East Asian Buddhist Worldmaking: Abstracts

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  1. Michael CAVAYERO 柯偉業 (PekingU): Examination of the Term Miaowu Ziran 妙悟自然 (wonderous enlightenment and its awakened state of natural being, as in the destruction of all duality-based illusions; subuddhi, suśikita) and its appearance in Lidai minghua ji 歷代名畫記 [Records of Famous Paintings of Successive Dynasties]——The Influence of Buddhism and Daoism on Early Painting Theory in China

The term Miaowu ziran (wonderous enlightenment, as in the destruction of all duality-based illusions; subuddhi, suśikita, and its awakened state of natural being), coined as a neologism by Eastern Jin monk Seng Zhao (384-414) in his commentary of Weimojie jing (Vimalakīrti- nirdeśa-sūtra), epitomizes Seng’s understanding of Mahāyāna Buddhist doctrine and showcases the distinct “Buddhist-Hybrid Chinese” form of the Six Dynasties period.

Following the Eastern Jin period, the Tiantai, Sanlun, Huyan, and Chan schools’ discourses all expounded on Miaowu ziran. The term eventually trickled into Tang dynasty painting theory, first appearing in Lidai minghua ji (Records of Famous Paintings of Successive Dynasties, c.847) as a new expression used to describe the paintings of Gu Kaizhi (c. 344-405). This process marks Miaowu ziran’s evolution from a purely Buddhist idea to a new artistic theory expression. In the Song dynasty, Miaowu ziran continued to be used as a key term of aesthetic theory, gradually subduing its Buddhist connotations.

Despite the importance of this term in medieval period Buddhist doctrine and art theory, there remains little research examining Miaowu ziran’s textual evolution beginning with its emergence in Seng Zhao’s commentary and culminating with its later use in Tang and Song dynasty artistic theory texts. Thus, this paper studies Miaowu ziran’s evolution and eventual shift from a Buddhist term to a term used in aesthetic theory.

  1. CHEN Huaiyu 陳懷宇 (Arizona State): Creating Four Mandalas and Making Four Buddhist Worlds: A Reading of Dunhuang Liturgical Manuscripts

This paper examines a group of liturgical manuscripts from Dunhuang, including P. 2058, P. 2915, P. 3149, S. 663, S. 1137, S. 3914, and S. 4537, for understanding Buddhist rituals of creating four mandalas. These rituals consist of a series of programs such as consecrating the ritual space, invoking deities, honoring the Bodhisattvas, feeding the beings in the underworld, and praying for the sentient beings. By analyzing these procedures and programs, this paper aims to reveal four worlds that these rituals manifested. The first one is the Buddhist cosmological world in the ritual, constructed by the consecration and invocation of Buddhist clergies. How was this cosmological world in these liturgical manuscripts locally produced in Dunhuang different from the version in Buddhist canonical sources? The second one is the textual world. The Buddhist community was often viewed as a textual community. In this textual community, texts were materially and verbally produced, introduced, and interpreted. They provided doctrinal foundations and sometimes prescriptions for the ritual programs. The third one is the political and social world in which political agents from both central and peripheral regions played different roles. This paper will discuss who sponsored the rituals and how they and others benefited in different ways from the rituals. The four one is the Buddhist material world. This paper will look into what objects constructed the material foundation for these rituals and how these objects appeared in the Dunhuang area.

  1. HAMADA Tamami 濱田瑞美 (Yokohama University of Art and Design 橫浜美術大學): Shakyamuni Buddha World Depicted in Vimalakīrti Scenes in Dunhuang Mogao Caves: The Expansion of Buddha-land to China

Many Vimalakīrti Sūtra scenes are featured in the murals of the Dunhuang Mogao Caves. The majority of the scenes from Sui to early Tang dynasties are painted inside and outside the niche on the front-facing wall (the western wall). Stucco figure of the Śākyamuni Buddha is placed inside the niche as the principal icon, and the Vimalakīrti Sūtra scene provides supplementary information that the sahā world in which the Buddha exists is in fact an immaculate Buddha-land. On the other hand, after Tang, the placement of the Vimalakīrti Sūtra moves to the eastern and the northern walls. At the same time, the iconography becomes more complex with multiple Buddha-lands of present Buddhas such as Wudong Fo 無動佛 (unperturbed Buddha: Akṣobhya), Dengwang Fo 燈王佛 (Light King Buddha), and Xiangji Fo 香積佛 (fragrance Accumulated Buddha). This paper will consider how Śākyamuni’s Buddha-land was perceived in Tang China by examining the differences between the depiction of the Buddha-lands of the three present Buddhas and that of Śākyamuni Buddha. In addition, the paper will bring attention to the placement of the Vimalakīrti Sūtra scene on the northern wall, explaining how “north” in the Mogao Caves would actually be perceived as the “east,” and that the placement of the Vimalakīrti Sūtra scene towards the “east” connotes the notion that China––located to the east of India––inherits India’s status as Śākyamuni’s Buddha-land.

  1. HE Liqun 何利群 (Research Institute of Archaeology at the Chinese academy of Social Sciences 中國社會科學院考古研究所): 北朝晚期的末法思想與西方淨土圖像的構建

佛法住世可分為正法、像法及末法三個階段。中國末法意識始興於公元四世紀的東晉十六國時期,北涼石塔上相關題記的發現,顯示末法觀念此時已在河西地區流傳較廣。北朝晚期鄴下末法思想甚囂塵上,北齊那連提離耶捨在鄴城翻譯的《大集經•月藏分》對當時及後世影響甚大,三論宗的吉藏、三階教的信行、淨土宗的道綽、善導等人,皆以此經為據講述末法思想。

阿彌陀信仰可上溯到貴霜王朝時期,公元三世紀後,彌陀信仰的重要經典《無量壽經》、《觀無量壽佛經》和《阿彌陀經》先後譯出,作為西方淨土主尊的阿彌陀佛常以無量壽的名號出現在五世紀的石窟及造像中。公元529年,菩提流支於洛陽譯出《無量壽經優波提捨願生偈》,阿彌陀信仰之「三經一論」至此具備,淨土立教本義初顯雛形,淨土思想開始在官方和民間流行。北朝晚期鄴下義學繁盛,各種佛學思想在此融匯,以阿彌陀為代表的大乘淨土信仰上承洛陽北魏傳統,在中原北方地區廣為流傳。鄴城作為東魏北齊的都城,周邊地區現存相當數量的北朝晚期石窟,規模較大的有河北邯鄲峰峰礦區南、北響堂山及水浴寺石窟,涉縣媧皇宮石窟,河南安陽靈泉寺、小南海石窟,林州市洪谷寺石窟等。近年鄴城還先後出土了大量佛教造像,其中有題記者數以百計。值得注意的是,這些石窟、摩崖刻經及造像題記中保留有不少與淨土信仰相關的文字、雕刻及圖像內容,對於探討北朝晚期彌陀崇拜及淨土圖像的發展演變具有重要意義。而北朝晚期極為盛行的末法思想對這一時期鄴下流行的多種佛學思想烙下了深深的印痕,隋唐淨土宗師道綽、善導即依《大集月藏經》之末法思想宣揚淨土教法,對後世影響至深。早期佛教術語中的「此岸」與「彼岸」,原指迷界的此方之岸和開悟或涅槃的彼方之岸,逐步發展成為末法之現世與西方極樂世界的概念,這在北朝晚期至隋唐日益完善的淨土圖像中也有一定的反映。

本文通過梳理相關文獻記載,結合鄴城及周邊地區與淨土信仰相關的石窟、刻經、造像及題記等,嘗試探討北朝晚期的末法思想與西方淨土圖像之間的相互作用關係。

  1. HUANG Bing 黃冰 (Providence College): The Famensi Xiangnang 香囊 and Buddhist Worldmaking

This paper will focus on the gilded silver xiangnang (sachet) from Famensi, a Buddhist temple in the Famen town of the Tang Dynasty. This is one of the largest xiangnang found in the Tang dynasty. The style of its metalwork and its technique originated from beizhong xianglu (incense burner inside the quilt) mentioned in Xijing Zaji (Miscellaneous Records of the Western Capital) as early as the Han dynasty. The openwork floral design on the outside of the xiangnang influenced many later design media in Chinese art. Furthermore, the gyroscope-like stabilizer inside the xiangnang looks like Kepler’s drawing of the “Polyhedral Model of the Planetary Intervals” from Mysterium cosmographicum. The stabilizer inside the xiangnang also predates the invention of the gyroscope for maritime navigation in Europe. This paper will discuss the xiangnang’s relation to the ritual of incense burning (as a way to reach another world); to the polyhedron (and the Keplerian universe); to the gyroscope (to facilitate seafaring); and ultimately to worldmaking.

  1. Kentaro IDE (Princeton): Competing Pure Lands: Debates Between Hōnen and Myōe on the Buddhist Cosmos in Early Medieval Japan

Aspirations for postmortem birth in a buddha’s pure land were integral to the development of Buddhism in early medieval Japan. While a majority of those in early medieval Japan who aspired to birth in a pure land pinned their hopes on the Buddha Amitābha (Amida)’s land of Utmost Bliss, some devotees aimed to achieve birth in other superior realms such as Maitreya’s Tuṣita Heaven, the bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara’s realm Potalaka, and even specific loci imagined as buddha lands in this world. Postmortem birth in a pure land was thus a widely-held religious ideal of early medieval Japanese who sought for birth in a number of superior realms. Although the presence of many pure lands allowed devotees to be flexible about a destination to be aimed, for some Buddhists, it also raised problems. The multiplicity of buddha lands provoked a series of debates on the superiority of one buddha land over others as well as on the proper practice one should carry out to achieve birth there. A Buddhist master Hōnen (1133-1212) intervened in these debates, asserting that among the buddha lands in the ten directions of the universe, birth in Amida’s Pure Land alone offers the successful path to postmortem liberation under the condition of the decline of the Buddhist teachings. This paper examines how Hōnen’s Buddhist soteriology challenged the basic premises of early medieval Japanese cosmologies, where multiple buddhas’ pure lands were thought to exist simultaneously. To address this issue, the paper puts a particular focus on imagined debates between Hōnen and an astute critic of him, Myōe (1173-1232), each of whom embraced a different concept of the systems of pure lands with the hope of representing the universal salvation.

In fixing his hope exclusively on Amida’s Pure Land, Hōnen famously asserted that only this far-away realm encompasses even radical evildoers, those incapable of pursuing any forms of self-cultivation. Hōnen’s utopian call for the Pure Land thus arose out of a critique of his own world-system, in which he found a gap between prescriptions of bodhisattvas and sinful ordinary beings already incommensurable. This entrustment of the universal salvation to the Pure Land entailed a substantial transformation in the preexisting cosmological concept: The soteriological meaning of multiple buddha lands should be compressed into Amida’s Pure Land. However, it is for this very point that Myōe attacked Hōnen. A leading Buddhist affiliated with the Japanese Kegon (Ch. Huayan), Myōe defended the multiplicity of buddha lands based on the cosmology of the Flower Ornament Sūtra. Reckoned expanding world-systems in this sūtra as the authentic expression of the ideal of universal salvation, he even insisted that Hōnen’s Buddhist soteriology was self-undermining because it could negate the meaning of the Buddhist teachings and practice in this world. In this paper, I reconstruct debates between Hōnen and Myōe over the legitimate expression of the Buddhist cosmos. I argue that, although they envisioned the Buddhist cosmos in a quite different way, they shared a common ground in considering how it should condition the possibility of the universal salvation.

  1. George A. KEYWORTH (Saskatchewan): On Bonshakuji as the Penultimate Buddhist Temple to Protect the State in Early Japanese History

During the 740s, Japanese emperor Shōmu 聖武 (701-756, r. 724-749) endorsed a plan to establish Buddhist temples in nearly all the provinces (kokubunji 国分寺) where three Mahāyāna scriptures were ritually chanted to marshal apotropaic powers and avert natural disasters including pestilence, draughts, and earthquakes. The Great East temple (Tōdaiji 東大寺) in the recently constructed Heijō capital 平城京 (Nara) was the head temple of this state sanctioned network. The formal name for these temples where monks resided is Temples of Bright Golden Light and Four Heavenly Kings to Protect the State (Konkōmyō shitennō gokoku no tera 金光明四天王護国之寺). As the formal name suggests, the principal Mahāyāna Buddhist scripture followed in these temples was the Golden Light Sūtra (Jinguangming zuishengwang jing 金光明最勝王經, Suvarabhāsottama-sūtra), translated from Sanskrit into Chinese by Yijing 義淨 (635-713) and his translation team in Tang (618-907) China at the beginning of the 8th century, and its particular chapters about how rulers can be protected by the Four Heavenly Kings. The political and religious worldmaking enterprise entrusted to these temples by the nascent Japanese government in Nara has been well-known since M.W. de Visser’s Ancient Buddhism in Japan was published in 1935. But the fate of state protection temples and particularly the surprisingly small one overlooking the once-capital (667-672) of Ōtsu 大津 called Bonshakuji 梵釈寺, which was renovated following orders by emperor Kanmu 桓武 (735-806, r. 781-806) in 786, during and after the introduction of novel rituals to protect the state from China through the 9th century has received little attention, even by scholars in Japan. This paper investigates the early history of Bonshakuji as a Temple of Bright Golden Light and Four Heavenly Kings to Protect the State, and especially the library kept there, which came to rival only that of Tōdaiji through the 12th century. I also examine how and why scholar officials and powerful monastics, particularly associated with the so-called esoteric (mikkyō 密教) Tendai 天台宗 and Shingon temples of Enryakuji 延暦寺 and Miidera 三井寺 (Onjōji 園城寺) and Tōji 東寺 and Daigoji 醍醐寺, respectively, utilized the library of Bonshakuji and older and novel texts state protection kept there to preserve early Japanese state-supported Buddhist worldmaking efforts long after that state had become virtually bankrupt. A key comparative question raised in this paper concerns how medieval East Asian states—Tang China, Silla Korea (668-935), and Nara- and Heian-era (ca. 710-1185) Japan—used the cosmology specifically outlined in Yijing’s translation of the Golden Light Sūtra to construct and maintain both Buddhist and so-called Confucian-styled political, economic, and religious stability during seemingly-unmanageable circumstances.

  1. Jeffrey KOTYK (UBC): “The Moon as a Celestial Body and God in the Chinese Buddhist Worldview”

The Moon appears in the early Buddhist canon as a celestial body orbiting around Mt. Meru while at the same time being a god (Candra or Soma). The Moon later appears in Abhidharma literature, in which it is described as a mobile residence for the lunar deities. Following the introduction of Mantrayāna practices into China, the Moon appears in maṇḍalas and other illustrated forms, yet these representations are not uniform. For instance, we see Candra as a driver of a chariot pulled by geese in one instance, and then the Moon as an elegantly attired goddess elsewhere. At the same time, esoteric interpretations apply symbolic and metaphorical meanings to the Moon, while astrology and the seven-day week understood the Moon in a whole other way. To complicate matters further, traditional Chinese metaphysics held its own interpretation of the Moon as the Great Yin (Taiyin 太陰). As a result of these diverse views, the Moon in the East Asian Buddhist worldview became a multifaceted figure simultaneously embodying different concepts from various time periods. The proposed study will chronologically survey the Moon as a celestial body and god/goddess in the Chinese Buddhist worldview and attempt to document its evolution over the centuries.

  1. LI Ling 李翎 (Research Institute for Daoism and Religions, University of Sichuan 四川大學道教與宗教文化研究所): 樂神演法音:以執樂神般遮翼為中心

佛教三十三天也稱忉利天(Trayastrimsatdeva),屬於欲界六天之第二天,位於須彌山頂。忉利天天主為帝釋,居住於中央宮殿之善見城內。城內有天主的樂師和舞女,他們就是娛樂天神的乾達婆們。乾達婆王之婿是「帝釋窟請問」中著名的「執樂神」般遮翼。由此展開討論,討論內容涉及天國之諸樂神:乾達婆、緊那羅、持明等的形象與特徵。這些半人半獸(鳥)樂舞師形象,大多起源於北部喜馬拉雅山和南部叢林,更早的源頭或可追溯到古埃及的「巴」(Ba)。最後,圖像分析的結論回歸到「帝釋窟請問」這一流行於貴霜帝國時代的題材,之所以以樂神般遮翼為先行出場的佛學意義

  1. LI Xiaorong 李小榮 (Fujian Normal University 福建師範大學文學院): 佛教放生會社與古代詩詞創作略論

從佛教社會生活的角度觀察,中國古代佛教放生會社的發展史可以分成三個階段:即晉唐五代之萌芽期,此際雖有個別護生社邑的存在,但社會的總體影響不大,世俗文士的創作多是自發的個別行為,還沒有出現群體性的結社唱和;宋元之奠基期,此際特色在於地方性會社,尤其以西湖放生會社的影響最大。期間,除了唱和詩之外,已有少量的放生詞作;明清是為繁榮期,雖然西湖放生會社仍為典範,但全國已形成放生會社的林立之勢,其作品形式多樣,詩詞數量超過前代之總和。若歸納明清兩朝的放生之作,其主要特色有三:即思想方面的儒佛合流與禪淨合一、顯密合一的儀式和佛教放生生活的藝術化呈現。

  1. LI Yicong 李怡淙 (Tsinghua): The Gandharan Four-pointed Cape along the Silk Road: from Northwestern India to the East and the West

This paper is an iconographic and typological analysis of the transforming and spreading process of a specific type of costume from ancient Gandhāra: the four-pointed cape. It interprets this kind of cape, appearing firstly in northwestern India 2nd– 4th centuries CE as an attribute of Kushan nobleman statues and then idealized clothing denoting Buddha’s sovereignty in ca. 5th century, as a piece of visual evidence of the frequent contact between the local politics and the Buddhist artistic production in the Kushan Dynasty. Through the classification and comparison of relevant images date to the 6th century onward from the mountain areas adjoining to ancient Gandhāra, the paper then argues that different typological groups of the cape frame the influence of Gandhāran or Indian visual culture and the stylistic distinctions of art communities in eastern Afghanistan and northern Pakistan in the post-Gandhāra period. It finally infers that this kind of clothing was transported to Central Asia, and probably to China and Byzantine Empire as an independent iconographic factor in the 8th century, a process mirroring the mobility of culture along the ancient trade routes.

  1. LIN Weiyu (Will) 林威宇 (UBC): Vairocana of the Avatasamsaka Sūtra: A Comparative Reflection on the Matter of Creator and Creation

The clash of worldviews is manifested most strikingly when science and religion interact, or when different religious systems come into contact among themselves. In this last case, staggering clashes have been produced during the earliest interactions between Christianity and Buddhism; and their mutual hostility took place frequently on the theological matter of creator and creation, with Buddhism fending its non-theistic worldview against the monotheistic Christian God, and vice versa. But this hostility has long given rise to the genuine inter-religious dialogues, starting as late as the mid-20th century. This is not to say that the fundamental points of clash have bene resolved; and in fact, the matter of creator and creation remain at the heart of the Christian-Buddhist dialogue. However, with the amicable exchange has come more attempts to attenuate the seeming incompatibilities between the two religious worldviews.

Some, for instance, attempt to construe a deeper source, thereby unifying the impersonal (Buddhist) and personal (Christian) representation of the “creator”, while the more common approach is to select doctrines within each religion that seem to resemble most closely the other, such as Masao Abe’s attempt to juxtapose the “kenosis” with the “dynamic sunyata”. The present article will follow along this approach by focusing on Buddha Vairocana as it is presented in the Avatamsaka Sūtra and as it is interpreted by Chinese Huayan Buddhism. I believe Buddha Vairocana and the Avatamsaka Sūtra make an interesting case that would challenge, at least in appearance, the perception of Buddhism as “non-theistic”.

In relation to the other sūtras, the Avatamsaka Sūtra exhibits numerous unusual features on the matter of “authorship”: 1) A sūtra is, by default, assumed to be taught by Buddha Śakyamuni, but the Avatamsaka Sūtra is an exception: it is assumed to be taught by Buddha Vairocana; 2) The physical copy of the Avatamsaka Sūtra is believed to be the fraction of a larger Avatamsaka Sūtra which is ineffable and is constantly being taught by Vairocana; thus, the textuality of the Avatamsaka Sūtra is extended beyond the verbal realm to take on a magical dimension which is unbounded by space and time; 3) When discussing the “authorship” of a sūtra, the conventional exegetical approach is to attribute the preacher, Buddha Śakyamuni, as one of the Three Bodies of Buddha, mostly commonly as the Transformation Body (Skt. nirmāa-kāya). In the Huayan exegesis, however, the Three Bodies theory is simply dispensed with, in favour of the Ten Bodies theory. And the Avatamsaka Sūtra is said not to be taught by one of the Bodies, as it is commonly done in the “Three Bodies” framework, but instead believed to be taught by the Ten Bodies altogether, while Vairocana is placed on a different ontological plan above the Ten Bodies, by being portrayed as the “possessor” of the Ten Bodies; 4) Huayan exegetes equate the Ten Bodies with all phenomena in the world, thereby establishing all phenomena as the manifestions of Buddha Vairocana through its Ten Bodies.

In this article, I will comment on each of the above points, as part of my attempt to outline the Huayan interpretation of Vairocana; in doing so, I am interested in highlighting the unique features about Vairocana that I believe to be a fertile ground for engaging in some general theological reflections. For instance, does the portrayal of the omnipresent, “almighty” Vairocana approach a monotheistic mode of divinity? Is the immanence of Vairocana in all things a pan-theistic view of reality? What can we make of the strong sense of “embodiment” in the doctrine of the Ten Bodies of Vairocana? What is the nature of “textuality” of the Avatamsaka Sūtra. These questions are intimately pertinent to the inter-religious dialogue, to see how Christian and Buddhist doctrines could be aligned, and how certain alignments, in fact, paradoxically lead us to confront again the fundamental differences between the two

  1. MI Defang 米德昉 (Academy of Dazu Rock Carvings 大足石刻研究院): 區域視覺傳統中的柳本尊佛教圖像體系——柳本尊與毗盧佛的交涉

12世紀末在川東地區興起的柳本尊佛教,以其獨創的圖像體系開闢了民間宗教傳播與發展的獨特模式。在對柳本尊的尊格定義上,民間以「瑜伽本尊教居士」顯其「人格」,以毗盧遮那佛揚其「神格」,將人性與神性完美融合於一體。基於這種雙重性格,在信仰實踐中形成體現居士身份的「凡夫相」和彰顯法身性格的「毗盧相」兩種圖像系統以及與之對應的祠祀形態

  1. PENG Chunhui (San Jose State University): Agency and Alterity: Mediating Hybridity in The Journey to Find Previous Lives

This paper focuses on The Journey to Find Previous Lives to explore the configuration of power in the transcultural imagination: How does it perform China/East Asia and the Other? Whose interest/agency is the hybridization advancing? How does the hybridization address existing cultural hegemony?  How does it respond to both global and regional cultural trends?

My paper contends that this novel employs Buddhist concepts to resolve the conflicts between the local and the global, the dominant and the subordinate in cross-cultural encounters. By doing so, it recodifies self and others and reveals the interconnectedness in our very existence. Thus, the novel unites people across national/ cultural boundaries and time periods via a universality that is rooted in Buddhist philosophy.

  1. SHA Wutian 沙武田 (Dunhuang Academy 敦煌研究院): 佛教理想世界的新解構: 敦煌石窟西夏淨土變相的簡化之路

對淨土往生的強烈追求,是西夏佛教信仰和思想的一大特色,這一點體現在包括敦煌石窟壁畫淨土類經變畫、黑水城唐卡接引圖、黑水城文獻記載各類佛事活動以及各類觀音圖像和經典文獻當中,其中像在西夏時期頗為流行的阿彌陀佛接引圖、水月觀音圖、西方淨土變,有濃厚的時代特色,是其他時代所不常見的內容或現象,成為我們今天認識西夏淨土信仰和解構西夏時期佛教理想世界的重要對象。

單以敦煌洞窟中西夏時期流行的淨土變相而言,和之前各時期洞窟壁畫題材內容、經變畫組合關係,畫面結構、畫面內容等方面表現出全新的時代現象。綜觀西夏時期以莫高窟為主的敦煌石窟中的淨土變相壁畫,主要呈現出以下幾個方面的時代特徵:

一、洞窟壁畫題材的單一性即淨土化。在一個洞窟中只佈局一種題材的經變畫,即西方淨土變相,就是在洞窟的四壁僅繪制西方淨土變相,有的小窟各壁僅一鋪淨土變,中型窟一壁兩鋪淨土變,大型窟一壁可達三鋪經變畫,這一現象是莫高窟西夏重繪洞窟壁畫題材的主要內容,另在榆林窟也有個別洞窟,最終使得洞窟呈現出一個完全的淨土世界。

二、洞窟淨土變相組合的差異化。一個洞窟中佈局的雖然全是淨土變,但淨土變相除了表現出對稱統一性特徵之外,在同一壁的淨土變會出現明顯的構圖結構和樣式上的區別,即畫面題材雖然均為西方淨土變,但在同一壁的兩鋪或三鋪西方淨土變會以完全不同的畫面結構和樣式呈現出經變畫組合的差異化特徵。

三、洞窟淨土變相構圖的簡約化。西夏時期重繪的以淨土變為主的洞窟中,淨土變的構圖整體呈現出簡化的趨勢,和原來唐、宋、五代時期包括大型建築、布滿畫面的淨水池、池中蓮花、水鳥、童子、各類樂舞場面、大型淨土說法會人物場景為主體的淨土變相比較,西夏時期的淨土變一直在走簡化的道路,通過對唐宋時期大型的複雜淨土變作有規律的減化手段,最後出現在敦煌洞窟中的經變畫很少有大型建築和複雜的人物及樂舞場面,即使是淨土最核心的淨水池和池中的水鳥也很少見到了。其最簡化的也是最流行的淨土變即是以主尊為中心形成上下多排大菩薩環繞式,中間佛兩側會有二弟子或四弟子,畫面中間會有蓮花中上的童子,形成極簡之淨土變。其最簡化的經變畫即是之前被學界習慣稱為供養菩薩的淨土菩薩。

四、淨土變樣式的多樣化。西夏時期隨著淨土變成為洞窟中的主體題材內容,淨土信仰和思想成為主流,西夏時期的敦煌人在長時段、大面積繪畫佈局淨土變時,創新性地設計繪制出幾類非常獨特的、別具匠心的淨土變,主要有窟門兩側和門上的三段式組合淨土變,還有主尊龕及兩側並龕下大蓮花共成構成的繪塑結合的淨土變,這兩類淨土變形式之前未曾出現過,屬於西夏的獨創。

以上現象出現在以莫高窟重繪為主的西夏時期洞窟中,是西夏時期在「官方佛教」背景下,通過「集體重修」的形式在敦煌石窟群中「製造」出一處處的淨土世界,成為表達這一時期人們淨土信仰的重要方式,也是西夏時期佛教理想世界的一大「景觀」,又是西夏時期洞窟的「歷史物質性」的核心內容,當然也是11-13世紀,即宋、遼、金、西夏、吐蕃、大理、回鶻等多中心時代多民族藝術融合背景下,佛教藝術「神系重構」的另一種形式的體現,也是敦煌對這一時期多民族藝術「神系重構」命題的獨特貢獻。

總體來看,西夏時期敦煌的信眾在強化淨土信仰和思想的同時,卻在走圖像的簡化之路,之前唐宋時期流行的以盛大的建築、龐大的人物組合規模、複雜的畫面結構和人物佈局、富於審美的畫面構圖、極具動感的樂舞場景等等經變畫最具藝術神韻的元素和手段,沒有得到延續,不復存在,畫面只強調佛菩薩和化生童子的存在,僅具淨土概念,可以認為整體畫面符號化了。這種藝術現象的出現,顯然有其獨特的歷史原因,除了藝術發展的一個基本道路即簡化之路之外,應該還有更加深刻的佛教歷史背景,即西夏時期敦煌人們對佛教理想世界淨土天國認識的概念化、符號化。

但同時,我們也應該看到,這種淨土變的簡化之路,其實正是敦煌的佛教藝術傳統經過600餘年的延續和發展。到了西夏時期,受到歷史大背景的作用和影響,依託莫高窟佛教藝術的「百科全書」,以簡化的手法,描摹出佛教藝術另一條發展之路。其藝術呈現的結果和改革之路雖然看似平庸,但或許正是這一時期人們對佛教理想世界另一種形式的理解,簡化版的淨土變相在這裡變得異常的令人深思。

藝術史有兩條道路,一條是永遠求新的變革之路,這是藝術史生命之樹常青的根本所在;另一條道路則是平庸的繼承和延續,這是藝術史發展的基礎。但我們在敦煌西夏洞窟中卻看到了藝術史發展的第三條道路,即看似倒退的藝術簡化之路,這顯然不是真實的西夏藝術史內涵。

因此,當我們對西夏的淨土信仰和思想有了真正的瞭解和理解之後,就會發現,隨著印刷術的普及,佛教及其版畫製作可以滿足廣大信眾的佛教知識需求時,信眾對淨土的追求不再停留在唐宋時期較為複雜的經變畫當中了,而走向了更深層次的理解,因此傳統的洞窟壁畫經變畫在這方面的作用在淡化,但基本的禮拜、供養、功德觀念和佛教宣傳作用、思想被保留了下來,因此,簡化是其必然之路了。

  1. Barend TER HAAR (University of Hamburg): Lay imagination of the Pure Land in traditional China

In their inscriptions for the halls of the White Lotus movement in the Southern Song and Yuan period, literati criticized the adherents for imagining the Pure Land as something concrete and tangible. They saw it more as an inner goal or state. Nonetheless, for many the Pure Land was a very concrete place that could be reached in a variety of ways. In this paper I will investigate how the Pure Land was imagined, both in miracle stories, ritual practices and the writings of new religious groups.

  1. Erika VOROS (Eötvös Loránd University / SNU Kyujanggak International Center for Korean Studies, Seoul): Searching for a Bodhisattva Land on Earth: Potalaka Faith in East Asia

Several sites in East Asia have been identified as Potalaka originally thought to be located near the southern seas of India. The belief in the abode of Avalokiteśvara bodhisattva on Earth connects various places throughout East Asia and incorporates them into a Buddhist world transcending borders. The most well-known among these sites are Putuoshan in China, Naksan-temple in Korea and Nachi in the Kumano region of Japan.

The fact that a mythological place is connected to several geographical locations indicates that Potalaka is not only regarded as an actual place but also bears a symbolical meaning. The belief in manifestation of divine places on Earth is closely related to the relationship between myth and reality or sacred and profane, suggesting a holistic worldview based on unity rather than duality.

The basis of this phenomenon is built upon the nature of Avalokiteśvara as a mediator between sentient beings and Buddhas, the characteristics of Potalaka as a boundary between their worlds, and Buddhist philosophy. The mahāyāna idea of the non-duality of sasāra and nirvāa, the thought of mutual interrelatedness in Tiantai and Huayan Buddhism and indigenous Chinese philosophical concepts like correlative resonance (ganying) all contributed to the formation of Avalokiteśvara bodhimaṇḍas.

In this presentation I would like to examine Potalaka faith in China, Korea and Japan, addressing the similarities and differences between them based on the historical and religious background of these countries. Despite the obvious resemblance, there are significant differences between these sites in terms of why and how they were formed, and in what way did they change due to local beliefs.

The research of Potalaka faith can help us to rethink the relationship between human and nature and find a healthier balance between them in a modern society dominated by materialistic worldview. At the same time, we can get a glimpse on international cultural exchanges and the relationship between Buddhism and local religions in the East Asian region.

  1. WANG Beier 王蓓兒 (University of Munich): Conceptualization and “World-Making” From the Yogācāra Perspective

The ontological reality of the world has been a controversial topic among different Buddhist schools. Specifically, the Yogācāra school provides the answer to the world-making issues from an epistemological perspective. In the view of Yogācāra, the so-called world is not a substantial entity, but rather a mental construct of the perceiver and the perceived. Among a number of different accounts of cognitive process, the process of “conceptualization” clearly plays an important role. The term “prapañca”, usually translated as “conceptual proliferation” by scholars, refers to a proliferating process that constructs the perceptual world through discrimination and verbalization. The term has been extensively studied based on the Early Buddhism doctrines, but scholars have paid much less attention to its connotations, usages, and extensions in the Yogācāra context. This paper begins with a compilation on the accounts of the cognitive process in the Yogācāra doctrines as well as in those earlier teachings which has a profound impact on the establishment of the Yogācāra school. The research then analyses and discusses the process of conceptualization in those accounts, examining its significant role in shaping the perceptual world.

  1. WANG Jun 王珺 (China Jiliang University): Research on the Possible Buddhist School Attribution of the Jamalgarhi Monestary in Mardan

In the 19th century, British archaeologist Sir Alexander Cunningham successively discovered the remains of the Dharmaguptakas school in Gandhara, namely a Buddhist monastery in Jamalgarhi. Further, when the Indian Archaeological Survey continued to excavate this monastery’s site in 1920-1921, they discovered a corner stele with an inscription that stated: “Jamalgarhi, inscribed in 359”. Prof. Lüders attributed the content of this inscription to the Dharmaguptakas. In 2012, with the funding of the Japanese government and UNESCO, archaeologists continued to excavate the ruins of this Buddhist monastery. They discovered new cultural relics, including numismatic evidence from the King Huvisha period, providing further information for the dating of this Buddhist monastery. In addition, the discovery of the inscriptions and ruins of the monastery’s old site has confirmed the inference that the Dharmaguptakas were active in ancient northwest India. Based on the above studies, this article attempts to conduct an in-depth analysis of the layout of the above-mentioned Buddhist monastery by comparing its site and archaeological evidence with textual sources from the Chinese translation of the “Dharmagupta-vinaya” to argue that this monastery can be identified as belonging to the Dharmaguptakas tradition.

  1. WANG Xiang 王翔 ( Beijing Normal University-Hong Kong Baptist University & United International College): From Samarkand to Dunhuang: Buddhist Manuscript Libraries along the Central Asian Silk Road從撒馬爾罕到敦煌:絲路中亞段的佛教寫本圖書館

本文將重點考索10世紀以前絲路中亞段的佛教圖書館(經藏)。中央歐亞的絲路可分為東中亞(Eastern Central Asia)和西中亞(Western Central Asia,西域)兩個部分,這片區域橫貫了”一帶一路”沿線的中亞五國,大中亞視野中的阿富汗東北部、巴基斯坦北部地區以及中國的新疆和甘肅西北。根據佛教從天竺傳往漢唐西域的路線,從扼守中亞的大犍陀羅(Greater Gandhara)地區開始,沿著中央歐亞的數條絲路商道,筆者將分別探尋中亞的哈達(Hadda)、賈拉拉巴德(Jalalabad)、巴米揚(Bamiyan)、吉爾吉特(Gilgit)、卡拉切配(Kara Tepe)、布哈拉(Bukhara)、以及西域絲路的要衝疏勒(喀什 Kashgar)、龜茲(庫車 Kucha)、焉耆(Karashahr)、高昌(吐魯番 Turfan)、於闐(和田 Khotan)、精絕(尼雅 Niya)、樓蘭(Kroraina)以及敦煌等地的佛教寫本經藏的蹤跡。在此基礎之上,本文將嘗試探討絲路中亞段的佛教圖書館和絲路支線的塔克西拉(Taxila)、迦濕彌羅(Kasmira)以及其他印度佛教圖書館之間的聯繫。

  1. WANG Xuemei 王雪梅 (Northwest University 西北大學): 兜率內院——一個東亞佛教的想象性空間營造

兜率天宮是一生補處菩薩的住處,也是彌勒菩薩的處所,彌勒信仰者的歸依處。唐以前的佛經及相關文獻顯示,兜率天宮並沒有內外院之分。唐代,經玄奘窺基師徒等人的努力,兜率天宮才出現「內院」「外院」之分,並強化了「內院」之殊勝處。唐以後信眾生兜率天宮的願望其實質變為是願生兜率「內院(因兜率天宮為彌勒之處所,而彌勒又作慈氏,故「兜率內院」又謂「彌勒內院」、「慈氏內院」、「慈氏內宮」、「彌勒內宮」等)。本文對「兜率內院」這一東亞佛教「想象空間」的營造擬從「空間」層次的三個方面進行討論:一是「兜率內院」建築空間的營造與拓展。通過經論註疏文獻以及相關圖像,探究「兜率天宮」及「內院」的空間佈局、功能劃分等物理性、空間性格局以及在印中文化中的不同表達。二是關於「兜率內院」的敘事空間及其意義。通過中印包括玄奘等高僧大德及普通彌勒信眾上生兜率的相關記敘,闡釋兜率天宮「內」「外」眾的意義與價值,「兜率內院」的出現並強化其殊勝,實際承載了新的思想文化的表達。三是「兜率內院」想象空間的構築。通過《觀彌勒上生兜率陀》及相關禪觀思惟文獻,討論在「建築空間」「敘事空間」基礎上呈現的想象空間,它是禪定修行深入的彌勒行者構築的精神性空間,而這種構築行為不僅被更多的彌勒信眾接受,並且從一般的對上生兜率的嚮往加入到對往生「內院」的希求,最終共同營造了彌勒信仰中最為殊勝莊嚴的「兜率內院」,甚至超勝彌陀的淨土世界。

  1. WANG Yingxue 王映雪 (Harvard): Killing Beetles for the Buddha? Reconsidering the Tamamushi Shrine in Seventh-Century East Asia

Despite the prohibition on killing sentient beings in Buddhism, biological materials are not unusual on early Japanese Buddhist icons and ritual artifacts. The seventh-century Tamamushi Shrine, one of the most important artifacts of early East Asian Buddhism, offers a particularly spectacular example, as its exterior is covered by the elytra of over two thousand tamamushi beetles (“jewled beetles,” Chrysochroa fulgidissima). While previous scholarship treats the beetle wings as mere decorative elements, this paper argues that they destabilize and complicate our very understanding of early Buddhist material culture in Japan. My analysis will situate the shrine in the larger context of the transmission of Buddhism from the continent to Japan so as to explore the rationale behind the repeated acts of violence entailed in decorating the Tamamushi Shrine with thousands of beetle wings. I will establish the link between the artifact and socio-political, technological, and ecological changes in seventh-century East Asia facilitated by the introduction and localization of Buddhism. Anchored in this transformative historical period, the Tamamushi Shrine constitutes a complex worldmaking device that actively shapes animal-human relationships, models of ideal kingship, as well as religious and social responses to natural disasters such as droughts and epidemics.

  1. Sara WILSON (University of Oklahoma): Buddhist Worldmaking in the American Midcentury: Japanese American Hybridizations and the Anglo American ‘Maker Ethos’

In the American midcentury, Anglo American cultural producers grew interested in Buddhism because it offered tools useful for the building of a new poetics and for the building of counterculture. Yet because of their specific uses for Buddhism, they misread the world-building actions of their Japanese American Buddhist friends and allies. Mistakenly seeing Japanese American Buddhist modifications, translations, and adaptations as too “Protestantized” and therefore “uninteresting,” white cultural producers like Alan Watts disqualified Asian American Buddhist individuals and communities from being a part of the building of counterculture–indeed, from helping to construct the future of Buddhism in the United States. This paper valorizes the world-building actions of midcentury Japanese American Buddhist communities and argues that these actions should be seen both as a transformation of the sangha and as strategies for survival in a white supremacist society. The paper further shows how the Anglo American “disqualification” arose out of a certain “Maker ethos,” which involved the false assumption that all East Asian cultural materials were equally available for appropriation and extraction. By underscoring the unique world-building actions of Asian American individuals and communities, we can expand our understanding of this pivotal moment of Buddhist world-building beyond the work of white cultural producers.

  1. XIE Yifeng 謝一峰 (Yuelu Academy at Hunan University 湖南大學岳麓書院): The Increasing and Decline of Buddhist Factors in the Sacred Axis of Capitals in Medieval China 中古都城神聖軸線中佛教因素的變遷與進退

In the capitals in Medieval China, the spatial presentation and interaction of political authority and religious force has always been a significant topic. In Chinese political tradition, political status is not only related to bureaucratic hierarchy but also related to the spatial distance from the center of absolute power.

On the politically spatial distribution of capitals, the multi-palace system in the capitals of Qin and Han (BCE.221-CE.220) still relied more on the huge palaces on the base of high platform to present their magnificence, although some localized axes had already appeared; until to the capitals, Yecheng and Luoyang in Wei Dynasty(220-266), the single-palace system and the central axis through the capital connected the most important political and ritual spaces into a whole. The Heaven Alter and the Taiji Palace which symbolized the highest imperial power occupied the north and south ends of this power axis. However, from the limited historical records, Buddhist monasteries from Eastern Han to West Jin Dynasties (25-317), such as White Horse Monastery (Baima Si), etc., are mostly far away from this power axis, even located outside the core area of the capital. In Northern Wei (386-534), the locations of Buddhist monasteries, especially the imperial monasteries, such as Yongning Monastery, Jingming Monastery and double monasteries of Qintaishanggong in Luoyang, were considerably close to the central axis of capital, distributed on both sides of Bronze Camels (Tongtuo) Avenue. The Zhaopengcheng Buddhist Monastery and the Dazhuangyan Monastery in Yecheng of Northern Qi (550-577) and the Changgan Monastery in Jiankang ,the capital of Liang (502-557) are also located on the east side of the central axis of the capital city, similar to the location of Jingming Monastery. In short, the important Buddhist monasteries and pagodas in the capital during the Northern and Southern Dynasties had already been considerably planned to approach the power axis of the capital, and became important religious and political landscapes. In the parade of Buddhist statues (Buddhist Carnival) on the eighth of the fourth lunar month (the birthday of Buddha), Buddhist factors even temporarily occupied the political axis of Luoyang in Northern Wei to reveal the deep integration of Buddhism and imperial power.

As for the capital planning of Chang’an and Luoyang in the Sui and Tang Dynasties (581-907), there were still many large imperial Buddhist monasteries close to the central axis (such as the Daxingshan Monastery and Jianfu Monastery, etc.) in Chang’an of the Tang Dynasty (618-907). However, there was no further breakthrough in Buddhist architecture, to occupy the political axis of the capital for a long time. A remarkable turning point happened during the reign of Empress Wu (690-705), the Bright Hall (Wanxiangshengong), a Confucian ritual building including obvious Buddhist factors and the Heaven Axis (Tianshu), which was closely related to the Ashoka Pillar, were located in the geometric center of the palace city and the island between the Tianjin Bridge and Duan Gate, to occupy the most prominent position in the political axis of Luoyang as the sacred capital, symbolizing the center of the world. The Heaven Hall (Tiantang) mainly built by Xue Huaiyi (662-695), accommodating a huge Maitreya Buddha statue in it, was located to the northwest of the Bright Hall, corresponding to the “qian” position symbolizing heaven in the Posterior Eight Diagrams. More importantly, if the political axis of Luoyang, the sacred capital of Empress Wu (624-705, r. 690-705), was extended to the south. Its southern endpoint was the Longmen Grottoes on the west bank of Yi River. In other words, in the capital of Empress Wu, the Buddhist space and buildings including Buddhist factors were no longer limited to “giving up the main axis and occupying the two compartments”, to locate on both sides of the political axis, or temporarily occupied this pollical axis at the certain specific time closely related to Buddhism, but composed this political axis itself by the way to construct some permanent memorial and ritual buildings, as a significant part of political expression in the capital. The most symbolic and representative so-called “Seven Heaven Architectures” on the political axis of Luoyang during the reign of Empress Wu, including Tiantang (Heaven Hall), Tiangong (Bright Hall), Tianmen (Yingtian Gate), Tianshu (Heaven Axis), Tianjin (Tianjin bridge), Tianjie (Heaven avenue), and Tianque (Longmen Grottoes in Yique Valley), the buildings (or grottoes) with clear Buddhist factors had taken four in these seven. The seven precious of Chakravartin displayed impressively in the Bright Hall of Empress Wu also symbolized the deep involvement of Buddhist political culture in the power core with the most political symbolic meaning.

However, the fires that happened in the Bright Hall and the Heaven Hall considerably presented the decline of Buddhist factors in this political axis. After Emperor Xuanzong (685-762, r. 712-756) got absolute power, he took a series of actions to rebuild the Bright Hall and destroy the Heaven Axis. They marked the fundamental reshaping of the landscape of the political axis in Luoyang, to remove the Buddhist factors from it as much as possible. Marked by this dramatic and fundamental transition, the positions of Buddhist architecture in Chang’an and Luoyang had once again returned to the situation of being on the side (especially on the east side) of the central axis during the Northern and Southern Dynasties; the imperial monasteries in Kaifeng, the capital of Northern Song (960-1127), such as Daxiangguo Monastery, also continued this tradition, located in a similar place. To sum up, the Buddhist factors in the sacred axis of the capital in Medieval China experienced a procedure of increasing and decline. It began in the late Southern and Northern Dynasties, reached its peak in the Empress Wu’s period, and changed dramatically after the reign of Emperor Xuanzong, to return the situation in the late Southern and Northern Dynasties and early Tang, to show the tortuous process of the interaction between Buddhism and political space in Medieval China.

在中國中古時期的都城之中,政治權威和宗教勢力的空間呈現和互動一直是一個重要命題。在中國的政治傳統中,政治地位不僅與科層式的等級高低相系,亦與同絕對權力中心空間距離的遠近相關。在都城的政治空間格局方面,秦漢都城中的多宮制雖已出現某些局部性的軸線,更多仍是依靠高臺基的單體宮殿建築以壯威;直至曹魏鄴城和洛陽,單一宮制和貫穿全城的中軸線將都市中最為重要的政治和禮儀空間串聯為一體——用以祭天的圜丘和象徵最高皇權的太極宮構成了這一權力軸線的南北端點。然從目前有限的資料來看,漢晉時代的佛寺(如白馬寺等)多遠離此權力軸線,甚至位於都城的核心範圍之外。及至北魏時期,佛寺,尤其是皇家大寺(如洛陽永寧寺、景明寺、秦太上宮二寺)的位置已接近都城的權力中軸線——布列於銅駝大街兩側。北齊鄴城的趙彭城佛寺、大莊嚴寺與南朝蕭梁都城建康的長干寺等,也位於都城中軸線的東側,與景明寺的位置相類。概言之,南北朝時期都城中的重要佛寺和佛塔已具有了相當的規劃性,逼近都城的權力軸線,成為重要的宗教和政治景觀。在四月初八佛誕日的行像巡行儀式中,佛教因素甚至暫時性地佔據了北魏洛陽的政治軸線,體現出佛教與皇權的深度結合。及至隋唐長安與洛陽的都城規劃中,大型皇家佛寺中仍多有靠近中軸線者(如唐長安大興善寺、薦福寺等),但佛教建築也未有進一步地突破——長時間地占居都城的政治軸線。真正意義上的重大轉折發生在武周時期,具有明顯佛教因素的儒家禮制建築——明堂(萬象神宮)和與阿育王柱密切相關的天樞分別位於宮城的幾何中心和天津橋以北、端門以南的河心小島之上,占居了神都洛陽政治軸線中最為顯赫的位置,象徵著天下的中樞。由薛懷義主持興建,供奉有巨型彌勒造像的天堂,則位於明堂的西北方向,與後天八卦中象徵天的“乾”位相應。更為重要的是,如果將武周時期神都洛陽的政治軸線向南延伸,其南部端點正是位於伊水河谷西岸的龍門石窟。換言之,在武周時期洛陽都城之中,佛教空間和佛教因素已經不再局限于“讓出大路,佔領兩廂”式地分據於政治軸線兩側,抑或在某些與佛教密切相關的特定時間節點短暫地佔據這一政治軸線,而是直接以永久性紀念和禮儀建築的形式融入這一軸線本身,成為都城政治表達式的重要一環。在武周時期洛陽政治軸線上最具有象徵意味和代表性的所謂“七天建築”(由北至南依次為天堂、天宮[明堂]、天門[應天門]、天樞、天津、天街和天闕[伊闕])中,具有明確佛教因素的建築(或石窟)已經七居其四。武周明堂中赫然陳列的轉輪王七寶,也象徵著佛教政治文化對於這一最具有政治象徵意味的權力核心的深度介入。然物極必反,武周統治後期的明堂、天堂大火,在相當程度上預示著都城政治軸線中佛教因素的衰減;玄宗登基之後改建明堂、熔毀天樞的一系列舉措,則標誌著其對於洛陽政治軸線景觀的根本性重塑,以期盡可能地將佛教因素從洛陽的政治軸線中移除。以這一具有戲劇性的根本性轉折為標誌,長安、洛陽中佛教建築的位置再次回到了南北朝時期位於中軸線旁側(尤其是東側)的狀態;北宋東京城中的皇家大寺——大相國寺,也延續了這一做法——位於相似的位置。綜上所述,中古時期都城神聖軸線中的佛教因素,經歷了從無到有、由進而退的過程,由南北朝後期發軔,在武周時期達到頂峰,又在唐玄宗之後發生激變——回歸到南北朝後期和唐初的形態,展現出中古時期佛教與政治空間互動的曲折進程。

  1. XU Caiyang 徐采揚 (Columbia University): Mahayana Distinction: Mapping the Buddhist World in 20th-Century China

While the extant scholarship on 20th-century Chinese Buddhism has focused on how Buddhist modernizers revolutionized (Mahayana) Buddhism, this paper rejects such characterization of Buddhism as a timeless fixture subject to changes brought by modernity. By disrupting the conventional distinction between “Mahayana” and “Theravada,” it locates the making of Mahayana distinction as a critical site of modern Chinese state-building campaigns and Cold War politics. With previously untapped Buddhist journals and governmental documents, I argue that the Mahayana distinction was strategically employed in numerous Chinese world-making enterprises from the World War II to the early Cold War. In this process, “Mahayana” shifted from being the hallmark of Japanese Buddhism to a reference to communism (via the Soviet Union), thus pitting Vietnam, Sri Lanka, Laos, Thailand, and Burma into opposite camps of “Mahayana” or “Theravada.” Nevertheless, the label of Mahayana gradually lost in circulation in China since the late 1950s, becoming subjugated to the novel concept of pan-Asianism. By the same token, with the decolonization of Southeast Asia in the 1960s, Buddhist scholars around the world argued for the unification of Mahayana and Theravada and championed a universal Buddhist teaching. Whereas the Mahayana distinction gained currency in the ideological clash between capitalism and communism, it was supplanted by a more radical reimagination of Buddhism in a global decolonial moment with China as a key participant. By excavating the hitherto unknown history of “Mahayana” and “Theravada,” this paper places Buddhism at the heart of a series of Chinese world-making projects that profoundly shaped China’s position in the postwar Asian religious landscape.

  1. YANG Xiaojun 楊效俊(Shaanxi Museum of History 陝西曆史博物館): 武周時期的佛教神聖空間——從長安到敦煌、奈良

武周時期完成了佛教的第二次中國化,標誌之一是形成了中國化的佛教神聖空間。本文以七世紀末至八世紀初的長安光宅寺七寶台、敦煌莫高窟第332窟、奈良法隆寺金堂、五重塔為例探討武周時期長安、洛陽形成的佛教神聖空間的主題、圖像和象徵意義的傳播和影響。武周時期佛教神聖空間的顯著特色是時空一體性、向心性,表現佛教信仰的獨尊、至高。佛殿、塔、石窟建築內部構造呈現向心性,以中心原點形成對稱的建築面。佛教建築、雕塑、繪畫各種門類的藝術融為一體的作法可看出印度阿聃陀主義的影響,但形成了武周時期佛教建築與圖像的規定性:四佛與中國傳統四方觀念整合形成四方四佛、雜密的變化觀音、大佛、彌勒佛、涅槃變相等圖像裝飾在相應的建築空間表達特定的信仰,佛殿空間表現佛國淨土;佛塔、中心柱石窟表現舍利崇拜:佛舍利代表佛祖、佛法在時空永恆存在。佛教建築內部不僅是信者和佛教偶像間禮拜關係的雙向性的空間,還是更複雜的佛教儀式演習的空間,這些禮儀圍繞中央的佛殿內陣、中心柱進行,作為媒介把信者、偶像與信仰關聯起來,建立佛教空間內的神聖秩序並生成神聖意涵。

  1. ZHANG Ming 張銘 (Dunhuang Academy 敦煌研究院 & Peking University 北京大學): 墓窟結合、善惡有報——麥積山第127窟淨土世界的空間營造

麥積山石窟第127窟,是麥積山西崖三大窟之一,存有中國目前最早的大型西方淨土變壁畫,在中國石窟史中佔有一席之地。該窟壁畫內容豐富,繪制技藝高超,是西魏時期長安佛教藝術的最直接體現,代表了西魏皇家水平。作為一個系統性的營建工程,該窟將西方淨土變、七佛、睒子本生、薩埵那太子本生、維摩詰經變、涅槃變、地獄變、出行圖等等諸多題材繁雜、內容豐富的大型壁畫,緊密結合紀念對象生平事跡以及功德主身份等關鍵信息,在一個完整的立體空間內予以有序組合排列,構建出了以佛教善惡有報為主要表達思想的淨土世界,主旨明確,具有強烈的情感表達和訴求,作為結合了墓葬與石窟的特殊建築空間,麥積山石窟中的原創性洞窟。

  1. ZHANG Qing 張青 (UBC 英屬哥倫比亞大學 & Sichuan U 四川大學): 禪定中的身體與時空— — 早期佛教與天台宗觀念之比較

本文認為, 早期佛教中定學的修行等級與佛教的時空觀密不可分。佛教用三世— — 過去世、未來世、現在世, 以表明時間, 用三界— — 欲界、色界、無色界, 以表明空間, 此所謂「 三世三界」 。從宏觀角度講, 依修行主體所定的深淺不同, 色界可據此劃分為十八天, 無色界可分為四處, 故三界總有二十五。從微觀上看, 人身本就在三界六道中, 定學的修行以身體為場域, 在時間和空間下的統一。隨著佛教傳入中國, 定學的相關概念和實踐有了進一步發展和完善, 「 定」 逐漸轉化發展為中國化的「 禪」 。天台宗的智顗大師對定學有著諸多論述, 在其著作《摩訶止觀》中不僅涉及到了定學概念本體, 對修行實踐也做出了詳盡論述。本文講以禪定中的身體、實踐和時空主, 比較早期佛教與天台宗對此的觀念之異同。

  1. ZHANG Xuesong 張雪松 (Renmin University of China 中國人民大學佛教與宗教學理論研究所): 他方淨土與隱逸地仙——中國文學對佛教淨土的想象與構建

漢代以來中國的天庭觀念已經高度官僚化。中國的修行者不願意受到天界官僚體制的束縛管轄,那死(或修成正果)後又該身處何方呢?漢魏以來,佛教淨土信仰的傳入,無疑為解決這一難題創造了條件:中國人以「地仙」模式來營造死後的理想狀態,並與往生他方淨土結構起來。西晉著名道士葛洪感慨:「天上多至尊,相奉事更苦於人間。」而東晉名僧支道林則盛贊阿彌陀佛淨土「國無王制班爵之序」。道教逍遙自在的地仙信仰與佛教的十方淨土觀念相互影響,逐漸在死後世界「體制外」建立起一塊「飛地」——西方極樂世界,為中國人死後的「去向」提供了更多的選擇。而大量文學作品中佛教的「竹林寺」也成為一種類似道教「遊仙窟」式的母題。

  1. ZHAN Ru 湛如 (PekingU): 西明寺的形制及其對日本寺院的影響

本文討論西明寺的建築與形制特點,及其對日本佛教的影響。西明寺與隋前中國寺院多為單院落結構不同,它有十個獨立的僧院與四千多間僧房,是個結構巨大的多院落佛教建築群。隨著上世紀中葉開始的考古發掘,若干書面記載所不具備的建築水寨特徵也漸漸浮出水面,比如其實際結構特點與建築參數,以及在西明寺中出土的佛像與生活用品等,雖然數量不多,但仍然可以讓我們從中勾勒出這座唐代長安首屈一指皇家大寺的規模與形制特點。西明寺為典型的唐代復合式多院落結構,目前可考的西明寺中獨立院落至少包括塔院、僧院、僧廚院、戒壇院、藏經院、菩提院、禪院、 講堂、永忠法師古院、道宣律師堂等,並且還有一座大塔。

除了這座我們通過傳世文獻與出土資料相對應所能呈現出來的西明寺圖景之外,還有屬於宗教範疇的想象中的西明寺。在這幅圖景之中,西明寺中的僧人,尤其是道宣就想要將這座寺院與印度的中天竺捨衛國祇洹寺建立直接的聯繫。這雖然是一座道宣夢境中出現的理想化的寺院,但卻依然是以唐長安城中現實中的寺院為本。故而從中,我們就可以發現西明寺的若干形制特點。比如它採用有中軸線的左右對稱佈局,有巨大的中間的佛院為核心,左右兩邊是對稱的功能性院落。院牆與最外層的圍牆因地制宜地設計成了坊牆與橫廊。

如果說道宣夢境之中出現的寺院是他心目中理想的聖地幻寺,那麼這種情況到了日本又有了一個新的複製品。即公元8世紀初,也即在西明寺建立不到一世紀之後,日本僧人有了模仿此寺的衝動,而這也正是因為當時日本教界精英正在以一種類似道宣希望能夠通過模仿天竺捨衛國祇洹寺,而與印度直接構建宗教法脈傳承聯繫的行為模式一樣,以西明寺為代表的初盛唐高宗-武周朝佛教對於日本佛教知識精英也具有同樣的宗教感召力與影響力。通過這種未必完全符合歷史事實的建築仿制,由印度到中國,再到日本的佛教合法性就最終得以確立。

西明寺的影響是超越物質層面並且也會擺脫時空的束縛。它一方面向西傳遞,將長安城中的都市義理佛教推展到西陲邊地;另一方面,它又像預言者所預言的那樣,在整個佛教重心南傾之前,就已經與整個華南東部的佛教建立了聯繫。在禪宗建立真正清晰的自多宗派意識之初,西明僧人就已經廣泛涉入了禪學津奧,在此後又將禪學與律學一同向東南沿海地區傳遞,並在富庶的杭州地區扎下根來。西明寺所具有的國際性影響在日本佛教史中最為明顯,不但開創具有日本特色佛教的祖師大德往往曾出入於長安僧院,也包括西明寺;這些祖師在回國之後,也會念茲在茲,在唐帝國落寞的夕陽暮景下,依然不斷派遣弟子前往長安訪學問道、決疑解惑。這種在長安佛教中尋求宗教合法性的衝動是如此強烈,以至於最終會有人想要以西明寺為藍本在日本複製這座長安的神聖空間。我們姑且不提他們所繪制的圖景是否符合西明寺的真實形制,但至少可以確定一點,即這座寺院是他們心中理想的「西方之明」 (即「源於印度的文明」),也是可以用來繼承宗教合法性與潛在宗教權力的神聖象徵。如果要論證西明寺對日本古代佛教的影響,那就實在找不到比這更好的例證了。

  1. ZHAO Xiaoxing 趙曉星 (Dunhuang Academy 敦煌研究院):敦煌石窟對佛教宇宙的呈現

如何在一個洞窟中表現佛國世界,是每個洞窟營建時不可回避的問題。敦煌石窟的營建前後經歷一千六百多年,按其對佛教宇宙的呈現方式大體可以分成四個時期:第一個時期為北涼至北周時期,主要以象形而簡樸的方式表現,出現了以闕形龕為代表的天宮和模擬須彌山的中心塔柱;第二個時期為隋至唐前期,這一時期逐漸在人間世界的基礎上添加想像來表現佛國世界;第三個時期為中唐至北宋,這一時期重點表達“一窟之內宛然三界”的空間結構,在一窟之內容納不同的佛教宇宙;第四個時期為西夏至元代,對佛國世界的表現更注重其在世間的功能性,並以功能性對佛教宇宙進行組織。

  1. ZHENG Jiajia 鄭佳佳 (Zhejiang University of Finance & Economics浙江財經大學): 神僧萬回與唐代內道場的構建

唐代內道場神僧萬回(632-712)身為府兵之子、戍卒之弟,只是一位擁有唐代最尋常家庭出身的僧人,卻能夠在短短幾十年間躋身僧界領袖的崇高地位,很難說這沒有政治因素摻雜其間。學術界對於萬回信仰的研究,大多只將其視為民間佛教信仰中和合神之身份,卻忽視了萬回作為鮮活的歷史人物,尤其是以內道場僧的身份對於唐代皇室當中政教關係之微妙影響力。萬回每每於高宗、武後、中宗、睿宗四朝的政事活動中頗為活躍,慣以預讖必驗的方式維護李唐皇室的正統、斥責篡奪和擾亂李唐皇權者,卻又總能置身事外,不受政治株連之迫害。有鑒於此,對於萬回的家庭背景、宗教和政治角色及宗教關係之考證研究尤為必要,以期建構出萬回的內道場神僧形象,並對其歷數次政變又能保己無虞的原因和所產生的宗教與政治影響力作出學術分析。