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Notions of the infinitely small have engendered numerous paradoxes within both Buddhist and Western intellectual history. In the West, Zeno famously noticed ways in which infinitely small distances challenged competing intuitions while Bishop Berkeley mocked their use in calculus, derisively dubbing them “ghosts of departed quantities”. In Buddhist philosophy, a commitment to mereological reductionism would seem to leave infinitesimal particles as the last stand for realism; thus dismissing their possibility constitutes a final step for Vasunbadhu in his proof of idealism. Dharmak¯irti, on the other hand, treated infinitesimals as dharmas when working within a Sautr¯antika framework. This lead to new questions about the nature of such particles and debates ensued within the tradition on matters such as the seeming inability of causally inert infinitesimal particles to give rise to the perception of extension.
In an attempt to give a logically coherent account of the infinitely small, mathematicians have developed sophisticated tools and gained deep insights into the nature of infinitesimals. These tools and insights can in turn provide some new ways to think about some of the ways in which infinitesimals are encountered in the works of Vasubandhu and Dharmak¯irti.
This paper will begin such an exploration. In particular, I will examine Vasubandhu’s outright rejection of infinitesimals in light of modern mathematics, offer some possible rejoinders to his objections, and consider what new objections might be raised therefrom. Turning to Dharmak¯irti and his interepreters, the paper will give a mathematical treatment of some of the attempts to explain how infinitesimals can give rise to the experience of extension.
The overall discussion will aim to bring two very rich intellectual traditions into conversation and draw on ideas from both Buddhist metaphysics and the mathematics of set theory, nonstandard analysis and cellular automata.
漢譯佛教三藏保存了大量印度佛教典籍的譯本,也反映了印度古代佛教的諸多豐富的面相和印度古代社會生活的複雜性。本文以漢譯密教經文為史料基礎,利用部分相關的梵文密教經文,討論印度密教經典中的藥物使用情況,及其在印度民俗與社會生活中的角色;并從翻譯學和文化交流的角度,揭示其在中印宗教與文化交流中的作用。
宗教與災難之間的關係是一個值得研究的話題。世界上每一大宗教似乎都是在威脅人類命運的大災難發生之前或之後產生的。從災難中存活下來或有可能存活下來是一個關鍵時刻,它往往促進了一個大宗教的建立。另一個關口是宗教改革。誠然,有社會原因和宗教機構的內部原因,可以推動改革。然而,還有一個因素至關重要:災難。在歷史上,任何宗教如果沒有經歷過改革,固然都會落入解體的命運。但更為關鍵的因素(至少從外部因素而言),卻是大災難。災難能對一個宗教產生如此大的影響,這一點很有意思,也很有意義。這種現象使我們不得不考慮宗教的本質。人類何以需要宗教? 如果能夠理解宗教的本質——它幫助人類克服不完美、有限,以及死亡帶來的威脅、困惑和無助,可能就有望理解宗教何以與災難密切相關。當下的世界正經歷著一場巨大的、前所未有的危機——由技術革命引發的對人類生存的根本性威脅。這篇小文試圖解釋技術為何與如何構成對人類前所未有的威脅,以及佛教可能如何有助於人類討論和因應這種特殊的危機。
On the basis of data collected through fieldwork and the existing literature, this chapter unpacks the way Buddhist populations in contemporary Rakhine deal with health and illness using a plurality of conceptions and practices. Previous scholarly works have failed to understand this “therapeutic field” and its specific dynamics, the main reason being that health-related conceptions and practices have always been studied separately as considered to belong to different fields, religion or medicine. If, in this sense, etic categories are blinding, as they prevent a comprehensive approach, I claim that emic categories and notably the ones of Buddhism and medicine that appear in people’s narratives have an ethnographic and analytic value, as they reveal the cultural, social and political forces that contributed to define the position different notions and practices occupy in the therapeutic field and the relations of hierarchy and complementarity that have emerged over time between them. I want to show that the position attributed to the different notions and practices not only depend on their intrinsic capacity to contribute to the apprehension of health and illness, but also on the epistemic hierarchies which emerged between them as a consequence of the state’s intervention in this plurality and which affects the way there are implemented, valued, and used. In particular, the formalization and regulation of Buddhism and medicine carried out by the colonial and post-colonial state, came to attribute to these traditions a somehow privileged position, in the same time as it led to a redefinition (“purification”) of the contents of these categories, thus limiting their action in the therapeutic field and shifting the relationship with the other components of the field such as astrology, divination, exorcist practices and spirit cults. This complex process of categorisations and redefinition of relations, coexists and contrasts with the persistent hybridity of health-related notions and practices that keep cutting across all categories. I argue that if the coexistence of, and the tension between clear categories in people’s representations and the blurriness of these categories in the practices, reflects the complex interplay between biological, cultural, social and political forces, it also contributes to shape therapeutic efficacy in a certain way which reproduces political interests and power.
forthcoming
A Buddhist system of two truths provides a descriptive framework with criteria for what counts as real in contrast to what does not. This paper looks at the relationship between the two truths in the works of two seventh-century Indian philosophers, Dharmakīrti and Candrakīrti, and draws implications for comparison and contrast with modern scientific understandings of the world. I will highlight important features of Dharmakīrti’s epistemology that aim to circumvent cultural conventions in a way that resonates with scientific representations of knowledge. I will also contrast this approach with one inspired by Candrakīrti to argue for an irreducible place of ethics and persons in a hybrid Buddhist-scientific picture of the world.
This paper will look at two disparate Buddhist communities—the Buddha Center in Second Life, and the Daifukuji Soto Zen Mission in Hawai’i—and show how each sangha has used digital outreach to build community capacity for online practice. Although the two institutions are very different—one only exists in a virtual world, while the other is a 100-year-old actual life temple—they have both worked to expand opportunities for community members to participate in online meditative ritual and practice. Based on years of ethnographic work with both communities, I look at the opportunities and limitations of online meditation with a Buddhist sangha. Since I did substantial fieldwork with these two communities before, during, and after the Covid-19 crisis, I will also discuss the extent to which the closure of in-person services during quarantine periods impacted digital Buddhist worship.
The excavation of Buddhist sites in Chinese Central Asia is among the most fascinating chapters in the history of modern exploration. Partly fuelled by the British and Russian colonial rivalry known as the Great Game, a series of Western expeditions explored the region along the region known today as the Silk Roads. Inspired by the results of excavations carried out by European explorers, three expeditions were organized by Ōtani Kōzui, abbot of the Nishi Honganji branch of the Jōdo Shinshū school of Buddhism. His aim was to locate Buddhist ruins and relics related to the history of the transmission of Buddhism from Central Asia to China. The expeditions carried out excavations at sites around Kucha, Turfan and Khotan, bringing to light a large quantity of manuscripts and artefacts. Among the most important items was the group of Buddhist manuscripts acquired in Dunhuang and Turfan. This presentation examines how Japanese explorers who possessed a Buddhist background differed from their European counterparts in approaching these sites and artefacts. My interest is in comparing their motivations with explorers such as Sven Hedin, Aurel Stein and Paul Pelliot, and what effect the differences in attitude had on the fate of their collections.
由上海集雲軒創辦的中國濟生會(1916-1950)是中國最大的民間慈善組織之一,集雲軒是一個具有佛教色彩的民間組織,中國近代著名的佛教居士王一亭是該會的第二任會長(1928-1938),王一亭也是近代著名革命家、書畫家、實業家和慈善家。以往對於王一亭和中國濟生會的慈善活動研究成果不少,但對具體醫療救助活動其救助模式的研究不多,本文將以1931年鄂振水災時期,王一亭領導的中國濟生會所展開的救助活動為中心,在梳理醫療活動的方式和手段之余,嘗試探討影響佛教慈善模式近代轉型的因素,從而考察中國近代佛教居士的社會性身份認同,分析其對佛教慈善理念建構的近代意義。
As the power of large language models (LLMs) has become more and more obvious, concerns have increased about the adverse social impacts, and even existential risks to humanity, such technology could potentially create. These concerns have been strengthened by examples of outrageous misbehavior exhibited by models such as Microsoft’s Bing AI shortly after their public release. One prominent analysis that could make sense of this misbehavior postulates a “Waluigi Effect” that sometimes causes LLMs to behave in ways directly opposed to the personality traits that programmers were trying to induce. I show that the analysis, published under the pseudonym “Cleo Nardo,” depends in part on a version of the interdependence of extremes, a key teaching of both Buddhism and Daoism. Indeed, Nardo shows us a way to use the technical concept of Kolmogorov complexity to make the traditional teaching much more precise.
Given the problems predicted by Nardo’s hypothesis, and those which have been actually encountered in practice, what could help make LLMs and related AI systems safer? The Tibetan yogi Milarepa taught: “When it comes to moral discipline, nothing to do but stop being dishonest.” After examining this saying in its Buddhist context, I show how most cases of existential risk from AI centrally depend on the system’s capacity to deceive us. Honesty could protect us, but is difficult to engineer into AI systems generally; for LLMs in particular, the concept may not even be well-defined. This topic raises problems which may be similar to those that confront Buddhist philosophers in certain other contexts.
In these ways, Buddhist teachings can help us understand the contours of the problems we face in the realm of AI safety. Could they point to any solutions? As AI systems grow more powerful, it becomes increasingly important to ensure that they respect human values, but experts in the field seem to agree that no one knows how to do this. I offer the very tentative suggestion that we try to build AI systems with the capacity for repentance. The practice of repentance, specifically as it is understood in the Buddhist tradition, could offer a model for what it would take to train future AI systems to internalize moral norms, thereby making them more likely to make a positive contribution to humanity’s future.
The “hard problem” of consciousness is generally seen as one of explaining how phenomenal experience emerges out of physical brain activity, often with the expectation that this will require some biological explanation of the evolutionary value of consciousness. Blending Buddhist and contemporary scientific resources to theorize consciousness relationally, I will suggest, instead, that: that the explanatory gap between the phenomenal and the physical is an experimental artifact; that evolution is an improvisational record of consciousness mattering; and that the “really hard problem” of consciousness is fundamentally ethical. The talk will conclude by considering the technological risks of synthesizing human and machine intelligences and already ongoing experiments in algorithmic consciousness hacking.
Buddhist literature is a unique witness to the evolution of metallurgy in China over the course of over a thousand years. Translators used native Chinese vocabulary for different metals when translating foreign texts, although in some instances they were faced with unclear nomenclature or references to alloys that were rare in China. The use of specific metals in ritual contexts became essential following the introduction of Mantrayāna in China during the mid-Tang period. The present study will focus on brass (an alloy of copper and zinc), which was originally imported from the Western Regions, and a unique type of iron called bintie 鑌鐵 (crucible steel), which was first known as an import from Sasanian Iran. Based on the common Buddhist use of metals in the casting of statues, vajras, and bells, we might wonder whether Buddhists in China had a strong understanding of metallurgy during the first millennium. The present study will address this question with reference to Buddhist and non-Buddhist sources.
藏歷包括五行算、時輪歷、時憲歷等幾個不同的知識系統,其中,一日內的時間以健康成年男性的呼吸節奏為圭臬,年、月、日的劃分同時參考日、月運行規律,紀年以12、60、180不同週期分屬不同紀年方式,大尺度範圍的時間以kalpa為單位計算,本文旨在通過分析藏歷中不同時間尺度的劃分標準,從而探討東西方文化的交流。
Tibetan astrological science has several different system, such as the elementary astrology, Kalachakra calendar, Shi-xian calendar and so on. The time of a day in Kalachakra calendar is based on the breathing rhythm of a healthy man. The year, month and day are divided according to the laws of the sun and the moon. There are several ways of numbering the years as 12, 60 and 180. The Time in a large scale is calculated in Kalpa. This paper attempt to analyze the division of different time scales in the Tibetan calendar, and then to explore the exchange between Eastern and Western cultures.
調查表明,印度早期石窟寺在建造時,是嚴格按照一定的數學比例關係設計的,最典型的就是石窟寺的核心洞窟——支提窟,支提窟的主室在整體設計採用了印度建築學上慣用的精緻數字比,這種簡約的數字關係,建立了一種美學上的優雅風格。這些石窟雖然經過2000多年的風蝕和人為破壞,如果忽略工匠在設計時出現的8-10釐米的微小誤差,我們可以發現,洞窟的高、寬幾乎相等;殿內,從前面木屏位置到佛塔前的距長,為整個殿寬的1.5倍;塔的直徑又是塔到兩側牆邊距的1.5倍;塔與後牆的距離等於塔與左右牆距;內頂高度與寬度幾乎相等;側廊是殿寬的1/8;(主)殿寬又是總寬度的3/5;列柱是殿內通高的2/5;入口寬為洞窟總寬的1/8等等,這些規則與印度古老的宗教建築量度,即 《準繩經》(śulva sûtras)可能密切相關,本文嘗試從數學的角度解讀印度早期佛教石窟寺在建造上的特點。
北斗信仰是東亞盛行的一種信仰類型,廣泛地出現在各種宗教和信仰體系之中,並衍生出了不同的信仰形態。本文以日本陰陽道祭祀中以屬星祭爲中心的、圍繞北斗信仰展開的祭祀儀式的祭文為主要討論對象,嘗試分析在此過程中佛教的影響問題。筆者注意到阴阳道星祭經過了一個複雜的演變過程,分別可以以《諸祭文故實抄》中的祭文文範,和更晚時期形成的以若杉家文書《祭文部類》中的祭文爲代表。這種變化一方面緣於日本北斗信仰本身的演變,另一方面則與陰陽道嘗試從“祭文舊草,皆爲內典”早期的形態,逐漸發展出更具本土性的信仰體系的過程有關。兩種不同的傾向都與佛教有關,但分別表現爲積極與消極的兩個方面。通過這一案例,可以進一步了解東亞文化交流中的變容問題,以及佛教作為一種具有強大跨文化影響力的信仰體系,在其中所起到的不同作用。
While Buddhism is often recognised in the contemporary society as a religion compatible to modern scientific thinking in terms of its purported rationalism and universalist values such as non-violence and compassion, the Buddhist cosmology which is inherently at odd with our scientific understanding of the universe is rarely discussed. Ideas such as flat earth and Mount Sumeru are implicit in all Buddhist texts but are aberrant to the modern minds. This paper examines the history of Buddhist attempts to accommodate these ideas from the Bonreki movement in late Edo Japan to some of the more recent ones from various Buddhist traditions.
漢譯佛經中保存著不少外來天文學資料,這些天文學資料從內容來看,有關於宇宙學理論的,有關於星宿體系的,也有關於曆法時節的。這些天文學資料是古代不同文明之間天文學交流傳播的重要證據。本報告擬對這些保存在漢譯佛經中的天文學資料進行梳理和分析,對這些天文資料的保存形式、特點、可靠性、功能性等做出評價,對外來天文學的內容做出分類和辨析,對其源流和本土影響展開討論。通過以上討論,本報告將以具體的案例展示「知識因傳播而進步、文明因交流而興盛」這一科技文明交流史觀的核心含義。本報告還將對相關研究的進展情況做出概述,並探討未來可能的研究方向。
Discussions about transhumanism, effective altruism, and longtermism are gaining popularity in Silicon Valley and beyond. While research has mainly focused on the influence of Christian religious thoughts in these debates, a closer look shows that these discourses also have widespread references to Buddhist teachings. How do the debates mentioned above align with Buddhist teachings? How are Buddhist teachings used in these discussions? Which aspects of Buddhist teachings are received, and which ones are ignored?
To answer these questions, my paper discusses the following aspects: First, I will debate which norms and values of Buddhism play a role in the discourses on transhumanism, effective altruism, and longtermism. Second, my contribution questions the reasons for referencing Buddhist teachings. I suggest that these teachings are primarily used for affirmation and legitimation. Third, my paper intends to clarify who should benefit from the discourses enriched with Buddhist teachings on transhumanism, effective altruism, and what conclusions we can draw from this finding. For whom do the salvific promises outlined in these discourses apply, and for whom do they not? Fourth, based on cultural studies and feminist theories, my paper aims to extract and question the androcentric tendencies of these discourses and to ask to what extent they are inherent in Buddhist teachings.
Based on these considerations, I intend to highlight in the final part of my paper, under the motto “Who will be enlightened,” the recipients of the welfare benefits of salvation, truth, or rescue postulated in the discourses and what conclusions we can draw from this finding.
The current “Second Wave Psychedelic Movement” or “Psychedelic Renaissance” promises to transform contemporary medicine, particularly psychological and psychiatric therapies, in profound ways. As psychedelic therapies have become increasingly mainstream, issues have emerged regarding the salience of religious and philosophical issues to these interventions. Roland Griffiths, a leading researcher on psychedelics, has argued that the therapeutic potential of psilocybin-based therapy can be correlated with participants’ reporting of profound spiritual or even “mystical” experiences. Religious communities have increasingly been compelled to address the spiritual implications of psychedelic therapy, with responses that range from explicit prohibition to the establishment of practices of “psychedelic chaplaincy” and certification programs in psychedelic-assisted therapy. In this paper, I examine the response of contemporary Indo-Tibetan Buddhist traditions to psychedelic medicine among both “ethnic” and “convert” Buddhist communities in light of Pali and Sanskrit canonical discussions of prohibitions against alcohol (majja/madya) and discussions regarding the use of herbs (oṣadhi) as a means to achieve extraordinary accomplishments (ṛddhi). On this basis, I argue three things: (1) that if psychedelics are argued to be medicine (bhesajja/bhaiṣajya) as opposed to being akin to alcohol (majja/madya), they fall into a “therapeutic” as opposed to an “enhancement” sphere and are defensible as a medical intervention via Buddhist Vināya ethics; (2) that many “traditionalists,” on the other hand, connect the notion of “heedlessness” (pamāda/pramāda) to all intoxicants, widening the scope of the fifth precept to a range of substances that induce cognitive and behavioral distortions and thus include psychedelics within the prohibited sphere; and (3) that Indic sources convey an understanding that herbs (osadhī/oṣadhi) are a known, if not legitimate, source of extraordinary experiences and capacities (ṛddhi) and thus provide conceptual grounds supporting the contemporary linkage among Buddhist communities between psychedelic and meditative experiences.
My talk will take as its focus the signature Sarvāstivāda-Vaibhāṣika doctrine that past, present, and future things all exist. This theory—or theories, since the Vaibhāṣika masters themselves disagreed on how to make sense of it—anticipates, in many respects, “block-time” models of the universe that are in fashion among theoretical physicists today. In these models, time is a dimension spread out like space, and everything that ever was or will be has a fixed position within this four-dimensional space-time block. I will argue that the similarities between the early Buddhist theories and contemporary scientific ones are neither coincidental nor insignificant: both are responses to deep puzzles concerning the nature of change, causation, and the apparent “flow” and “direction” of time.
Buddhism had a significant impact on the socio-political and cultural life of China after its widespread introduction to China, and it is spatial-temporal, especially with a strong spatial dimension. We used the Exploratory Spatial Data Analysis (ESDA) method to show the distribution pattern of Buddhism as well as spatial autocorrelation and the distribution status of cold and hot regions at the national, provincial, and prefecture-level scales. We found that the “cold spots” of Buddhism in China are concentrated in northern Xinjiang, the Bohai Sea Rim, and the southern regions of Hainan and Guangdong, while the “hot spots” are concentrated in most cities in the southwest and southeast regions. The spatial distribution of Buddhism becomes more precise with the scale coming to the prefecture level. And its distribution pattern is related to the economic, demographic, historical, and cultural as well as physical geographical factors in each region.
佛教广泛传入中国后,对中国的社会政治和文化生活产生了重大影响,具有时空性,尤其具有很强的空间维度。本文采用探索性空间数据分析(ESDA)方法,从国家、省、地级市三个空间尺度分析了中国佛教的分布格局、空间自相关性和冷热区分布状况。研究发现,中国佛教的“冷点”集中在新疆北部、环渤海地区以及海南和广东南部地区,而“热点”集中在西南和东南地区的大部分城市。佛教的空间分布随着地级尺度的增大而变得更加精确。其分布格局与各地区的经济、人口、历史、文化以及自然地理等因素有关。
當代心智哲學家克里格爾(Uriah Kriegel)的「自我表徵主義」(self-representationalism)是對於「意識經驗的現象性何以可能」等問題進行回應的最新進路之一,相比於此前的一階、高階等表徵模型,自我表徵理論展現出了更優的解釋力與自洽性,是一種目前頗具潛力的意識理論。回觀佛教,我們不難發現,現代心智哲學所討論的問題,在瑜伽行學系統中有集中體現,而自我表徵理論的模型及其相關論證,更是與量論之「自證現量」(Svasaṃvitti)理論高度重合,並且在一定程度上,自證理論能夠對於自我表徵模型進行補充。本文旨在圍繞著「無限後退」「邊緣內覺知」等問題,對於克里格爾的「自我表徵主義」與佛教量論之「自證現量」理論作一簡要的比較研究。
二十八宿與黃道十二宮不同,站在中國的立場,它並不是完全的外來產物,中國古代自先秦以來就已經出現二十八宿,在佛教于東漢時期傳入中國以前,二十八宿已經成為墓葬圖像的一個組成部分。佛教傳入並在中國廣泛傳播之際,印度的二十七或二十八宿也傳入中國,佛教文獻中也展現了二十八宿的圖像,然而這些圖像表現的是中國傳統的二十八宿還是印度的二十七或二十八宿,這些圖像與中國墓葬文化中的二十八宿圖像有何區別與聯繫,它融合了哪些本土和外來知識文化,本文將對這些問題展開分析和討論。
The Sapir-Whorf hypothesis in linguistics claims that language is correlated with, or even determines, worldview. That is to say, the language we use impacts the way we observe the world. Based on this premise, Benjamin Lee Whorf concludes that “users of markedly different grammars … are not equivalent as observers but must arrive at somewhat different views of the world.” Whorf goes on to suggest that modern science, with its European origins, has therefore been shaped more by the grammatical structures of Indo-European languages than other languages. If one accepts Whorf’s hypothesis to be true, an intriguing question begs to be asked: how have the non-Indo-European languages of Asia contributed to the ongoing development of modern science? In response, this paper examines how Buddhism offers a counterpoint to the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis and sheds light on the emergent discourse of artificial intelligence. While scholars and scientists generally accept Whorf’s linguistic relativity to a certain extent, they almost always understand this relativity as applicable to human languages only. In contrast, Buddhist thought and praxis often push the limits of human language to the realm of nothingness where the human self withdraws from the myriad world. Given this context, this paper examines how Buddhist approaches to the nonhuman—from Buddha’s reincarnation as a nine-color deer (jiu se lu) to Wang Guowei’s literary theory of “self-withdrawal” (wuwo) and even the Zen Buddhist practice of ensō as communicating beyond the limits of human language—offer a different framework for contemplating ongoing developments in artificial intelligence, especially in the West. Citing a wide range of materials in media studies, literature and linguistics, and the history of science, this paper compares how Buddhism as well as contemporary scientific and cultural discourses have variously approached the question of nonhuman intelligence.
據薩丕爾-沃夫假說 (Sapir-Whorf hypothesis) 所稱,語言與世界觀有密切的關係。語言學中的“語言相對論”就是指語言的使用能影響觀察世界的模式。在這前提下,沃夫認為:“使用不同語法的人…不是等同的觀察者,並必然得出稍微不同的世界觀。”沃夫進一步指出,起源於歐洲的科學因此比其他語言更多地受到印歐語系語法結構的影響。假設沃夫的理論是正確的,那麼亞洲的非印歐語言如何為現代科學作出貢獻?本文探討佛家思想如何對薩丕爾-沃夫假說作出回應,並且提供對人工智能的一種闡明。雖然學者普遍接受沃夫的語言相對論,但他們認同的程度不一,而這個理論更限於人類語言的範疇。相比之下,佛家思想往往將人類語言推向“空”的境界,使人的自我漸漸退出塵世。從佛陀前生為九色鹿的敘述到禪宗的“円相”以至王國維的“無我”詩學,本文探討佛家思想如何促進超越人類極限,並在這過程中提供應對“非人類”智能的思维模式。本文引用文學、語言學、媒體研究及科學史中的廣泛材料,提出思考佛學和人工智能問題的一個框架。
宋元時期有非常多的涉醫僧人活躍在社會的各個層面,他們行醫時接觸的階層範圍極廣,是一個特殊又活躍的群體。且圍繞這個群體,不僅有醫術的流傳,還有政治、慈善、神異等多種類型事件或故事發生。這些僧人實際形成了以醫為業,以僧為生的生活樣態。圍繞著他們的故事,我們可以進一步發現宋元社會中,除了普通醫療群體以外的醫僧群體,他們的人生、生活、技術構成了一個有趣又鮮活的宋元時期僧眾生活圖景。
送子靈廟不是一個現實的廟宇,其沒有與任何宗教機構合作,也沒有專業的宗教人士的存在與指導。該廟的存在只是源於網絡孕育平台針對準媽媽們在互聯網祈嗣的生育訴求而創造出來的一個網絡場景。其運作除了偶爾管理員的線上引流以外,靠的就是准媽媽這一群體的自覺自律與互幫互助。但是,在準媽媽們眼裡,送子靈廟就是一個真實的廟宇,它以網絡場景的方式呈現,方便了准媽媽這一群體每天上香朝拜許願的訴求,它以無聲的方式傾聽了准媽媽們的心聲,在八年左右的時間中匯聚了數十萬條的許願與還願記錄,從而形成了一種良性的朝聖循環圈,自然構成了一個虛擬的網絡朝聖社區。本文根據網絡文本的呈現,試圖解構送子靈廟這一虛擬朝聖社區的存在,展現了民間百姓在生育方面對於送子觀音信仰存在的正向需求以及送子觀音信仰在緩解善男信女們生育焦慮之中所能夠發揮的積極作用。
元代僧官管主八主持刊刻“武至遵計二拾八號秘密經”文集,是密教典籍在藏經史上唯一一次系統補刊。這組秘密經文集見於影印本《磧砂藏》同時,又曾與《普寧藏》配套流通。秘密經文集從何而來,何時刊雕,何時與《普寧藏》、《磧砂藏》配套流通,何時從隨藏典籍成為入藏典籍等問題均有待探討。
本文將秘密經文集的流傳分為經本流傳和經板流傳兩個不同層面分別考察。其經本於大德十一年(1307)流傳各地,較其經板流傳既早且廣。經板於至正二十三年(1363)捨入平江府磧砂延聖院,此前一直作為管主八的私人刻板。秘密經文集的經本絕大部分出自在弘法寺補雕後的《金藏》,但其所屬“武至遵計二拾八號”千字文序列則與江南系統大藏經一致。
在籌備好秘密經經文後,管主八於大德十年(1306)正式募緣施財,組織刊造,此時《普寧藏》“天”至“感”字號的雕刻已全部完成。管主八於杭州路另外開設經局雕造秘密經,與《普寧藏》刊經局無涉。但因其同時作為《磧砂藏》功德主參與雕造部分《磧砂藏》本律藏和論藏,因而得以深入了解包括《磧砂藏》在內的江南藏經情況。正是在管主八續刻《磧砂藏》期間,他注意到“江南、閩、浙教藏經板”中缺少秘密經文集,於是發心續補秘密經。秘密經文集大德十一年雕刻完成後,《磧砂藏》全藏雕造尚未完功,因此秘密經雕刻的目的並非局限於對《磧砂藏》的續雕,而是“續補天下藏經,悉令圓滿”,尤其是針對當時主要流傳於世的《普寧藏》。
在至正二十三年捨經板之前,秘密經文集一直相當於一部單刻文集與《普寧藏》隨藏流通。但在不晚於皇慶二年(1313),即《普寧藏》刊經局於“約”字函雕刻沙囉巴譯經及《白雲和尚初學記》之前,秘密經文集已獲得武至遵計二拾八號”千字文編號。延祐二年(1315)《磧砂藏》“約”字函的雕刻,標志著《普寧藏》和《磧砂藏》兩大刊經局均已認可並接受這組秘密經文集在江南藏經編目中的定位。但其正式進入大藏經,成為藏內典籍仍以至正二十三年經板捨於磧砂延聖院為准。
二十八函秘密經文集的入藏,歷經從大藏經內部的剝離,到重新匯編成“大藏秘密經文”並隨藏流通,再到正式編入大藏經的曲折過程。這一入藏過程,不僅包含“行宣政院所委提調雕大藏經板”管主八個人的主觀意願,還反映出元代江南地區雕藏單位對待這組秘密經文集的態度變化,是藏經研究中的一個複雜特例。“Wu 武 to Zun 遵 total twenty-eight cases of secret scriptures” were created under the director of Guan Zhuba 管主八, a monk in the Yuan Dynasty. The secret scriptures collection, the sole supplement for Tantric texts in the entire history of woodblock printing, circulated alongside the Puning canon and could be found in the photocopy of the Qisha canon. However, several questions about the collection remain unsolved, such as: Whence did the collection come from? When was it carved? When did it begin circulating with the Puning canon and Qisha canon? And when was it incorporated in the Buddhist canon?
This paper examines the circulation of the secret scriptures collection from two aspects: the circulation of the texts and the circulation of the wooden blocks. The texts began circulating in the eleventh year of Dade 大德 (1307), while the wooden blocks, which were the private property of the Guan family, were surrendered to the Qisha Yansheng Monastery in Pingjiang Prefecture in 1363. Although the majority of the texts in the secret scriptures collection were from the Jin canon, the sequence of the Thousand-Character Classic (Qianzi wen千字文) from Wu to Zun is consistent with the Jiangnan system of the Buddhist canon.
After collecting all the secret scriptures, Guan Zhuba began fundraising in 1306, when the cases from Tian 天 to Gan 感 of the Puning canon had already been completed. He established a new printing office for the secret scriptures collection which was not connected to the printing office of the Puning canon. On the other hand, as a merit sponsor of the Qisha canon, Guan Zhuba knew more about the Qisha canon and the state of the Jiangnan system of the Buddhist canons. While carving the Qisha canon, he noticed the absence of Tantric texts in the Jiangnan, Min and Zhe Buddhist Canons. After the secret scriptures collection was completed in 1307, the entire Qisha canon had not yet been completed. Therefore, the purpose of carving the secret scriptures was not for the supplement the Qisha canon, but to provide Buddhist canons with Tantric text supplements, especially the most widely spread Puning canon.
The secret scripture collection as a separate corpus alongside the Puning canon until 1363. The collection had received their Thousand-Character Classic before 1313, because the printing office of the Puning canon carved the Baiyun Heshang Chuxue ji 白云和尚初学记under the Thousand-Character Classic, Yue 约. In 1315, the complement of the Yue 约 case of the Qisha canon indicated that two printing offices had recognized and accepted the fixed position of the collection within the Jiangnan system of the Buddhist canon. However, it was not until by 1363 that the collection was formally incorporated into the Buddhist canon.
The incorporation of the twenty-eight cases of secret scriptures followed a process of separation from the Buddhist canon, rearrangement as the secret scriptures collection and circulation alongside canons, and formal incorporation into the Buddhist canon. This process not only contains Guan Zhuba’s personal intentions, but also reflects the changes in the attitudes of the printing offices. It is a unique case study in the study of the Buddhist canon.
While Buddhist teachings deny the presence of a stable, unchanging self, they must still make sense of human agency. In this article, I look through metaphors of mechanical men in Buddhist literature which inform us of attempts to tackle the problem by resorting to figurative speech. This survey does not only show how ancient Buddhist scholars think with technologies of their times, but also provides us with insights into what it possibly means to live towards an era of artificial intelligence.
三國時期到唐代,印度星佔知識隨著佛教經典的翻譯沿著沙漠絲綢之路來到漢地。通過《虎耳譬喻經》、《大集經》等佛經梵漢譯本的對比,《宿曜經》、《大唐西域記》等佛教文獻的研讀,探討天文曆法早期星佔方面的中國化歷史。天文方面,印度星宿名稱的漢譯方法,用中國固有的28宿名稱來對應印度的28宿,比使用義譯宿名或者音譯宿名更加受歡迎。曆法的時間測量單位,漢地的四季劃分傳統取代印度的三季或者六季系統,與印度的十二星宿月對應,體現了譯者尊重自然節氣的巧妙處理。曆法實踐層面,在漢譯本中採取中亞或者漢地的日影數據,說明瞭知識分子對本地科學數據的採納。而在星占卜辭中,將南亞的山名和地名等專用名詞進行模糊化處理,為卜辭跨越能夠跨越地區傳播提供助力。總體來看,漢傳佛教早期天學翻譯材料經常採用因地制宜的改變,從中可約略窺見古代科學技術知識在宗教中國化過程中所採取的傳播策略和方法。