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BAI Yu, Hong Kong University of Science and Technology (Guangzhou) Telling New Stories: Imperial Buddhist Prefaces and the Construction of Ideology under Wu Zhao |
Throughout her political career, Wu Zhao 武曌 (r. 690–705) wrote four “imperial Buddhist prefaces,” a literary genre that emerged during the reign of Taizong 太宗 (r. 626–649) and flourished under her rule. These texts span the period from the beginning of her regency in 684 to the twilight of the Zhou 周 dynasty in 704. Through a detailed, comparative analysis of the content and rhetorical strategies of the prefaces, this paper demonstrates that these texts held considerable ideological significance. They served as Wu Zhao’s sustained project to establish a new narrative that diverged sharply from that of her predecessors, Taizong and Gaozong 高宗 (r. 649–683). By reinterpreting established tropes, Wu Zhao used these prefaces to communicate a vital message to the monastic elite: the flourishing of the Buddha’s teachings was inextricably linked to her personal patronage and devotion. The study focuses particularly on her first preface (685), a text that has been largely overlooked by current scholarship. I show how she used this early work during her regency (684–690) to incorporate the new Buddhist authority Divākara (Dipoheluo 地婆訶羅, 613–688) and his translations into her family commemoration activities. In doing so, she redefined the relationship between the monarch and the Buddha’s teachings, thereby claiming ownership of them and laying the ideological groundwork for her reign. This paper provides new insights into how Wu Zhao used textual tradition to navigate and transform the religious and political landscape of China.
武曌（690–705在位）在其政治生涯中撰寫了四篇「御製佛教序」，這種始於太宗時期的文學體裁於她的統治下臻於鼎盛。這些文本涵蓋了她從684年開始攝政到704年武周晚期。透過對這些序言內容與修辭策略的詳細比較分析，本文闡明了這些文本具有相當重大的意識形態意義。這些序言是武曌持續進行的計畫，旨在建立一種與其前任太宗及高宗（649–683年在位）截然不同的敘事。透過重新詮釋既有的修辭手法，武曌利用這些序言向僧侶精英傳達一項關鍵訊息：佛法的興盛與她個人的贊助及虔誠密不可分。本研究特別聚焦於她的第一篇寫於685年的序言，這篇文本在當今學術界中長期被忽視。本文說明她在攝政期間（684–690）如何運用這篇作品，將新興的佛教權威地婆訶羅（Divākara，613–688）及其譯作納入家族紀念活動之中。藉此，她重新界定了君主與佛法的關係，進而宣稱對佛法的所有權，並為其統治奠定了意識形態基礎。本文針對武曌如何運用文本傳統來駕馭並轉變中國的宗教與政治格局提供了新的見解。 |
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Nadine BREGLER, University of Hamburg The Image of Tang Poets: Early Attributions in Dunhuang Manuscripts |
This paper re-examines how celebrated Tang authors are represented in the Dunhuang manuscript corpus. Existing scholarship generally assumes, either explicitly or implicitly, that at the time of their production, complete single-author poetry collections, such as those of Gao Shi (716–765), were already in circulation and served as the source for copied excerpts. For instance, Christopher N. B. Nugent argues in his Manifest in Words, Written on Paper: Producing and Circulating Poetry in Tang Dynasty China (2010) that scribal intervention could obscure the link between author and text. David McMullen offers a partial corrective in his review article “Boats Moored and Unmoored: Reflections on the Dunhuang Manuscripts of Gao Shi’s Verse” (2013), distinguishing between earlier, more controlled transmission and later, less regulated circulation, while maintaining that literati readers would have recognised authorship. However, as shown in my doctoral research, the Dunhuang manuscripts instead document an early stage in the formation of single-author collections. Reader annotations on the manuscripts indicate an emerging concern with authorship and the first attempts to organise previously anonymous poems under named figures. Yet, as seen from layout and organisation of the texts, the manuscripts themselves predominantly preserve multi-author compilations, in which single poems attributed to well-known writers appear only occasionally.
The paper examines the earliest secure attributions preserved in this corpus and asks whether received views of individual poets require revision. Combining statistical analysis of attributed poems with close readings of their content, it reassesses patterns of attribution and thematic association, including the supposed predominance of Gao Shi as a frontier poet. |
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CHEN Jie, West Lake Museum “武周革命”與女主當政——日本天平時代佛教文化的政治背景 |
日本天平時代，聖武天皇和孝謙天皇兩代人開創了一個佛教十分繁榮的時代，這一時期的佛教文化大發展得益於統治者的大力提倡和積極投入。這種對佛教的熱衷，源於聖武天皇自身統治合法性和穩固性的意識形態需求，從中國唐朝傳入的具有“武周革命”改良成分的佛教，成爲天皇政權最適合的統治工具，契合了當時的政治需求。這種改造一方面是爲聖武天皇和光明皇后的統治及皇權提供宗教的神聖性，另一方面也爲孝謙天皇的即位和統治提供“女主當政”的輿論依據，從而讓佛教滲透入日本的政治語境中。
During Japan’s Tenpyō era, Emperor Shōmu and Empress Kōken presided over a period of remarkable Buddhist prosperity. This flourishing of Buddhist culture stemmed from the rulers’ vigorous advocacy and active engagement. Their enthusiasm for Buddhism derived from Emperor Shōmu’s ideological need to legitimize and consolidate his rule. Buddhism, introduced from Tang China and incorporating reformed elements associated with the “Wu Zhou Revolution,” became the most suitable instrument of governance for the imperial regime, aligning with the political demands of the time. This adaptation served a dual purpose: it endowed the reigns of Emperor Shōmu and Empress Kōmyō with religious sanctity, while simultaneously providing ideological justification for Empress Kōken’s accession and rule as a female sovereign. Consequently, Buddhism became deeply integrated into Japan’s political discourse. |
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CHEN Jinhua, University of British Columbia 復禮生平再考 |
Forthcoming |
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CHEN Zhenwang, Shenzhen University 敦煌石窟畏獸紋樣文化探源及文明交流研究 |
畏獸圖像是絲綢之路文明交流的重要視覺遺存，廣泛見於敦煌莫高窟、南北朝墓葬及祆教石刻等載體，以敦煌石窟畏獸圖像爲核心研究對象，系統梳理學界關於畏獸名稱界定與來源歸屬的學術爭議，歸納漢文化傳統、祆教、佛教三支主要學術觀點。在此基礎上，將畏獸發展劃分爲先秦萌芽期、漢代雛形期、南北朝成熟期與隋唐衰退期四個階段，整理統計敦煌莫高窟西魏至初唐時期洞窟的畏獸圖像，分析其造型特徵與演變規律。研究表明，敦煌畏獸以華夏本土神怪傳統爲根基，其“獸首人身”的複合造型可追溯至先秦獸面紋飾、楚帛書十二月令神及漢代方相氏、烏獲力士等文化資源；在絲綢之路文明互鑑進程中，畏獸圖像選擇性吸收佛教護法神體系、祆教祭祀母題與西域藝術技法，形成“本土爲體、外來爲用”的融合格局。從圖像學與文化史視角，揭示畏獸圖像生成演變所蘊含的中華文明“海納百川、守正創新”的深層邏輯，爲理解中華民族共同體形成歷程與絲綢之路文明交流機制提供個案，也爲當代文化遺產活化利用與跨文化藝術傳播提供了歷史借鑑。 |
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CHEN Zhinan, Dunhuang Research Academy Longxing Buddhist Monasteries on the Silk Road——Monastic Networks in the Eighth Century Tang |
This paper examines the establishment and distribution of Longxing Monasteries 龍興寺 (“Monastery of [Re-]ascendance of the Dragon”) across the Western Regions under Tang rule, focusing on those recorded in the Anxi 安西 and Beiting 北庭 Protectorates—specifically sites in Kucha 龜茲, Beshbalik 北庭, and Khotan 于闐. These were state monasteries founded by imperial edict under Emperor Zhongzong (r. 705–710), following his restoration of the Tang dynasty and the end of Wu Zhao’s Zhou regime. Drawing on Dunhuang manuscripts, official histories, and archaeological materials, this study reconstructs the spatial, economic, institutional, and spiritual networks that sustained these monasteries along the Silk Road. Through textual, manuscript-based, and geo-historical analysis, it seeks to establish: When and under what specific circumstances were these monasteries created? What was their architectural plan? Where were they located, and how did they function as religious, administrative, and cultural centers along the western frontiers of the Tang Empire? By tracing the networks that connected these monasteries to both the Tang court and local communities, this study seeks to present an integrated view of the material and ideological worlds of China’s middle period.
本論文考察唐代統治下西域地區龍興寺的建立與分佈情況，重點聚焦於安西、北庭兩都護府所轄之龜茲、北庭、于闐等地的龍興寺。這些寺院皆依唐中宗（705–710 年在位）復辟唐室、結束武周政權之後所頒詔令而建立，屬於當時由朝廷主導建立的官辦佛寺。本文結合敦煌寫本、正史典籍與考古材料，重構這些寺院在絲綢之路上的地理、經濟、制度與宗教活動等多重網絡。通過文獻、寫本與地理歷史的綜合分析，試圖釐清以下問題：龍興寺創建的具體時間與歷史背景，其建築形制與空間佈局，地理位置與分佈特徵，以及它們如何在唐帝國西域邊陲發揮宗教、行政與文化中心的作用。本文透過考察龍興寺唐廷、地方政權以及俗眾之間的互動關係，旨在呈現一個更為宏觀且整合的視角，以深化對中國中古時期物質世界與思想世界的交織與互動的理解。 |
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CHEN Zhiyuan, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences 佛道論衡與通史意識——解讀石山寺“傳法記”寫本 |
收藏於日本石山寺的“傳法記”古寫本，是理解南北朝後期至唐初佛道關係的關鍵文獻。寫卷前半的“傳法記”，與《續集古今佛道論衡》後半的內容重合，其雛形見於法琳《破邪論》，是具有編年通史性質的作品。後半抄寫的幾段作品，可補《廣弘明集》、《集古今佛道論衡》等傳世佛教史籍之缺。從這些材料，可以窺知北周法難前後，地方教團佛道論衡活動的知識來源以及在論爭語境中，佛教通史意識的成長。編年史體，與南朝形成的“高僧傳”體裁所持的關懷截然異趣，反映出北朝隋唐佛道競爭的緊張關係中，對教團存續和氣運的嚴肅關切。
The ancient manuscript Chuanfa Ji (Records of Dharma Transmission), preserved at the Ishiyama-dera Temple in Japan, is a key text for understanding the Buddho-Daoist relationship from the late Division period to the early Tang. The first half of the manuscript, also titled Chuanfa Ji, overlaps with the latter portion of the Xuji Gujin Fodao Lunheng (Further Collection of Past and Present Buddho-Daoist Debates). The earliest form of this sequence of episodes can be traced back to Poxie Lun (Treatise Refuting Heresy) by the monk Falin, and it exhibits the characteristics of a universal history. The latter half of the manuscript contains several excerpts that are otherwise unknown but are mentioned in Buddhist histories such as the Guang Hongming Ji (Expanded Collection Promoting and Clarifying Buddhism) and the Ji Gujin Fodao Lunheng (Collection of Past and Present Buddho-Daoist Debates). These materials offer insight into the scriptural sources of the polemical works compose around the time of the persecution of Buddhism of the northern Zhou, as well as the process in which the idea of universal history came into being with the context of such disputes. The agenda of the Buddhist annales contrasts sharply with the biographical collections known as the Gaoseng Zhuan (Lives of Eminent Monks), a genre that emerged in the Southern Dynasties. Instead, the Chuanfa Ji reflects the deep anxieties of the Buddhist community regarding its survival and persistence amid a hostile environment in 6-7th centuries. |
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Pietro DE LAURENTIS, Capital Normal University Forthcoming |
Forthcoming |
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Junjie DU, École pratique des hautes études (EPHE) Buddhist Monuments as “West of the Monastery by One Li” (“伽藍西一裏”): Buddhist Monuments as Spatial Reference Points in Tang Luoyang Funerary Epigraphy (653–778 CE) |
Scholarship on Tang-dynasty Luoyang as a Buddhist political capital — most notably the work of Antonino Forte on the religious landscape of the reign of Empress Wu Zetian 武則天 (r. 684–705 CE) — has long examined how state power reshaped the urban fabric through imperially patronized monasteries, monumental Buddhist architecture, and the Longmen 龍門 region. Comparatively less attention has been paid to whether Buddhist structures subsequently entered the language of everyday spatial description and participated in the organization of funerary geography.
This paper examines a specific phenomenon in Tang Luoyang funerary epigraphy: in a number of seventh- and eighth-century epitaphs, Buddhist monasteries and pagodas begin to function directly as locational reference points for identifying the grave site. Rather than serving solely as settings for devotional narratives or records of merit-making activity, Buddhist structures are incorporated into the spatial language of the epitaph text itself. The paper draws on funerary epitaphs excavated from the Luoyang area between 653 and 778 CE. One of the earliest examples currently identified appears in the Epitaph of Cheng Bao’an 《程寶安墓誌》 (653 CE), which locates the grave “one li west of the Jingshan monastic complex” (“ 敬善伽藍西一里”). By 778 CE, the Epitaph of Lady Yun, Wife of Master Li 《唐故亳州真源縣令李君夫人墓誌銘》 defines the burial site through measured spatial relationships to four monasteries — Guanghua Monastery 廣化寺, Hufa Monastery 護法寺, Yuanxian Monastery 元憲寺, and Baoying Monastery 寶 應 寺 . These materials suggest that certain Buddhist institutions in Luoyang had acquired a practical function as recognizable geographic markers within funerary spatial description. At the same time, the majority of epitaphs in the corpus continue to employ conventional administrative place names, township systems (xiangli 鄉里), and the geographic framework of Mang Mountain 邙山 to define grave locations. Explicit incorporation of Buddhist buildings into locational formulae remains relatively limited. Precisely because funerary epitaphs are highly formulaic and conservative documents, however, this recurrent spatial shift is particularly noteworthy. The paper further observes that Buddhist space performs multiple functions within Tang funerary texts. Some epitaphs emphasize proximity to monasteries or pagodas in relation to merit and protection; others construct a religiously inflected funerary landscape through phrases such as “左對寶剎” (“facing the sacred temple to the left”); still others record that the deceased died or temporarily resided within a monastery. This study focuses specifically on cases in which Buddhist buildings participate directly in locating the grave itself. To assess whether this phenomenon displays regional specificity, the paper introduces contemporary epitaphs from Chang’an and the wider Guanzhong region as comparative material. Preliminary observations suggest that Chang’an epitaphs occasionally reference a pagoda or a relic stūpa associated with a particular monk as an adjacent burial landmark, but they do not appear to employ multiple active monasteries systematically as spatial coordinates in the manner attested in certain Luoyang materials. The distinction therefore lies less in the mere presence of Buddhist spatial reference than in its density and degree of spatial integration within funerary locational language. The paper proposes that this concentration in Luoyang may be related to the city’s distinctive spatial configuration. The sustained interaction between the Longmen area, the Yique gorge 伊闕, Mang Mountain, and the surrounding monastic landscape created conditions in which Buddhist structures possessed strong local visibility as geographic referents. Large-scale Buddhist construction projects during the Wu Zhou period (690–705 CE) may have further strengthened the public geographic salience of these institutions, although the earliest examples identified in this study predate the Wu Zhou period itself. Through analysis of the locational language of funerary epitaphs, this paper argues that the influence of Buddhism on the spatial fabric of medieval Luoyang extended beyond religious architecture itself to the ways in which burial space was described and organized. These seemingly minor locational phrases provide a granular perspective on how Buddhist landscapes entered the geography of private burial and offer funerary epigraphic evidence that complements Antonino Forte’s foundational studies of the Buddhist transformation of the Tang imperial capital. |
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FENG Lijun, Shaanxi Normal University Forthcoming |
Forthcoming |
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HAMADA Tamami, Waseda University, Faculty of Letters, Arts and Sciences 唐代佛教藝術中的三寶図像――以敦煌莫高窟第323窟爲例 |
佛教中的三寶指的是佛、法、僧，是佛教徒應歸依的對象。本研究旨在探討作爲佛教信仰基礎的三歸依，在唐代佛教藝術中是如何被表現的。開鑿於唐代前期的敦煌莫高窟第323窟，展現了特殊的壁畫內容與圖像構圖。此時期的莫高窟石窟，通常以大幅面呈現將經典內容繪製而成的經變圖。而第323窟在左右兩壁上半部描繪佛教東傳感應故事畫，下半部各繪有7尊等身大菩薩立像，入口側的壁面則表現持戒誓願圖。正面龕內的主尊雖可認爲是彌勒佛倚坐像，其周圍以塑壁表現山巒之法，實屬罕見。本研究通過圖像學分析，論證第323窟表現了三寶傳入東土中國、三寶在中國過去、現在及未來的實存及其傳承，以及在中國三歸依與懺悔、受戒之正統性，在此基礎上闡明該窟貫穿全窟的核心主題爲菩薩戒在中國的受持。
In the Buddhist tradition, the term “Three Treasures” is employed to denote the Buddha, the Dharma, and the Sangha. These elements constitute the primary objects of devotion for adherents of Buddhism. This study aims to explore how these Three Refuges, which form the foundation of Buddhist faith, are expressed in Tang Buddhist art. Mogao Cave 323 in Dunhuang, constructed during the early Tang period, features unique mural content and iconographic composition. While caves constructed during this period typically feature large-scale pictorial representations of Sutra scenes, Cave 323 is an exception. It is distinguished by its depictions of stories from the Eastward Transmission of Buddhism and miraculous responses in the upper halves of its left and right walls, with seven life-size standing Bodhisattva figures in the lower halves. The wall that faces the entrance features a depiction of the Vows of Observance. The principal image in the niche at the front is believed to be a representation of Maitreya Buddha. However, the depiction of mountains molded with clay around it is unique. In this study, it is argued, based on iconographic analysis, that Cave 323 represents the transmission of the Three Treasures to China, their past, present and future existence and succession, and the orthodoxy of the Three Refuges, repentance and ordination in China. It is also important to note that the overarching theme of the cave is the observance of the Bodhisattva Precepts in China. |
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HOU Haoran, Zhejiang University Forthcoming |
Forthcoming |
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HU Yaofei and WANG Zixi, Shaanxi Normal University 涅槃變相碑與武周蒲州政教研究 |
武周時期是佛教與政治深度交融的關鍵階段，蒲州作爲河東地區佛教重鎮，其境內大雲寺所存“涅槃變相碑”又名“大雲寺彌勒重閣碑”，是解讀當時符瑞政治與地方佛教互動關係的核心物質載體。碑文及圖像既承載佛教涅槃教義，更暗藏武周政權 “天命所歸”的政治密碼。涅槃變相碑的銘文與圖像呼應這一政治敘事，碑文中對武則天的神聖化頌揚，完成了宗教信仰與符瑞政治的深度嫁接。蒲州地區長期以來形成的以《涅槃經》爲核心的佛教研習傳統，爲碑刻的誕生提供了深厚的文化土壤，而涵蓋官吏、平民、女性、僧侶等社會各階層的供養人羣體，印證了武周政教理念在地方的廣泛滲透。該碑既是佛教藝術的傑作，更是“政——教——民”三位一體合法性結構的物質呈現，清晰展現了武周時期國家意識形態如何通過宗教載體下沉地方，以及蒲州佛教文化與中央政治的互動共生關係。
The Wu Zhou regime witnessed an era of profound integration between Buddhism and politics. As a major Buddhist hub in the Hedong region, Puzhou houses the Nirvana Transformation Stele (also known as the Stele of Maitreya Pavilion at Dayun Temple), a pivotal physical artifact for interpreting the interplay between auspicious omens-driven politics and local Buddhism of the time. Its inscriptions and pictorial carvings expound the Buddhist doctrine of Nirvana while embedding political connotations that legitimated the Wu Zhou regime as mandated by heaven. The texts and images of the stele echo such political narratives, and the eulogies deifying Empress Wu Zetian in the inscriptions forged an intimate bond between religious belief and auspicious omen politics. Puzhou’s long-standing scholarly tradition centered on the Nirvana Sutra laid a solid cultural foundation for the creation of this stele. Its donors, ranging from government officials and commoners to women and Buddhist monks, testify to the pervasive influence of the Wu Zhou ideological and religious governance across local society. As a masterpiece of Buddhist art, the stele materially embodies a tripartite legitimacy framework uniting state governance, religion and the populace. It distinctly reveals how the national ideology of the Wu Zhou regime penetrated local communities via religious carriers, as well as the interactive and symbiotic relationship between Buddhist culture in Puzhou and central imperial politics. |
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HUO Sijia, Peking University 唐代石窟寺倚坐彌勒大像與武周佛教世界主義的遺響 |
唐代石窟中出現了一批大型倚坐彌勒佛像，高度多在10米以上，憑藉突出的體量成爲各個窟羣的視覺中心，學界多將其源頭追溯至武周時期的天堂大像。本文認爲，除了宗教與政治因素，彌勒大像之間還共享了某種更具普遍意義的思想觀念。富安敦先生對武周明堂的著作揭示，武則天意欲在洛陽營造一個蘊含佛教世界主義與和平主義精神的理想烏托邦。本文將進一步論證，彌勒大像正是這一思想體系的重要產物，其象徵內涵獲得了超越政治氛圍與社會階層的持久影響力。
洛陽天堂大像的建造，意在遙相呼應位於中印邊界的陀歷彌勒像，在時間、空間與宗教地位上形成對話。儘管天堂大像毀於大火，其形式與象徵意義仍通過目擊者和官寺網絡傳播至各地。莫高窟北大像即直接繼承自天堂大像。此後，河隴與中原的多處石窟紛紛開鑿倚坐彌勒巨像，多位於軍事與交通要道，體現出以佛教懷柔遠人、以非暴力方式安服外敵的理想。樂山凌雲寺大像坐鎮三江交匯的航道要衝，其開鑿得益於巨大的商業力量。巴蜀地區的其他大像如榮縣大佛、潼南大佛等，則兼有經濟發展與跨時代共同理想的驅動。 富安敦先生的研究表明，武周的時代精神曾被正史有意掩蓋。儘管如此，我們仍能在山石間的巨像身上找到那個時代的印記——一種面向世界、主張和平、經濟開放的普遍價值，在武周之後仍久久迴響。 A number of colossal Maitreya statues appeared in Tang dynasty cave temples, most exceeding 10 meters in height. Scholars have generally traced their origin back to the Tiantang Colossal Statue of the Wu Zhou period. This article argues that, beyond religious and political factors, these statues also shared a more universal set of ideas. Antonino Forte’s work on Empress Wu’s Mingtang reveals that Empress Wu intended to create an Buddhist utopia in Luoyang, one imbued with cosmopolitanism and pacifism. This article further argues that the colossal Maitreya statues were important products of this ideological system, attaining a lasting and widespread influence that endured through political changes and resonated across all social strata. The Tiantang Colossal Statue in Luoyang was intended to echo the Maitreya statue at Darel on the Sino-Indian border, establishing a dialogue across time, space, and religious significance. Although destroyed by fire, its form and meaning were disseminated through eyewitnesses and official monasteries. The North Great Statue at Mogao Caves was a direct heir. Subsequently, numerous Maitreya statues were carved across the Hexi Corridor and the Central Plains, mostly along military and transport routes, embodying the ideal of using Buddhism to pacify foreign peoples through nonviolent means. The Lingyun Temple Statue in Leshan stands at the confluence of three rivers on a key waterway, benefiting from immense commercial power. Other great statues in the Bashu region, such as the Rongxian and Tongnan Great Buddhas, were driven by both economic development and a trans-generational ideal of common endeavor. Forte’s research demonstrates that the true spirit of the Wu Zhou period was deliberately obscured by orthodox historiography. Nevertheless, we can still find the imprint of that era on the colossal statues among the rocks—an outward-looking, peace-advocating, economically open universal value that echoed long after the Wu Zhou period had ended. |
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JI Yun, Buddhist College of Singapore 公元五世紀上半葉的佛教政教關係芻議 |
Forthcoming |
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John JORGENSEN, Griffith University The Provenance of the Foxing lun: Did Paramārtha Compose the Foxing lun in Response to Questions from His Chinese Audience? |
The Foxing lun 佛性論 (T1610), traditionally ascribed to Vasubandhu and the translation to Paramārtha 真諦, was important in the development of Chinese theories of the buddha-nature from the late sixth to the early ninth centuries. However, doubt has been cast on those ascriptions. This essay adds to the textual evidence that it was likely composed by Paramārtha and introduces doctrinal evidence to suggest that it was written by Paramārtha to answer some questions raised by his Chinese audience, especially his pupils and readers who had been schooled in Nirvana School 涅槃宗theories of the buddha-nature and Yogācāra, in particular that of Vasubandhu with regard to the possible role of the buddha-nature in that system of thought. |
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George A. KEYWORTH, University of Saskatchewan Antonino Forte (1940-2006) and Makita Tairyō 牧田諦亮 (1912-2011): A Re-examination of How Old Buddhist Manuscripts in Japan and Dunhuang Transformed to the Study of East Asian Buddhism |
The friendship and collaborations between two of the greatest scholars of Chinese and Japanese Buddhist studies, Antonino Forte (1940-2006) and Makita Tairyō 牧田諦亮 (1912-2011), Director of the Italian School of Oriental (later East Asian) Studies in Kyoto, and Professor at the Kyoto University Research Institute for Humanities 京都大学人文科学研究所 (until 1976), respectively, revolutionized the fields of Chinese and Japanese Buddhist studies. Interest in so-called apocryphal (a.k.a. indigenous, fake, or spurious) texts 疑・僞經 by Forte and Makita and their many students inspired scholars to rethink how we understand the concept of a Buddhist ‘canon’ 一切經・大藏經, to investigate the history of who produced and theretofore presumably lost these texts, and to better understand the complex relationship between religion and politics in medieval China and Japan. In this paper, first, I provide an overview of how the discovery of the so-called hidden scriptures from Nanatsudera 七寺 in Nagoya, Amanosan Kongōji 天野山金剛寺, the Matsuo shrine canon 松尾社一切經 from Myōrenji 妙蓮寺, and Natori Shingūji 名取神宮寺 (4 of typically 8 or 9) was spearheaded by Makita and Forte. Next, I discuss why it became as important as it did for scholars to be particularly familiar with two Tang dynasty catalogs from the Kaiyuan- and Zhenyuan-eras (Kaiyuan lu 開元錄, 730 and Zhenyuan lu 貞元錄, 800), and why these classify only a portion of Buddhist texts that circulated in monastic libraries during the medieval period in East Asia (e.g., 8th to 15th centuries). Finally, I argue that because of the pioneering philological investigations of Forte, Makita, and their students, the methodological basis for the academic study of Buddhism 佛教學 in Japan, and particularly in Kyoto under these two giants of their field, transformed how we understand the history of Buddhism in Asia. The lion’s share of apocryphal texts concern religious rituals, demonology, and politics. The discovery of these marvelous scriptures came to light at a time in the mid- to late-20th century when Buddhism was popularly known throughout the world—by academics and practitioners—as a so-called rationale religion. |
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LI Jianxin, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences Forthcoming |
Forthcoming |
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LI Meng, Fudan University Forthcoming |
Forthcoming |
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LI Wei, Henan University 營造、毀滅與未曾：武周至玄宗朝兩京建築的文學書寫及其政治隱喻 |
唐代（618-907）建築既是權力實踐的載體，也是文學反復書寫的重要題材。從武周(690-705)到玄宗(685-762，712-756在位)朝，許多標誌性建築經歷了營造、改造、焚毀與未竟等複雜命運，文學書寫則主動參與政治記憶的重構，其策略與母題隨政治變動與歷史創傷而發生顯著變動。
武則天(624-705,690-705在位)營造天堂、明堂等核心建築，極力打造神都洛陽新的政治文化空間。劉允濟 (?-711?)《明堂賦》以天地秩序為武周新統賦形，賦予明堂以神聖合法性。至玄宗朝，李白（701-762）同題《明堂賦》在沿用禮制框架的同時，將政治主體悄然轉歸李唐，實現了同一建築意象下的敘事置換。這是文學策略隨政治主體轉移而變動的典型案例。中宗（656-710，705-710在位）已有意識地處理武周的建築遺產，玄宗則進一步系統地清除其文化影響，通過利用、降格、改造乃至選擇性摧毀武周相關建築；同時玄宗營建華清宮、勤政樓、花萼樓等本朝建築，這些空間在盛唐（712-755）文學中多為祥瑞與榮耀的象徵。 安史之亂（755-763）造成唐代歷史和文化的根本性斷裂。洛陽宮室成墟，長安殘殿成為盛世遠去的事實，繼而化作文學記憶。中晚唐文學特別是詩歌就此展開了多元敘事：首先，兩京建築的焚毀與殘破，成為文學中反復書寫、難以磨滅的創傷記憶。第二，以華清宮為代表的玄宗朝建築，從歡娛之所變為王朝崩毀的象徵性意象，李商隱、溫庭筠、崔櫓等人以荒廢的宮闕寄託興亡之悲，形成穩定的懷古母題。最後，對玄宗朝相關人物（如楊國忠“四香閣”等）建築的諷刺書寫，則回歸戒奢諷諫的傳統表達。另外值得注意的是，戰亂迫使集靈台等皇家工程永久中止，這些“未竟的盛世之夢”在晚唐五代乃至宋初的文學追憶中被渲染為“盛世可能延續卻終未實現”的集體遺憾，甚至虛構出“望月樓”的故事，成為文學中特殊的歷史可能性幻想。 綜上，文人圍繞武周至玄宗朝的兩京建築書寫主動介入，從“賦頌合法性”到“憑弔興亡”再到“追懷未竟”的演進軌跡，清晰展現了文學如何將建築的興、毀、殘與未成，轉化為表達政治記憶與文化創傷的核心媒介。 Tang architecture was not only a vehicle for the exercise of power but also a significant subject of repeated literary representation. From the Wu Zhou period to the reign of Emperor Xuanzong, many iconic buildings underwent complex fates of construction, renovation, destruction, and incompletion. Literary writing actively participated in the reconstruction of political memory, with its strategies and topoi shifting notably in response to political changes and historical trauma. Under the rule of Wu Zetian 武則天 (624–705, r. 690–705), key architectural structures such as the Heaven Hall (Tiantang 天堂) and the Bright Hall (Mingtang 明堂) were constructed, vigorously creating a new political and cultural space in the Divine Capital (shendu 神都) Luoyang. Liu Yunji’s 劉允濟 (?-711?) Mingtang fu 明堂賦 (Rhapsody on the Bright Hall) bestowed sacred legitimacy upon the new Wu Zhou order by correlating the form of the Bright Hall with the cosmic order. In the Xuanzong period, Li Bai’s 李白 (701-762) rhapsody on the same title, while following the established ritual framework, subtly transferred the political subject back to the Tang dynasty, achieving a narrative substitution within the same architectural image. This is a typical case of literary strategy shifting with political authority. Emperor Zhongzong 唐中宗 (656-710, r. 705-710) had already consciously dealt with the architectural legacy of Wu Zhou, and Emperor Xuanzong further systematically eliminated its cultural influence by repurposing, downgrading, remodeling, and selectively destroying buildings associated with Wu Zhou. At the same time, Xuanzong actively constructed his own dynasty’s architecture, including Huaqing Palace 華清宮, Qinzheng Tower 勤政樓, and Hua’e Tower 花萼樓, which were predominantly symbolized in High Tang (sheangtang 盛唐, ca.712-755) literature as auspicious and glorious. The An Lushan Rebellion (An-Shi zhiluan 安史之亂, 755-763) caused a fundamental rupture in Tang history and culture. The palaces of Luoyang turned into ruins, and the dilapidated halls of Chang’an became the reality of a golden age receding, subsequently transforming into literary memory. Mid-and late Tang (zhong wan tang 中晚唐, ca. 766-907) literature unfolded multiple narratives in response, especially in poetry. First, the burning and dilapidation of the two capitals’ architecture became a repeatedly inscribed, indelible traumatic memory in literature. Second, Xuanzong-era buildings, especially Huaqing Palace, were transformed from sites of pleasure into symbolic images of dynastic collapse. Poets such as Li Shangyin 李商隱 (ca. 813-858), Wen Tingyun 溫庭筠 (ca. 812-866), and others employed the abandoned hot spring palace to express sorrow over rise and fall, forming a stable nostalgic (huaigu 懷古) topos. Finally, satirical writing focused on figures of the Xuanzong court, such as the luxurious “Four Fragrance Pavilion” (sixiang ge 四香閣) of Yang Guozhong 楊國忠 (?-756), returning to the traditional expression of remonstrance against extravagance. It is also worth noting that the rebellion forced the permanent suspension of royal construction projects such as the “Terrace of Assembled Spirits” (Jiling tai 集靈台) . These “unfulfilled dreams of a golden age” were rendered in the literary reminiscences of the late Tang, Five Dynasties, and early Song (ca. 960-1000) as a collective regret that “the golden age might have continued but ultimately did not materialize,” becoming a special form of historical counterfactual imagination in literature. There was even a fictional account of the “Moon-Gazing Tower” (Wangyue lou 望月樓). In sum, literati actively engaged with the architectural writings of the two capitals from Wu Zhou to Emperor Xuanzong, tracing an evolutionary trajectory from “celebrating legitimacy through rhapsodies” to “lamenting rise and fall” and then to “reminiscing the unfulfilled.” This trajectory clearly demonstrates how literature transformed the construction, destruction, dilapidation, and incompletion of architecture into a core medium for expressing political memory and cultural trauma. |
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LIU Linkui, Baoji University of Arts and Sciences 日藏石山寺本《傳法記》所見兩則北周三教論衡文獻考論 |
日藏石山寺本《傳法記》收錄三教論衡文獻五則，第二則《破外道齊三教論》、第4則《反質道士論》記述北周時期的三教論衡。《破外道齊三教論》中記錄的雍州太學三教論衡中的人物，其事蹟基本與傳世文獻吻合。文中記載的三教論衡議題，也與存世文獻一致，但論證細節上有一些特殊之處。雍州太學三教論衡是存世文獻中周武帝一朝最早的一場，從一個側面體現了北周文化政策在宗教關係問題上的落實過程。《反質道士論》作者為北周蜀地新州願果寺僧勔（猛）撰寫，序文云“凡二十一條”，實際上共二十二條，內容分為三部分：補充《釋老子化胡傳》、《十八條難道章》未盡之意，回應道教抨擊佛教搶奪其信衆資源的質難，回應道士對佛教儀軌的抨擊。反駁過程中，共徵引道經和世俗文獻二十餘種。《反質道士論》體現了南朝《三破論》對北周三教論衡的廣泛影響，以及北周三教論衡中佛道二教的激烈衝突。《傳法記》編集的旨趣在於反對道教的佛道先後排序說，時間可能在唐初。《破外道齊三教論》、《反質道士論》兩則，在一定程度上反映了政教衝突之外的另一種面向。 |
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LIU Xiongfeng, Sichuan Academy of Social Sciences “舶來”與共享：跨越山海的神佛與東亞宗教文化交流——從“摩利支天”說起 |
提及東亞社會的宗教文化交流，人們自然便會想到佛教。因為儘管佛教之發源地，乃為南亞次大陸的古印度，但它卻隨著地域文化交流的大潮，跨越山海而經由“絲綢之路”而在東亞地區繁衍開來。更因著“佛教是在婆羅門文化中脫穎而出的印度宗教，它又是成功進入古代中國並流傳至今的外來宗教”，所以，隨著佛教的傳入（包括海上“絲綢之路”和路上“絲綢之路”），其中所包含著的婆羅門教因素亦進入中土，而邂逅於中華傳統文化。而中國的本土宗教——道教，在同佛教密教的交涉中，亦深受其（婆羅門教）影響，更是將佛教密教取自於婆羅門教之神祇全盤照搬，直接收入了自身的宗教神學體系當中，著名的“摩利支天”便是其中最鮮明的代表之一。可見，在東亞地區的宗教文化交流中，既有學習改造的借鑒（印度佛教的“中國化”），亦有直接拿來的共用，從而體現出不同地域的（宗教）文化間在交流形式和內容上的多樣性和特殊性。 |
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LIU Yi, Capital Normal University 公元5世紀的于闐佛教 |
于闐佛教不僅是西域大乘佛教的中心，而且還是在犍陀羅佛教中心地位衰落後，取代犍陀羅持續向中原佛教輸出大乘經典和教義的佛教東傳新策源地。于闐佛教在作為溝通中亞與東亞佛教重要橋樑與紐帶方面的重要作用，還未得到充分的認識。本文首先利用那些到過于闐的求法僧或居士，包括法顯、慧覽、沮渠京聲、僧表、法獻等所留下的漢文史料記錄，呈現他們所見到的于闐佛教面貌。包括犍陀羅地區佛教經典向于闐的傳譯、犍陀羅地區禪法和戒法向于闐的传布。其次結合域外犍陀羅地區佛教盛衰演變的背景，揭示出5世紀初的于闐佛教原本在諸多方面處於對犍陀羅佛教的單向度接受；隨著犍陀羅佛教開始衰落，于闐佛教迅速從早期的犍陀羅佛教東傳中國的中轉站，轉而成為佛教東傳的新策源地。體現在：于闐佛教瑞像的興起，打造新的聖地傳統；一些在于闐地區產生的大乘經典，對中原漢地佛教產生重要影響，包括通過“文化匯流”而從中原內地西傳到于闐的漢地佛教傳統，等等。從這個角度說，公元5世紀堪稱于闐佛教史上的一個重要轉折時期。對5世紀于闐佛教的認識，也有助於思考《贊巴斯塔書》會否在5世紀產生的問題。
Khotanese Buddhism was not only a center of Mahāyāna Buddhism in the Western Regions; after the decline of Gandhāra as a Buddhist center, it also replaced Gandhāra as a new source area for the continued transmission of Mahāyāna scriptures and doctrines to Chinese Buddhism. The important role played by Khotanese Buddhism as a bridge and link between Central Asian and East Asian Buddhism has not yet been fully appreciated. This article first draws on Chinese historical records left by monks and lay devotees who visited Khotan in search of the Dharma, including Faxian法顕, Huilan慧覽, Juqu Jingsheng沮渠京聲, Sengbiao僧表, and Faxian 法獻, in order to present the state of Khotanese Buddhism as they witnessed it. These records include evidence for the translation and transmission of Buddhist scriptures from Gandhāra to Khotan, as well as the transmission of Gandhāran meditation practices and Vinaya traditions to Khotan Second, by situating Khotanese Buddhism within the broader context of the rise and decline of Buddhism in Gandhāra and surrounding regions, this article reveals that in the early fifth century Khotanese Buddhism was, in many respects, still in a position of one-directional reception from Gandhāran Buddhism. Yet as Gandhāran Buddhism began to decline, Khotanese Buddhism rapidly transformed itself from an early transit point for the eastward transmission of Gandhāran Buddhism to China into a new source area for the eastward spread of Buddhism. This transformation is reflected in several developments: the rise of auspicious Buddhist images（Ruixiang）in Khotan and the creation of a new sacred-site tradition; the emergence of certain Mahāyāna scriptures in the Khotanese region that exerted significant influence on Buddhism in the Chinese heartland; and the westward transmission to Khotan of Chinese Buddhist traditions from the interior of China through processes of “cultural convergence,” among others. From this perspective, the fifth century CE may be regarded as a major turning point in the history of Khotanese Buddhism. A clearer understanding of fifth-century Khotanese Buddhism also helps us reconsider the question of whether the Book of Zambasta may have been produced in the fifth century. |
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LÜ Bo, Wuhan University 讀《大雲經神皇授記義疏》書後之二 |
一、《大雲經神皇授記義疏》中的“堂堂”曲 二、武周新字“年”與《義疏》中的千年國祚理想 三、《義疏》所記“神皇幼小時已披緇服”解 四、《義疏》與武周德運問題 五、《義疏》中的“中嶽馬先生讖” |
| 25 | LUO Mujun, School of Humanities, Zhejiang University of Technology 羅慕君, 浙江工業大學 武則天敕造〈金剛經〉傳抄本綴合研究 |
Forthcoming |
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LUO Yuqing, Brown University Therapeutic Foods and Ritual Nourishment in Medieval Chinese Buddhism (6th–12th Centuries) |
This paper examines the roles of food and food practices within therapeutic contexts in medieval Chinese Buddhism (ca. 6th–12th centuries), focusing on three interrelated domains: tantric possession rituals, visualization practices, and meditative disciplines. By situating Buddhist alimentary practices within broader frameworks of ritual efficacy, embodiment, and cross-cultural medical knowledge, the study highlights how food functioned not merely as sustenance, but as a critical medium of healing, purification, and transformation.
First, in tantric therapeutic rituals, food operates along two distinct yet complementary axes. Offerings—such as rice, milk congee, sesame, ghee, and honey—must be ritually pure to facilitate the descent of deities, while breath purification and bodily discipline ensure the medium’s receptivity. At the same time, certain foods are deployed as medicinal agents, imbued with protective and apotropaic efficacy to expel or prevent spirit afflictions. These practices reveal a complex interplay between ritual offering, ingestion, and embodied power. Second, the paper turns to visualization techniques associated with the Tiantai master Zhiyi 智顗 (538–597). Here, practitioners diagnose internal imbalances through introspective observation of the five viscera and prescribe corresponding dietary regimens. This inward-directed visualization resonates with Daoist cun 存 practices, underscoring the porous boundaries between Buddhist and Daoist therapeutic epistemologies in medieval China. Finally, the paper explores two understudied Buddhist texts on food in meditation. One describes the imaginative construction of a “Heavenly Kitchen” that transcends mundane consumption, while another applies Tiantai doctrinal frameworks to regulate eating practices. Despite their marginal status—due to issues of textual authenticity or perceived insignificance—these works articulate distinctive Buddhist perspectives on nourishment, discipline, and the transformation of desire. Drawing on manuscript sources, ritual texts, and doctrinal writings, this study contributes to ongoing conversations about the material and embodied dimensions of Buddhist practice. In the spirit of Antonino Forte’s scholarship—particularly his attention to manuscript cultures, cross-cultural exchanges, and the critical reassessment of received categories—this paper foregrounds the intersection of religion, medicine, and material practice in medieval East Asia. It further invites reconsideration of how food mediates relationships between body, cosmos, and ritual efficacy across cultural and disciplinary boundaries. |
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MA Huairu, Xiangtangshan Grottoes Research Institute 北響堂帝王譜系建構與北齊政教邏輯——從“帝即如來”到“父子相承” |
北響堂作爲北齊皇家開鑿的石窟羣，其核心的三座大窟——大佛洞、釋迦洞與中輟窟，不僅是佛教藝術的傑作，更是北齊皇室構建政治合法性、確立帝王傳承譜系的視覺政治工具。本文在學術界既有研究的基礎上，結合《北齊書》《續高僧傳》《資治通鑑》等歷史文獻與石窟遺蹟的細緻觀察，重新審視北響堂三大窟的供養人、紀念對象及其背後的政治寓意，提出了一套嶄新的帝王譜系解讀。
文章認爲，北響堂石窟的營建深受北魏“帝即如來”造像傳統的影響，是雲岡模式的繼承與發展。然而，與雲岡曇曜五窟對應五位帝王不同，北響堂三大窟的開鑿體現了北齊文宣帝高洋強烈的主觀政治意志。本文通過系統辨析，得出以下核心結論： 第一，大佛洞是北齊神武帝高歡的紀念窟。該窟規模最爲宏闊、裝飾最爲華麗，中心方柱三面大龕的造像配置與十六王子列龕，巧妙地暗合高歡及其十六位子侄的宗族勢力，“高歡—高澄—高洋”的權力傳承譜系在洞窟空間中得到藝術化呈現。文章同時指出，司馬光《資治通鑑》所載“高歡陵藏”之說，與文獻及考古證據存在矛盾，難以成立。 第二，釋迦洞是文宣帝高洋爲自己開鑿的紀念窟。該窟的中心方柱僅正面開一大龕，且窟門甬道兩側配置菩薩像而非常見力士像，前廊地面刻蓮花紋等獨特元素，均彰顯其至高無上的帝王規格。文章通過辨析高洋對其兄高澄的複雜政治態度（太廟中的尷尬地位及個人恩怨），論證高洋絕無可能爲高澄單獨開鑿功德窟，釋迦洞實爲高洋彰顯自身開國功業、樹立“父死子繼”傳承模式的自我紀念。 第三，中輟窟是廢帝高殷的未完成紀念窟。該窟僅具荒坯形態，並無實際鑿進，完美對應了高殷在位僅十個月即被廢黜的短暫命運。高洋生前寄厚望於其子高殷，力求打破“兄終弟及”的權力魔咒，中輟窟的未完成狀態，正是這一政治理想被現實無情打亂的石刻見證。 文章最終指出，北響堂三大窟共同構成了“高歡—高洋—高殷”這一子承父業的帝王傳承譜系，是北齊前期現實政治的鏡像再現。這一譜系的石構，既是高洋個人意志的宣示，也是北齊皇權從“兄終弟及”向“父子相承”艱難轉型的歷史記錄。本研究不僅深化了對北齊政教互動的認識，也揭示了佛教藝術如何作爲“凝固的政治”，服務於王朝合法性的建構與權力秩序的再生產。 |
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MA Liyang, Shanghai Normal University The “Old Man” as incarnation of Mañjusrī: An Artistic Image from Central Asian Entertainment Cultural and Its Meaning of Early Esoteric Buddhist |
This paper focuses on the study of the “old man” as an incarnation of Mañjusrī. It first discusses several points of contention regarding the process of Buddhism’s spread in China during the reign of Emperor Gaozong and Empress Wu (A.D. 624-705) of the Tang Dynasty—including the region of Buddhapālita in Scripture of the Superlative Spell of the Buddha’s Crown, the pronunciation of his name, and the language used in his dialogue with Mañjusrī. As a “Hu”, he was likely a Sogdian; the “old man” with whom he conversed also appears to have originated from a region in the Western Regions, a hypothesis partially supported by iconographic evidence. Similar “old man” figures appear across a range of artifacts—from paintings discovered at Dunhuang and Northern Dynasties ceramic figurines unearthed in China proper to Japanese bugaku illustrations. Examples include the old man found in the “New Style Mañjusrī”, the Saisoro in the Shinzei Kogakuzu, and the “Old Man Sumozhe” introduced to the Tang court from Kucha. These figures share not only similar physical characteristics but also strikingly similar artistic styles and brushwork. This character image reflects a vast cultural background: the role and significance of Central Asian Sogdian culture in the disemination of Esoteric Buddhism in China and Japan. |
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Abigail I. MACBAIN, University of Edinburgh Performing Exoticism: Foreign Music and Buddhist Legitimacy in Early Japan |
During the Sui and Tang periods (581-907 CE), the Chinese court used musical categories to classify non-Han ethnic groups both within and bordering their domains. This broad range of musical entertainment extended throughout East Asia, with continental music occupying a core component of 7th-8th century Japanese State and Buddhist ceremonies. Rather than using musical taxonomies to similarly categorise their own peripheral peoples, the Japanese court instead used imported musical entertainments to manufacture Tang-style imperial cosmopolitanism and mimic the ethnic and cultural diversity of continental Buddhist ceremonies. By duplicating exotic and exoticized music and dance, the Japanese court mirrored an imagined Tang capital, one populated with Sogdians, Indians, Kunlun ‘savages’, and especially dancing women.
This talk is inspired by Antonino Forte’s interests in the Tang-period relationship between Buddhism and the State, as well as Tang interactions with neighbouring peoples and countries. Focusing on the masked pantomime Gigaku and the musical performances following the Great Buddha’s consecration at Tōdaiji Temple, this talk demonstrates how the early Japanese court used foreign music and dance to visualise and engage with exotic peoples and cultures with whom they had no direct connections. Imported music also created a more ‘authentic’ and thereby ‘legitimate’ Buddhist ceremonial setting, a key consideration for a country increasingly reliant on Buddhist state protection promises. These foreign musical performances thereby transcended mere entertainment to progress early Japan’s Buddhist, cosmopolitan, and imperial aspirations. |
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Rodolfo MAGGIO, University of Helsinki The Bureaucracy of Buddhas: Gōngdé as a World-Making Universal Equivalent |
In the first part of Antonino Forte’s Political Propaganda and Ideology in China at the End of the Seventh Century, a specific passage suggests the importance of 知功德 (zhī gōngdé), “in Charge of the Merits”, as an official state title and administrative category. Earlier in the book, Forte explains, quoting Fa-tsang’s biography, that the monks chosen by Empress Wu were expected to “extensively plant ‘fields of merit'”. These positions were formalized via the administrative office of being “in Charge of the Merits”, providing a bureaucratic oversight of religious enterprises of various kinds that Forte discussed as the institutionalized evolution of the role. This institutionalized measurement framework contributed to the ideological justification of shifting dynastic power by conceptualizing merits as a quantifiable unit linking a religious mandate to official state records. In other words, the ideological and bureaucratic process of converting merit into political power rested on the creation of a unit to measure, in this case, spiritual and political worth.
Forte’s work thus contributes to our understanding of the mechanism by which political authority was legitimized by meritorious acts, such as vast translation projects and the construction of monasteries. A unit of measurement abstracts a comparable property from a variety of tangible “things,” thereby turning their “thingness” into the form of a universal equivalent. As such, state-sponsored merit was conceptualized as a unit that could be accumulated and relationally transferred (迴向, huíxiàng) without necessarily eliminating the material properties of those “things”. Much to the contrary, merit as a unit of measurement presents affordances that manifest themselves clearly to observers, including the clergy, political elites, and the masses. In this way, by homogenizing the diversity of meritorious acts into an abstract form, merit as a unit of measurement effectively bypassed the traditionally necessary conditions for the legitimation of imperial power, such as lineage and Confucian ritual propriety. It follows that Forte’s work provides a valuable illustration of the social power of metrics: a unit of measurement, far from being neutral, emerges from a politically positioned quantification regime cascading into a top-down process of world-making. |
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NIE Jing, Wuhan University 應縣木塔供養人與皇帝大佛——兼論遼朝的山後經營與南北文化融合 |
10至12世紀，契丹民族建立了橫跨中國北方草原與農耕地帶的多民族帝國，契丹統治者接受了作為漢文化傳統的佛教，並將其用於鞏固對漢地的統治。今天屹立於山西省境內的應縣木塔，是中國現存最偉大的木構建築之一，也是契丹時期中國藝術的傑作。木塔的主要贊助者為遼興宗仁懿皇后蕭撻里，《契丹國志》“皇后應州人”的記載是契丹人南遷與城市化的體現。木塔始建於遼清寧二年，清寧八年完工，目的是紀念不久前去世的興宗皇帝。木塔一層供養人像為興宗皇后蕭撻里、撻里亡故父兄及遺孀，三位女性為實際供養人。木塔一層“龍袍”大佛是遼興宗的象徵，大佛與供養人像構成了靈堂式的家族空間。西京華嚴寺帝後像與應縣木塔皇帝大佛均為皇權與佛教相結合的產物，前者源於中古以來北方民族製作禦容像的傳統，後者則受到“皇帝即佛”觀念的影響。應縣木塔的營建過程反映出遼朝統治下燕雲地區的民族融合趨勢。
During the 10th to the 12th centuries, the Khitan people established a multi-ethnic empire that spanned the northern Chinese steppe and agricultural zones. The Khitan rulers adopted Buddhism, a component of the Han Chinese cultural tradition, and employed it to solidify their dominance over Han territories. The Yingxian Wooden Pagoda, standing today in Shanxi Province, is one of the greatest existing wooden structures and a masterpiece of Chinese art from the Khitan period. The primary patron of the pagoda was Empress Renyi Xiao Tali of Liao Xingzong. The record in the Qidan Guozhi stating “the Empress was from Yingzhou” reflects the southward migration and urbanization of the Khitan people. The Yingxian Wooden Pagoda was first built in 1056 and completed in 1061, serving as a memorial to Emperor Xingzong, who had recently passed away. On the first floor of the pagoda, the images of Empress Xiao Tali, her deceased father and brothers, and sisters-in-law as widows are presented. These three women were the actual patrons. The Buddha statue wearing an imperial robe on the first floor symbolizes Liao Xingzong. This Buddha, along with the devotee images, forms a funerary, family-oriented space. The emperor statues in Huayan Temple in Datong and the emperor-Buddha statue in Yingxian Wooden Pagoda are both products of the integration of imperial power and Buddhism. The former originates from the tradition of northern ethnic groups creating imperial portraits since the medieval period, while the latter is influenced by the concept of “the Emperor is Buddha.” The construction process of the Yingxian Wooden Pagoda reflects the trend of ethnic integration in the Yan-Yun region under the rule of the Liao dynasty. |
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NIE Shunxin, Shaanxi Normal University 武則天《大唐天后御製詩書碑》再探 |
唐高宗永淳二年（683）上石、立於嵩山少林寺的《大唐天后御製詩書碑》，是武則天現存詩書合一的唯一碑刻，其史料價值仍有繼續發掘的空間。首先是武則天致書少林寺的時間，據此可以推斷出武則天父母的忌日時間，進而爲討論武周時期的國忌日及相關禮儀提供關鍵依據；碑文的內容則可以揭示武則天繼承亡母遺志完成其未竟功德的史實，詩書的文本則爲我們探索武則天文學提供了難得的第一手資料。 |
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SHI Jiangang, Northwestern Polytechnical University 瘞窟·崖墓 禮佛·薦亡——陝西甘泉李巴圪嶗石窟功能辨析 |
陝西甘泉李巴圪嶗瘞窟，營建於宋金時期，是由佛教徒主持開鑿的公共性瘞窟。石窟採用仿木構建築形制，窟內外雕刻假門假窗、十六羅漢、阿彌陀佛、觀音、飛天、迦陵頻伽等造像題材。窟內現存有20餘具人骨，並散見棺板、陶片、絲織品等文物遺存，是一處非常特殊的佛教瘞窟。該窟應是由佛教信徒主持營建，石窟形制和造像題材呈現出佛教石窟與世俗墓葬的融合特點，具有強烈的薦亡和喪葬功能，入葬過程中在窟內外可能舉行了專門的佛教薦亡儀式。
The Li Bagelao Yiku (burial cave) in Ganquan, Shaanxi, was excavated during the Song-Jin period and functioned as a public burial cave under the auspices of Buddhist practitioners. The grotto features imitation wooden architectural structures, with false doors and windows carved both inside and outside. Its iconographic program includes the Sixteen Arhats, Amitabha Buddha, Avalokiteshvara (Guanyin), celestial flying apsaras, and Kalavinka motifs. Over 20 sets of human remains have been discovered within the cave, accompanied by scattered artifacts such as coffin planks, pottery shards, and silk textiles, marking it as a highly distinctive Buddhist burial site. Presumably initiated by Buddhist devotees, the architectural form and sculptural themes of the grotto reflect a syncretism between Buddhist cave art and secular funerary practices. It served a pronounced function of posthumous salvation and burial rites. Furthermore, specialized Buddhist rituals for the deceased were likely conducted both inside and outside the cave during the interment process. |
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Mingli SUN, University of British Columbia 四川邛崍花置寺貞元十四年第5、6號龕圖像研究 |
Forthcoming |
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SUN Yinggang, Zhejiang University LIU Yimin, Sichuan University 《大慈如來告疏》與中古政治宣傳 |
Forthcoming |
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TONG Ling, Nanjing University 西魏宇文泰的立國四大合戰——從沙苑之戰到江陵之役的史料釋讀 |
對於年長於自己、且先登上霸主之位的高歡（496-547），宇文泰（507-56）在實際政策層面有不少是暗中模仿這位對手。然而，從繼承北魏帝國軍事遺產的角度來看，高歡擁有六鎮鮮卑（除武川鎮系統之外）以及契胡部落的幾乎全部主力部隊，加上河北漢人世家貴族的部曲武裝，兵威極盛。中國中世紀最精彩的重型兵團大戰即將全面展開，與南北朝之間的對抗（胡族騎兵對漢族步兵，北朝攻城掠地對南朝守城反擊）不同，東西魏之間的合戰幾乎都是以胡族重騎兵野戰爲主，在中國中世紀戰爭史上較爲特別。
本文將立足於《資治通鑑》等史料，逐一釋讀“競圖進取，各務兵戈”東、西兩魏的四大合戰。分別是：（一）沙苑之戰，公元537年閏九月；（二）潁川之戰，公元537年十一月；（三）河橋之戰，公元538年秋七月；（四）邙山之戰，公元543年春三月。 這四大“合戰”，確保了宇文泰所擁立的西魏政權的穩定性，進一步從長遠來看，也是今後宇文氏北周王朝的“立國”之戰。經過四大合戰以及玉璧之戰、江陵之役後，宇文泰還意外獲得了處於六朝江南貴族制文化頂峯的“金字招牌”——南蘭陵蕭氏的內附。這些都爲西魏、北周最後在後三國時代最終勝出，築下了看得見（武）與看不見（文）的厚實基礎。 Although many of Yuwen Tai (507-556)’s policies were, in practice, modeled on those of his older rival Gao Huan (496-547), who had earlier secured a dominant position, the two leaders inherited markedly different military resources from the former Northern Wei Empire. Gao Huan controlled nearly all the elite forces of the Xianbei troops of the Six Garrisons—except those associated with the Wuchuan military tradition—as well as the bulk of the Qihu 契胡 (a mixed ethnic group) tribal troops and the buqu 部曲 (dependents or retainers) of the great Han Chinese aristocratic families of Hebei. His military strength was therefore formidable. The stage was thus set for one of the most remarkable series of heavy-cavalry campaigns in medieval Chinese history. Unlike the conflicts between the Northern and Southern Dynasties, which were typically characterized by confrontations between steppe cavalry and infantry forces and by northern offensives against southern defensive strongholds, warfare between Eastern and Western Wei was fought predominantly through field engagements between heavily armored cavalry forces of steppe origin, making it a distinctive phenomenon in medieval Chinese military history. Drawing primarily on Zizhi Tongjian 資治通鑒 [the Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Governance] and other historical sources, this study examines four major campaigns fought between Eastern and Western Wei during an era in which both regimes sought expansion through sustained military competition. These engagements are: (1) the Shayuan campaign (intercalary ninth month, 537); (2) the Yingchuan cmpaign (eleventh month, 537); (3) the Heqiao campaign (seventh month, 538); and (4) the Mangshan campaign (third month, 543). These four decisive campaigns secured the stability of the Western Wei regime established under Yuwen Tai’s leadership and, in the longer term, constituted foundational wars in the state-building process of the subsequent Northern Zhou dynasty. Following these campaigns, along with the Yubi campaign and the Jiangling campaign, Yuwen Tai also gained the allegiance of the Xiao family of Lanling, one of the most prestigious aristocratic lineages of the Southern Dynasties and a leading representative of Jiangnan elite culture. Collectively, these developments laid both the visible military and the less visible cultural foundations for the eventual triumph of Western Wei and Northern Zhou in the post–Three Kingdoms era of political fragmentation. |
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Alok Kumar VERMA, Maharishi University of Information Technology Cosmopolitanism and Orthodoxy in East Asian Buddhism: Revisiting Antonino Forte’s Legacy |
This study is based on an examination of the cosmopolitan and orthodox aspects of East Asian Buddhism, which is conducted by means of a critical re-evaluation of Antonino Forte’s scholarly legacy. This article aims to explore the evolution of Buddhist customs in East Asia via ideological shifts and multicultural interactions, with a focus on the convergence of history, manuscripts, archaeology, literature, art, and East-West intellectual exchange. Transcending strict sectarian or national boundaries, Forte’s groundbreaking study—especially in the areas of political propaganda, Buddhist philosophy, and Sino-foreign cultural relations during the Tang period—offers a crucial framework for comprehending the dynamic character of East Asian Buddhism. In addition, this research aims to determine how Buddhism in East Asia functioned not just as a religious system but also as a global means of cultural negotiation, political legitimacy, and interregional trade. The study will continue to examine how conventional Buddhist organizations maintained doctrinal continuity while adjusting to various social and political settings. This paper will shed light on the fluidity of Buddhist identities throughout China, Korea, Japan, and Central Asia by examining literary traditions, archaeological findings, and artistic depictions. The part played by historical narratives and manuscripts in influencing religious authority and intercultural conversation will receive special attention. By reevaluating Forte’s methodological contributions, this work will highlight interdisciplinary methods within Buddhist studies that combine material culture, historical analysis, and philology. Ultimately, this work seeks to establish that the investigation of East Asian Buddhism should be placed in larger global and multicultural contexts, where religious orthodoxy and cosmopolitanism coexisted in a creative tension. By reassessing this issue, this study will add to current discussions about the continuing significance of Forte’s work in the fields of intercultural exchange, transnational Buddhism, and the humanities. |
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WANG Bangwei, Peking University 義淨與武則天：新皇權下的佛教信仰 |
義淨是唐代著名的高僧。關於義淨，過去的討論有一些，但不太多。
關於武則天，則已經有過很多的討論，現在再作討論，雖然還是個題目，但要出新意，其實很難。 義淨一生事業的“高峯期”，幾乎與武則天的“黃金時代”同步。義淨在咸亨二年（671）西行，循海路赴印度求法，此時的武則天，尚未成大氣候。義淨在海外停留二十餘年，其間武則天的影響和權力迅速增長。載初元年（690年），武則天正式稱帝，改元天授，並改國號爲周，。此時義淨正停留在南海逝利佛逝國。四年後，長壽三年（694）夏天，義淨回到廣州。這個時候的武則天，權力與聲望都如日中天。次年，即政聖元年（695）五月仲夏，義淨最後回到洛陽，到達之時，武則天率文武百官在洛陽東門親迎。這是極高，也可以說歷史上空前絕後的禮遇。武則天如此看重義淨，顯然不僅僅出於對佛教的支持，其中更多的是不是因爲她政治上的考量？其後義淨或住洛陽，或住長安，譯經與弘法，始終得到了武則天極大的關注和支持。義淨一生，以譯經著稱，義淨所譯的經典中，影響最大的，一是他參與翻譯的《華嚴經》，一是他獨自翻譯的《金光明最勝王經》，兩部經典，武則天都專門撰寫了序文，即所謂的《聖教序》。在武則天方面，爲什麼如此重視這兩部經典？在義淨方面，《華嚴經》不論，選擇譯出《金光明最勝王經》，是不是也有一定的考慮？武則天在世時，不管是住洛陽還是住長安，很多時候都讓義淨隨行，這又是爲什麼？與義淨同時代的佛教僧人中，以譯經或義理著稱的，也有不少，但比較而言，義淨應該是其中最被武則天看重，與武則天關係最穩定的一位。 義淨與武則天良好的關係，保持始終，直至神龍元年（705）武則天去世。僧人與皇帝的關係，從來就非常微妙。能處理好這些關係的，都是高僧，不僅學問要高，政治智慧也要高。義淨無疑具備這樣的智慧。武則天去世七年零一個月後，先天二年（713）一月，義淨也在長安大薦福寺去世。這七年的時間裏，義淨與中宗及睿宗也有極爲良好的關係，這其中當然也有武則天的因素。 幾十年前，我在具體作有關義淨和義淨的著作的研究時，就想到過這些問題，但一直沒有機會作細緻的討論。 何謂“新皇權”？這個詞是我想出來的。 “皇權”一詞，很好理解。中國兩千年來，都在皇帝的統治之下，皇帝之權，是爲皇權。這裏說的新皇權，所謂新，新在哪裏？ 武則天以女子身份稱帝，同時改唐爲周，是中國歷史上空前絕後的一件大事。這件事，武則天怎麼做到，爲什麼能成功？細究起來，其中既有多種機緣，又有武則天的多種謀略。就思想與意識形態而言，武則天最大的謀略，就是利用佛教造勢，以佛教的經典和理論來塑造女主的形象。已經在中國有了七百年發展歷史的佛教與佛教的領袖人物，在這樣一種新的皇權之下，如何應對，如何與之互動，回顧和弄清其中的細節，實有助於我們瞭解中國中古時代這段與佛教密切相關的歷史。 討論擬分爲以下四個章節： 一、義淨與武后如何互動？ 本次會議目的之一，是紀念福安敦教授。福安敦教授當年的研究，着力最多的，正是武則天時代的佛教。借這次會議，把相關的一些問題提出來，既求教於諸位，也表達我個人對福安敦教授的紀念。 |
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WANG Qingwei, Xi’an Beilin Museum Forthcoming |
Forthcoming |
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WU Shaowei, Shangdong University S.529《九世紀中後葉佛教護法文獻》研究 |
S.529是敦煌文獻中的珍貴寫卷，正面爲定州開元寺歸文的6件書啓牒狀，背面爲《諸山聖蹟志》。此外，正面行間還雜抄有數行文字，經重新校讀，確認與背面文字同爲歸文所抄。歸文在924年前後西行求法時，將這些內容摘錄於信件廢紙上，旨在借用文詞輔助寫作。此段文字受到法琳等護法文獻影響，創作於九世紀中後葉，主旨是倡導效仿先王崇佛，而非武宗毀佛，可擬名爲“九世紀中後葉佛教護法文獻”。作者很可能是會昌法難後成長的僧人，而非親歷者。
S.529 is a highly valuable Dunhuang manuscript, notable for two main features: six letters and documents from Guiwen of Dingzhou Kaiyuan Temple on the recto, and the transcription of “Records of Sacred Sites and Sacred Mountains” on the verso. Additionally, there is a third text—miscellaneous notes interspersed within Guiwen’s letters. Re-examination reveals that these notes and the verso text were transcribed by the same person, Guiwen who traveled westward around 924. Guiwen excerpted these texts onto scrap paper from his correspondence, likely to borrow phrases for his writing. Influenced by protective Dharma literature such as that of Falin, this text dates to the mid-to-late ninth century. Its purpose was to advocate for the veneration of Buddhism, as practiced by earlier rulers, rather than Emperor Wuzong’s persecution. Thus, it may be titled “A Buddhist Apologetic Literature from the Mid-to-Late Ninth Century.” The author was likely a monk who grew up after the Huichang Persecution, not a direct witness. |
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XIE Yifeng, Hunan University Forthcoming |
Forthcoming |
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YANG Shijie, Nankai University 寶山靈泉寺與北朝隋唐鄴下佛教的衰落 |
南北朝至唐初，中國佛教發展因政權並立而具有鮮明的地域特徵。隨着政治上南北歸於一統，北方的鄴城、南方的建康兩座佛教中心城市漸次衰落，大量的宗教資源逐步轉移到關中，面對劇烈的歷史更迭，以鄴城地區爲核心的河北僧團採取了不同的生存策略。靈裕駐錫的寶山靈泉寺可以視爲鄴城被毀之後相州地區的根本道場，寺院在北朝隋唐時期的繁榮恰恰意味着河北佛教整體意義上的衰落，儘管通行理解中佛教在唐代進入高峯，但對於河北而言，唐初時這一地域的佛教高峯已經結束。 |
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YANG Xiaojun, Shaanxi Museum of History 法門寺白石靈帳所見佛舍利供養從大乘向密教的轉變 |
本文從唐代高僧法藏（643－712）供養白石靈帳的宗教和社會背景入手，探討其造型在隋唐佛舍利容器中的創新性，以及其圖像配置反映的新的佛舍利供養信仰和儀式，進一步歸納出白石靈帳在隋唐佛舍利崇拜制度中的地位和意義。1987年法門寺地宮中室中部出土法藏景龍二年（708）二月瘞埋舍利時供養的白石靈帳，其造型模仿覆蓋在棺槨外的絲織靈帳，是與武周時期創制的金棺銀槨舍利容器配套的新型外圍舍利容器。依據大乘佛教涅槃經典，隋唐以來在佛舍利瘞埋空間中體現佛舍利的兩重象徵意義：以舍利的生成表現佛陀的歷史性存在；以佛教的世界圖像表現佛法的超越性。這兩種象徵意義在白石靈帳中統一起來。白石靈帳內部四面各浮雕兩尊菩薩像，八菩薩圍繞位於中心的舍利，象徵以盧舍那佛爲中心的世界，體現了供養者法藏弘揚的華嚴經宇宙觀。這種以中心向外擴展、注重方位和對稱的平面性佈局具有曼荼羅的特徵。在中宗之後，法門寺佛舍利的供養理念和儀式轉變爲密教曼陀羅。本文認爲由白石靈帳是位於佛舍利供養從大乘向密教轉折點上的重要舍利容器，體現了其供養者法藏主導的中宗朝對武周佛教的統合與轉型。 |
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YANG Zeng, British Columbia 《安西靈驗譚》的形成新探：“聖界接近性”的悲劇性重構 |
《安西靈驗譚》講述密教高僧不空念誦“仁王密咒”召請毗沙門天王發兵，協助唐玄宗嚇退西北邊境外族入侵。此故事見於中唐之後多種漢文史料，更東傳日本，對東亞毗沙門天王信仰的形成與擴散產生了深遠影響。學界對此已積累相當研究成果，並就若干核心問題形成共識：其一，故事背景並非源自不空的真實事跡；其二，故事形成於9世紀中期；其三，現存文獻中最早的記載見於李筌《太白陰經》。
然而，學者迄今尚未注意到此靈驗譚恐是脫胎於不空生平中的一件重大元素，即永泰年間代宗舉辦《仁王經》法會及其引發的瑞應敘事。本研究擬以此為切入點，重新審視安西靈驗譚的形成機制及其歷史意涵。 在《安西靈驗譚》定型前，曾存在一則以永泰年間長安《仁王經》法會為背景的“當代瑞應”故事。故事詳述法會感召天王現身、助唐兵抵禦吐蕃回鶻聯兵之事。本研究擬以此為切入點，探討這則感應故事被有意識地“追溯”並“植入”玄宗時代，成為諸版《安西靈驗譚》。 《仁王經》法會瑞應故事由代宗、宦官與佛僧共同推動與宣傳，意在強化皇帝的絕對權威，削弱功勳武將的政治軍事影響力。 在此基礎上，《安西靈驗譚》藉助毗沙門天王信仰的感召力，以及玄宗與天王間的特殊聯繫，將故事移植並追溯至開天時代。此一有意識的歷史改寫，應置於“開天仙道小說”背景下詮釋：作為宗教與文學的複合敘事，它致力於建構盛世與“聖界的接近性”，進而形塑玄宗“與神同在”的理想帝王形象。 本研究提出，唐代皇權對“聖界接近性”的利用，在武周與開天敘事中展現了截然不同的政治功能與時代色彩。武則天利用《大雲經疏》論證自己為淨光天女轉生、轉輪王，以佛教的神聖性構建以女身稱帝的正當性。《安西靈驗譚》則是在安史之亂後皇權與經濟崩潰的可悲時代中，進行一場神聖化的追憶。在後安史之亂時代的敘事脈絡下，玄宗被塑造為“與神臨近”的帝王，其與聖界的“親密感”越是被誇大，越反襯出現實中皇權的支離破碎與虛弱無力。 |
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YANG Zhile, Peking University 武則天時期明堂營建史考 |
明堂是武則天時期神都洛陽的核心政治景觀，亦是武周王朝合法性的重要象徵。武則天執政期間兩建明堂，然李唐復辟後相關史料遭銷燬改篡，導致營建史事記載牴牾，學界此前研究因缺乏考古證據支撐存在謬誤。結合文獻考證與近四十年考古成果，可以復原兩座明堂的營建歷程。第一座明堂（萬象神宮）始建於垂拱二年（686），垂拱四年（688）先後完成雙層與三層建築，將辟雍、明堂、靈臺融爲一體，具有佈政、宗祀、觀象等功能。第二座明堂（通天宮）因證聖元年（695）大火重建，由姚璹依舊制督造，於萬歲登封元年（696）落成，後調整頂部裝飾，配套安置大儀、九鼎與十二神。由此，可以釐清明堂始建與建成時間、形制演變、功能佈局等關鍵爭議，並闡明明堂營建背後的政治鬥爭與意識形態訴求，爲武周政治史與文化史研究提供了新的學術支撐。 |
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YAO Yao, Southeast University 中國唐代西方淨土圖像對日本平等院鳳凰堂影響研究 |
Forthcoming |
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ZHANG Ce, Southeast University 法門寺地宮題記所見唐懿、僖二宗皇位交替 |
正史對唐懿、僖二宗皇位交接的記載存在嚴重失實，宗教石刻與碑誌材料爲補正晚唐政治史提供了關鍵證據。重新考釋法門寺地宮題記，可確定鹹通十四、十五年迎、送真身的軍隊均爲右神策軍。劉行深兩子墓誌、劉從實墓誌和地宮“劉從實題記”，明證兩《唐書》、《資治通鑑》對鹹通十四年、十五年神策中尉人選記載均誤。分析劉從實墓誌和相關宦官迎、送真身之間的權位變化，捕捉史籍佚文，發現懿、僖二宗之皇位交替，遠非史書所呈現的平穩過渡。僖宗之立，或與宣宗託孤故事如出一轍，宦官內部仍然發生過激烈鬥爭。皇位更迭後，薛殷古一系宦官普遍遭到貶抑，韓文約派系權傾一時，而田令孜的上臺與楊復恭的復出，均需置於此次政爭及後續黨派消長的脈絡中理解。
Official historical records contain significant inaccuracies regarding the succession between Emperors Yizong and Xizong of the Tang Dynasty. Religious stone carvings and epitaph materials provide crucial evidence for supplementing and correcting the political history of the Late Tang period. A re-examination of the inscriptions in the underground palace of Famen Temple confirms that the Right Shence Army was responsible for both receiving and escorting the true relic (Buddha’s finger bone) during the 14th and 15th years of the Xiantong era. The epitaphs of Liu Xingshen’s two sons, the epitaph of Liu Congshi, and the “Inscription by Liu Congshi” in the underground palace conclusively demonstrate that the Old Book of Tang, the New Book of Tang, and the Zizhi Tongjian all contain errors concerning the appointments of the Commanders of the Shence Armies during the 14th and 15th years of Xiantong. By analyzing the epitaph of Liu Congshi alongside the shifting power dynamics among eunuchs involved in receiving and escorting the true relic, and by retrieving lost texts from historical records, it becomes evident that the succession between Emperors Yizong and Xizong was far from the smooth transition depicted in traditional historiography. The enthronement of Emperor Xizong bears a striking resemblance to the story of Emperor Xuanzong(Li Chen)’s orphan-trusting arrangement; fierce internal struggles undoubtedly occurred within the eunuch faction. Following the change of reign, eunuchs associated with the Xue Yingu lineage were generally marginalized, while the faction led by Han Wenyue held overwhelming power. Consequently, the rise of Tian Lingzi and the return of Yang Fugong must be understood within the broader context of this political struggle and the subsequent waxing and waning of factional alliances. |
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ZHANG Xiaoyan, Fudan University 敦煌碑銘贊所見當地高僧的佛學修養 |
Forthcoming |
