團體對迷幻藥的反應。在此基礎上，我提出三個論點：（1）如果迷幻劑被認為是藥物（bhesajja/bhaiṣajya），而不是類似於酒精（majja/madya），那麼它們就屬於“治療”而不是“增强”的範疇，就可以通過佛教戒律倫理作為一種醫療干預措施來辯護；（2）另一方面，許多“傳統主義者”將“放逸”（pamāda/pramāda）的概念與所有麻醉劑聯系起來，將第五條戒律的範圍擴大到一系列會導致認知和行為扭曲的物質，從而將迷幻劑納入了禁止範圍；（3）印度文獻傳達了一種理解，即草藥（osadhī/oṣadhi）是非凡體驗和神通（ṛddhi）的已知（即便不正當）來源，從而提供了支持當代佛教界將迷幻體驗和冥想體驗聯系起來的概念基礎。
- SKILTON, Andrew, University of Oxford
司啟敦, 牛津大學
When threatened masculinity trumps pastoral care in the Theravāda vinaya: calling the Buddha ‘queer’ in Pali
當受到威脅的男性氣質勝過上座部戒律中的教職關懷——巴利語指謂佛陀“斷袖”辨考The article discusses the Pali vinaya rule prohibiting surgery on the anus (Vin.i.215–216) by clarifying the meaning of key terminology: uppaṇḍeti ‘to mock someone by questioning their sexuality’. In addition a discussion of the nuances of the frame story in the Pali vinaya is conducted – in which the Buddha walks away from an encounter with a doctor – and used to reveal a strand of anxiety related to any reference to the Buddha having a sexual identity that is other than being a heteronormative male. This article is one of four in which the rule on surgery is discussed from a variety of exegetical perspectives – here from a text-historical, philological, and narratological veiwpoint, the others lexicographical, medical and comparative mode focussing on redaction.
本文通過澄清關鍵術語uppaṇḍeti “以質疑某人的性行為來嘲弄他”的含義，討論了禁止在谷道上動手術的巴利文戒律規則（Vin.i.215-216）。此外，本文還討論了巴利文戒律中框架故事的細微差別——在該故事中，佛陀從與醫生的相遇中走開——並借此揭示了與任何提及佛陀具有斷袖之風以外的性身份相關的焦慮。本文是四篇從不同解釋學角度討論外科手術規則的文章之一——本文從文本史學、語言學和敘事學的角度進行討論，其他文章則從詞典學、醫學和從比較模式的角度關注其編輯問題。
- SOGO, Alexander, Columbia University
十河アレックス, 哥倫比亞大學
Healing as Statecraft, Statecraft as Healing: Bureaucracy, Benevolent Rule, and Buddhist Healing in Ancient Japan
醫術即國術，國術即醫術——古代日本的官僚制度、仁政與佛教醫術This paper is a chapter from my forthcoming dissertation titled “Social Welfare in Ancient Japanese Buddhism: Disease, Disability, and Healing in the Ritsuryō Polity.” I examine how eighth-century Japanese aristocrats in the fledgling Ritsuryō state deployed Buddhist ideals of health and charity imported from the Asian continent in the construction of Japan’s first welfare institutions, the Seyaku-in 施薬院 and Hiden-in 悲田院. These institutions were emblematic of the idiosyncratic fusions of Confucianism, Buddhism, and local clan politics that characterized the rapid transformation of the Yamato kingdom into a Chinese-style bureaucratic state. My paper shows how the notion of Buddhist medicine in the Ritsuryō period extended far beyond the treatment and healing of individuals—Buddhist medicine was a key piece of state ideology, and conversely proper statecraft was imagined as the central karmic force that could heal the sick throughout the realm.
I begin with a study of the “Laws of Medicine” (Ishitsu-ryō 医疾令) section of Japan’s earliest extant law codes, the Yōrō ritsuryo 養老律令, showing how Japanese literate elites inherited a culture of rulership rooted in classical Chinese sources that demanded a mechanical bureaucracy capable of dispensing of medicine to the populace. I then demonstrate how the impersonal, systematic institution idealized in these law codes was quickly overshadowed by private family monopolization of medical resources at Buddhist temples. I reveal how Kōfukuji, the family temple of the Fujiwara clan, oversaw the development of the first Seyaku-in and Hiden-in, paired institutions that functioned as an apothecary and welfare center. These extra-legal institutions were privately funded and justified through a Buddhist vocabulary of the elimination of suffering for all sentient beings. However, through an examination of eight-century medical dispensation records, I show how the primary consumers of the medicine stocked at Buddhist temples were aristocratic patrons and monks, not the masses. The juxtaposition of ideological requirements for universal benevolence with the inward focus of severely limited medical infrastructure encouraged eight-century elites to settle instead for a notion of cosmic medicine: the act of producing and gathering medicine itself was imagined to generate karmic merit which on its own would heal the masses beyond the reach of the urban center.
本文是我即將發表的論文《古代日本佛教中的社會福利：律令制中的疾病、殘疾與治療》中的一章。我研究了八世紀日本貴族如何在新興的律令制國家中運用從亞洲大陸傳入的佛教健康和慈善理念來建設日本最早的福利機构——施藥院和悲田院。這些機构代表了儒教、佛教和地方宗族政治的獨特融合，是大和王國迅速轉變為中國式官僚國家的特徵。我的論文展示了律令時期的佛教醫學觀念如何遠遠超出了對個人的治療和治癒——佛教醫學是國家意識形態的一個重要組成部分，而且反過來，正確的治國方略被想像成能够治癒整個王國的疾病的核心的業的力量。
我首先研究了日本現存最早的法典《養老律令》中的“醫疾令”部分，說明日本的文人精英如何繼承了植根於中國古典文獻的統治文化，這種文化要求建立一個能够為民眾提供藥物的官僚機构。然後，我展示了這些法典中理想的非個人化的、系統化的機构是如何迅速被私人家族壟斷的佛教寺廟醫療資源所掩蓋的。我揭示了藤原氏的家廟—興福寺是如何監督第一家施藥院和悲田院的發展，這兩家機构成對地發揮著藥房和福利中心的作用。這些法外機构由私人出資，並通過為眾生消除痛苦的佛教詞彙來證明其合理性。然而，通過研究八世紀的施藥記錄，我展示了佛教寺廟藥品的主要消費者是貴族贊助人和僧侶，而非普通民眾。普度眾生的意識形態要求與醫療基礎設施嚴重受限的內向性並存，促使八世紀的精英們轉而追求一種宇宙醫學的概念：生產和採集藥物的行為本身被想像為能產生業的功德，而這種業的功德本身就能治癒都市中心以外的普通民眾。
- H.S. Sum Cheuk SHING, University of Chicago
岑卓成, 芝加哥大學
Sinitic Buddhist Approaches for Anti-Aging, Life Extension, and Deathlessness
探討唐宋佛教的抗老、延年與長生不死實踐形式Studies about the Sinitic quest for long life and transcendence, particularly Daoist expressions and experiences, constitute a wellspring of knowledge regarding notions of medicine and healing throughout the history of China and its diasporas. Yet, interrogations of the Sinitic Buddhist tradition’s attitudes and approaches towards longevity and the related arenas of anti-aging, life extension, and deathlessness are far and few between—either revealing the seemingly peripheral nature of such pursuits or the symbolic importance of deities associated with longevity. Most crucially, I contend that Chinese Buddhist discourses and practices revolving around the application of material and/or medical substances in these pursuits remain a largely understudied dimension.As such, my research first examines normative opinions about the ingestion of such substances and hagiographic deployments detailing practices that involve the use of plants or minerals. This study’s primary focus, however, belongs to recipes and rituals that target outward signs of aging, the lengthening of one’s lifespan, and/or outright deathlessness. Considering both excavated and transmitted sources from premodern Chinese Buddhist and medical traditions, particularly materials from the Tang-Song period, I center the role of material substances in Dunhuang manuscript materials and esoteric Chinese Buddhist canonical texts such as Stein 5598, T. 946, T. 1080, and T. 1133. Bringing the burgeoning perspectives of material culture studies and the history of medicine into conversation with each other, I offer insight into how some Chinese Buddhists entered relationships with material things to ensure efficacious results regarding the betterment of their physical being and the augmentation of their mortal lives.
長生不老與成仙思想的研究，尤其道教文化中的表現，是中國醫學歷史的重要部分。至於漢傳佛教對抗老、延年與長生不老的態度以及實踐形式，相關的考察卻是遠遠跟不上。本研究希望則將目光投向一個更關鍵但暫未被充分關注的研究方向：圍繞著物質文化和藥物應用的漢傳佛教論述與實踐。
本文首先檢視漢傳佛教對於運用藥物的規範觀點、以及傳記內容所描述的藥物服食法。進而轉向本研究的核心關注，以唐宋佛教與中醫典籍的文獻為研究材料，仔細探討佛教中針對抗衡生理衰老、延壽，甚至試圖實現永生不死的藥方與儀式。通過對敦煌寫本與大藏經密教部的文獻，我期望結合物質文化研究和醫學史的視角，由此深入闡述漢傳佛教如何利用醫藥物質來改善身體功能與健康情況並延長壽命。
- TEISER, Stephen, Princeton University
太史文, 普林斯頓大學
Minions of the Medicine Master Buddha: Healthcare Pantheons in Medieval Chinese Buddhist Practice
藥師佛的下屬——中古中國佛教實踐中的醫療保健諸神Among the deities who cure illness, protect health, and ensure longevity in medieval Chinese Buddhism, the figure of Bhaiṣajyaguru 藥師 (Medicine Master) Buddha was surely the most powerful. And yet, this Buddha’s name is mentioned only infrequently in the considerable number of liturgical texts used in healing rituals that survive among the Dunhuang manuscripts. This paper explores the range of deities beseeched in the curing rituals performed for a wide range of people. It also reflects on why deities subordinate to Medicine Master were invoked so often, how manuscript sources on the performance of ritual contribute to our knowledge of Buddhist practice, and possible models for understanding pantheons in premodern Buddhism.
在中世中國佛教的治病、護身和延壽神明中，藥師佛無疑是最有威力的。然而，在敦煌寫本存世的大量用於治療儀式的儀式文本中，卻很少提到這位佛陀的名字。本文探討了在為不同人群舉行的治病儀式中祈求的各種神明。本文還反思了為何如此頻繁地召喚藥師的從屬神，寫本中有關儀式表演的資料如何促進我們對佛教實踐的瞭解，以及理解前現代佛教中諸神明的可能模式。
- WU Junqing, Liverpool University
鄔雋卿, 利物浦大學
Buddhism and Healing in the Southern Song society
南宋社會的佛教與療癒This article explores the utilization of Buddhist symbols in healing practices at the local level in Southern Song society, drawing primarily from the twelfth-century colossal collection of folk stories, Yijian zhi 夷堅志 by Hong Mai 洪邁 (1123-1202). Hong Mai meticulously documents supernormal stories from around the country, providing valuable insights into the intersection of Buddhism, folk beliefs, and healing methodologies. I hope to demonstrate the intricate connections between these elements, diverging from the teachings found in canonical texts.
For analytical purposes, I categorize the Buddhist healing stories into four distinct groups. The first category highlights instances where the Buddhist Dharma alone serves as the remedy. Here, practitioners are miraculously healed through diligent and repetitive recitation of a Buddhist sutra or incantation. In the second category, the stories centre on the manifestation of Buddhas or Bodhisattvas. In these narratives, the Buddha or a Bodhisattva intervenes by delivering a magical medicine or performing a miraculous surgery. It is noteworthy that the Buddha or Bodhisattva frequently appears in the form of a monk within these accounts. In the third category, we explore the role of healing monks, who were revered for their ritual power and expertise in curing diseases. Frequently sought after by the laity, these monks were invited to conduct healing and exorcism rituals. It is important to recognize that within the religious marketplace, monks competed with other religious professionals to provide healing services. Notably, Buddhist-oriented healing rituals, including specific spells, were predominantly associated with monks. This suggests that in the Southern Song society, monks were largely regarded as representatives of Buddhist teachings. In the fourth category, we examine cases where Buddhist ritual healing fails as a result of the patient’s unresolved karmic debts. In such instances, demons or ghosts are perceived as having the “legitimacy” to inflict harm. This underscores the significance of karmic retribution in the Song understanding of disease and healing.
这篇文章探讨了南宋社会地方层面上利用佛教符号进行疗愈实践的情况，主要从十二世纪的巨著《夷坚志》中（作者洪迈，1123-1202）汲取内容。洪迈详细记录了全国各地的超自然故事，为我们提供了宝贵的洞见，揭示了佛教、民间信仰和疗愈方法的交汇之处。我希望能够展示这些元素之间错综复杂的联系，偏离经典文本中所述的教义。
为了分析目的，我将佛教疗愈故事分为四个独特的类别。第一类突出了仅仅依靠佛法本身作为疗法的情况。在这里，从业者通过勤奋而反复地诵读佛经或咒语而奇迹般地被治愈。第二类故事围绕着佛陀或菩萨的显化展开。在这些叙述中，佛陀或菩萨通过提供神奇药物或进行奇迹般的手术介入。值得注意的是，在这些故事中，佛陀或菩萨经常以僧侣的形象出现。第三类我们探讨了治愈僧侣的角色，他们因其仪式力量和治疗疾病的专业知识而备受崇敬。常常受到信众的追捧，这些僧侣被邀请进行治疗和驱邪仪式。重要的是要认识到，在宗教市场中，僧侣与其他宗教专业人士竞争提供治疗服务。值得注意的是，以佛教为导向的治愈仪式，包括特定的咒语，主要与僧侣联系在一起。这表明在南宋社会中，僧侣在很大程度上被视为佛教教义的代表。第四类我们审视了佛教仪式治疗失败的案例，原因是患者未解决的业障。在这种情况下，恶魔或鬼魂被认为有“合法性”造成伤害。这凸显了宋代对疾病和疗愈理解中业障报应的重要性。
- YI, Dan, University of Tokyo
伊丹, 日本東京大學
Buddhism’s Imprint on Medical Narratives: Exploring the Intersection of Spirituality and Medicine in China and Japan Through the Lens of the Face-Like Tumor
佛教對醫學敘事的影響——以人面瘡為例探討中日佛教與醫學的交融The Face-Like Tumor known as Jinmensō, characterized by its human-like facial features, represents one of the more peculiar afflictions within traditional East Asian medical and spiritual literature. Originating from the Tang Dynasty, its earliest documented account appears in the “You Yang Za Zu” – an eclectic collection of essays, which has become synonymous with the archetype of this ailment. However, it is within Buddhist scriptures that one finds divergent narratives, particularly those associated with figures like Wu Da Guo Shi-Zhi Xuan from the same era, offering unique insights into the condition’s spiritual interpretations. From the Song dynasty onward, medical texts began to describe Jinmensō as a consequence of false accusations and karmic retribution, prescribing repentance followed by medication as a treatment, thus underscoring the profound influence of Buddhist thought on medical practices. Extensively documented across a variety of literary genres, these narratives of Jinmensō have permeated both Chinese and Japanese cultures, impacting literature, religion, and medicine alike. This presentation aims to meticulously trace the lineage of Jinmensō stories, analyze pertinent texts from Japan and China, and evaluate the significance of Zhi Xuan’s contributions to these narratives. By employing visual aids to illustrate these intriguing cases, this study endeavors to elucidate the complex interplay between literature, Buddhist scriptures, and medical theory, using Jinmensō as a focal point to explore broader themes of spirituality and medicine in historical contexts.
人面瘡（Face-Like Tumor, Jinmensō, Ren Mian Chuang），作為一種在傳統東亞醫學和佛教文獻中均有記載的奇特疾病，以其獨特的人臉特徵引起了廣泛關注。該病癥的起源可追溯至唐朝，最早在《酉陽雜俎》這一綜合性隨筆集中可以看到相關描述，書中詳細記錄了人面瘡的原型。然而，在佛教經典中，人面瘡被賦予了不同的意義，尤其是與同時期的佛教高僧知玄相關的故事，為這一病症提供了獨特的精神解釋。
自宋代以來，醫學文獻開始將人面瘡視為誣告和業力報應的象徵，幷提倡通過懺悔與藥物治療相結合的方式來治療。這一觀念反映了佛教思想對古代醫療實踐的深刻影響，展示了宗教與醫學之間的緊密聯繫。人面瘡的敘事不僅局限於醫學領域，它還廣泛存在於各種文學體裁中，包括歷史記載、民間傳説和宗教文獻。這些故事在中國和日本文化中傳播，對兩國的文學、宗教和醫學領域都産生了深遠的影響。
本报告旨在通過詳細追溯人面瘡故事的傳承歷程，分析中日兩國相關文本中的差異與共性，幷指出知玄故事在這一敘事體系中的重要性。同時還將展示文本以外的具體圖像案例，以更直觀地展現人面瘡在不同背景下的表現形式及其與佛教和醫學的關係。
通過本硏究，我期望能够揭示文學、佛教經典和醫學理論之間的復雜互動，以及這些元素如何共同塑造了對人面瘡及其背後深層意義的理解。同時，我也將探討人面瘡作為一个獨特的案例，如何反映出歷史背景下佛教與醫學之間的廣泛主題和交融，以及它們如何共同塑造了人們對疾病、治療與救贖的認知。
- YIN Zhao, Peking University Research Center for Buddhist Texts and Art
印照，北京大學佛教典籍與藝術研究中心
宋代佛門茶藥略探
A Preliminary Investigation of Medical Tea in Song Dynasty Buddhism佛教與中國文化的融合是多方面、多角度的，其中禪與茶的結合是其中最為精彩的主題之一。就佛門茶文化而言，宋代佛門的茶文化尤為獨特，不但有點茶的千古絕技，茶會的盛大多樣，茶禮的複雜莊嚴，茶宴的茗香食精，還有茶藥伴茶湯的習俗。宋代佛門的茶藥，種類多，服用講究。宋代佛門茶藥的盛行，與中印兩國傳統醫藥觀、養生觀都有密切的關係。宋代佛門茶藥是中印兩種不同文明共同孕育的一顆寶珠，是佛教中國化在社會生活層面的生動體現。本文從宋代佛門茶與藥的關係、宋代佛門茶藥種類與藥方、宋代佛門茶藥的淵源三部分內容，力爭全面發掘宋代佛門茶藥的歷史面貌，呈現其文化與現實的價值。
The integration of Buddhism and Chinese culture is multifaceted and multidimensional, and the combination of Chan Buddhism and tea is one of its most exciting themes. In terms of Buddhist tea culture, the Song Dynasty Buddhist tea culture is particularly unique. It not only had unique techniques for drinking tea (diancha 點茶), grand tea parties (chahui 茶會), complex and solemn tea ceremonies (chali 茶禮) , exquisite tea banquets (chayan 茶宴), but also the custom of drinking tea accompanied by taking medicine pills (Chayao 茶藥). There were many types of Song Dynasty Buddhist tea medicine (chayao), all with various rules of taking them. The prevalence of chayao of Chan-Buddhism in the Song Dynasty is closely related to the traditional medicine and health concepts of both China and India. The Chan-Buddhist chayao in the Song Dynasty is a vivid embodiment of the comprehensive integration of Buddhism and Chinese social life. This paper will explore the historical features of Chan-Buddhist chayao in the Song Dynasty and present its cultural value in three sections.
- ZHAI Yunyao, Harvard University
翟韻堯, 哈佛大學
Healing the Overlords: The Worship of Medicine Buddha in the Yuan China (1279-1368)
治癒霸主：元朝中國（1279-1368）對藥師佛的崇拜In the zenith of the 13th century, the ascendency of the Mongols to power in China catalyzed a parallel elevation of Buddhism, witnessed through the conversion of a considerable Mongol elites and generous imperial patronage. Within the scholarly discourse concerning the Mongols’ religious inclinations, the strategic embrace of Buddhism—fueled by its practical efficacies—is frequently overlooked. This paper then will cast a discerning eye on one pivotal yet underestimated dimension: the worship of the Medicine Buddha (Skt. Bhaiṣajyaguru), which significantly influenced the Mongols’ religious proclivities.
The Mongols, as once the Franciscan Friar William of Rubruck (1220-1293) observed, had a profound zeal for longevity, as they constantly inquired whether the Catholic Pope was five hundred years old. This curiosity underscores the significance of longevity within Mongol culture and belief, framing it as one of the decisive factors in their contemplation of religious conversion. For example, as it is attested by the Chinese monk Nianchang 念常 (fl. 14th century) that Qubilai (1215-1294) was much interested in the worship of the Medicine Buddha that he commissioned the translation of several ritual texts into Chinese.
This paper will conduct an analysis of both Chinese and Tibetan narratives, including the Yuan shi 元史, Fozu lidai tongzai 佛祖歷代通載and the De zhin gshegs pa bdun gyi mdo (Skt. Āryasaptatathāgatapūrvapraṇidhānaviśeṣavistāra) to examine the practices associated with the Medicine Buddha in the Yuan period. It posits that the Medicine Buddha’s worship and its attributed healing powers were instrumental in consolidating the Mongols’ faith to Buddhism. The distinct healing efficacy attributed to Buddhism pertaining to the Medicine Buddha carved a unique niche for the religion amidst a competitive milieu for imperial endorsement. This historical exploration delineates how spiritual faith and pragmatic benefits were intertwined in the Mongols’ religious conversion and illustrates the singular influence of the Medicine Buddha’s worship in the broader context of Yuan religious life.
在13世紀中葉，蒙古人在中國的崛起催化了佛教地位的提昇，這一點從相當一部分蒙古貴族的歸依和慷慨的皇家贊助中可以得到見證。在現當代關於蒙古人宗教傾向的學術論述中，學者們紛紛探究究竟為何蒙古人在眾多宗教信仰中選擇了佛教，其中常常被忽視的一點就是佛教在蒙古人軍事和日常生活中所擁有的重要「實際效用」。本文將仔細審視一個關鍵而被低估的維度：藥師佛（梵文：Bhaiṣajyaguru）的崇拜，這顯著地影響了蒙古人的宗教傾向。 正如方濟各會修士魯不魯乞(William of Rubruck,1220-1293）所觀察的，蒙古人對「長壽」有著深厚的熱情，在與魯不魯乞的交往中，他們不斷詢問天主教教皇是否有五百歲。這種好奇心證明了長壽在蒙古文化和信仰中的重要性，並且成為他們考慮宗教轉換的決定性因素之一。例如，據14世紀的中國僧侶念常記載，元世祖忽必烈（1215-1294）對藥師佛的崇拜非常感興趣，以至於他委託將幾個藥師佛相關的儀式文本翻譯成中文。 本文將對包括《元史》、《佛祖歷代通載》和《七如來所作願經》（梵文：Āryasaptatathāgatapūrvapraṇidhānaviśeṣavistāra）在內的中文和藏文敘述進行分析，考察元代與藥師佛相關的實踐。筆者認為，藥師佛的崇拜及它的治癒能力，在鞏固蒙古人對佛教的信仰中發揮了重要作用。有關藥師佛的獨特治癒效能，為佛教爭取皇家支持的競爭環境中為宗教創造了獨特的市場。這一歷史探索闡明了蒙古人宗教轉換中精神信仰與務實利益是如何交織在一起的，並揭示了藥師佛崇拜在元代宗教生活更廣泛背景下的獨特影響。
- ZHANG Yuanyuan, Ningxia University
張園園, 寧夏大學
傳統醫學與佛、道醫學的互滲：論“三尸”知識的形成與歷史演變
The interpenetration of traditional medicine with Buddhist and Taoist medicine: A study of the formation and historical evolution of the knowledge of “san shi chong”“蟲”是中國古代醫學中的重要致病因素，並常與傳染病相關聯。“三尸蟲”是最為特殊的“蟲”，不僅在中國傳統醫學，甚至在佛教尤其道教典籍中扮演著重要的角色，兼具醫學和宗教色彩。秦漢時期的醫書『黃帝內經』中已有對“蟲”論述；約成書於同時期的『神農本草經』中有“殺三蟲”的說法，此後成書於東漢的『漢書』『論衡』等非醫書中都熟練使用了“三蟲”的概念。魏晉時期，道教典籍將“去三蟲”作為修道和追求長生的關鍵步驟，並逐漸混同“三尸”和“三蟲”的概念，稱為“三尸蟲”；“三尸蟲”的概念雖源自傳統醫籍，但其道教醫學認識實則與佛教典籍中的“萬戶蟲”密切相關。隋代醫書『諸病源候論』總結前代“三蟲”和“九蟲”知識，進一步強化了“蟲”在後世傳統醫學和佛教醫學、道教醫學中的重要性。至宋代，道教典籍中逐漸用“三尸”的概念取代“三蟲”，並進一步將“三尸”擬人化、具象化、神靈化（或妖魔化），並將“三尸”對應傳統醫學中的“三丹田”“三焦”，民間有“三尸廟”，“祀三尸神”，將“三尸”與宗教信仰和宗教生活相結合。明清時期，儒學文化盛行，轉而質疑“三尸”的宗教性及前代的文獻記載；但特別值得注意的是，清代對“三尸”的認識已雜糅傳統文化、傳統醫學、佛教醫學和道教醫學中的相關認識於一體。“三尸”知識的形成與歷史演變，呈現了中國古代醫學與佛教、道教間的互動、借鑒和交融。
“Chong” was an important pathogenic factor in ancient Chinese medicine, often associated with infectious diseases. “San Shichong” which played an important role both in medical and religious field, were the most special “Chong”, not only in traditional Chinese medicine(TCM), but in Buddhism especially Taoist classics.”Huangdi Neijing” as the medical classics which made in Qin and Han dynasties had been discussed “Chong”. “Shennong Herbal Classics“,another medical classics made in the same period, recorded “killing Sanchong”. And later in the Eastern Han Dynasty, non-medical books like “Hanshu” and “Lun Heng” both skillfully used “Sanchong”.In the Wei and Jin dynasties, Taoist classics regarded “eliminate Sanchong” as the key step of pursuing live forever, and gradually confused “Sanchong” and “Sanshi” as “San Shichong”, a result is that a concept originated from traditional medical books at the earliest in the process of Taoistize absorbed the knowledge “Wan Huchong”of Buddhist medicine.Sui Dynasty medical book “Zhu Bing Yuan Hou Lun” summarized the knowledge “Sanchong” and “Jiuchong”, which strengthened the importance of “Chong” in the later traditional medicine, Buddhist medicine and Taoist medicine.To the Song Dynasty, Taoist classics gradually replaced “Sanchong” to “Sanshi”, which turned to be personified, concretized and deified (or demonized), were corresponded to the “san dantian” and “san jiao” in traditional medicine. Furthermore, “Sanshi temples” were established by the people to sacrifice”Sanshi gods”. Ming and Qing Dynasties were Confucianism prevailing period, people turned to question the religiosity of “Sanshi” and the previous relevant documentation. However, it is worth pointing out that the Qing Dynasty’s understanding of “Sanshi” has been blended with the relevant understandings of traditional culture, traditional medicine, Buddhist medicine and Taoist medicine.The formation and historical evolution of the knowledge “Sanshi” showed the interaction, reference and integration between ancient Chinese medicine, Buddhism and Taoism.
