Microcosm Holds Mountains and Seas – Abstracts

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BIAN, Huiyuan, Peking University
邊慧媛, 北京大學
20世紀印度的文化建構與國族認同：“印度玄奘”的佛教路徑
Cultural Construction and National Identity in the 20^th Century India: The Buddhist Path of “Indian Xuanzang”

因抵抗近代西方殖民而萌芽的“亞洲主義”一度將佛教視為統合亞洲的精神力量，這一思想動向同樣波及了印度並產生深遠影響。本文基於回憶錄、印地語日記、往來書信等一手文獻，關注尼赫魯時期重要文化政客、有“印度玄奘”之稱的拉古·維拉博士跨越印、歐、日、中四地的佛教因緣，由此考察佛教在近現代印度文化建構與國族認同過程中扮演的角色，以及中印“千年文明之友”的理想主義與“政經雙冷”的現實主義之間難以調和的複雜矛盾。

Cultural Construction and National Identity in the 20^th Century India: The Buddhist Path of “Indian Xuanzang”Generated against the Western colonialism, Asianism once took Buddhism as a shared value aiming at unifying the whole Asia, and this way of thinking also spread to India and brought out a profound consequence. Based on first-handed documents such as memoirs, Hindi diaries, newspapers, letters, and related documentary materials, this article focuses on pandit Raghu Vira, an influential political-cultural celebrity during Nehru’s time, who took a three-month Buddhist expedition to China, and was given the name as “Indian Xuanzang” by Premier Zhou Enlai (周恩来). By examining his connections with Buddhism taking place across India, Europe, Japan and China, the aim of this article is to delineate the role of Buddhism in the process of constructing common memory and national identity in the 20^th Century India, as well as point to the fact sadly that for present the thousand-year-long Buddhism interactions between two countries cannot benefit the current reality-oriented Sino-Indian relation, and vice versa.
CHEN Jidong, Aoyamagakuin University
陳繼東, 青山學院大學
《禪門日誦》的成立及其展開——漢傳佛教的一個歷史歸結
The Formation and Transformation of The Daily Recitation of the Chan School 禪門日誦: An End Result of the Evolvement of Buddhism in the Sino-sphere

《禪門日誦》是清代以至近現代中國佛教寺院廣為使用的日課經典。然其編纂者以及成立年代至今不明，而現存的最古之本可追溯到雍正元年(1723年)的版本。其內容主要由「朝時課誦」和「暮時課誦」，以及儀文、咒文、贊文、佛事等構成，其中包括經、律、偈、念佛願文、禪師語錄等形式多樣的文錄，體現了各宗綜匯，禪淨相容的傾向。《禪門日誦》不僅是考察中國佛教儀軌制度的重要典籍，也是把握清代乃至近現代佛教僧侶的知識背景及其對佛教的綜合理解所不可忽視的文獻。

現存《禪門日誦》的文本有十多種，而且刊刻年代、地區以及內容上都有顯著不同。這表明此文本在流傳過程中，或因需要而發生了增刪的變化。因此，有必要對這一變化的軌跡進行整理，從中釐清諸本之異同。

此外，尚有《日課便蒙略解》和《禪門佛事全部》兩種書籍，與現存的《禪門日誦》諸本相對比，可以認為是同類典籍。而《日課便蒙略解》的成書年代則可上溯至雍正年間，《禪門佛事全部》的刊刻年代又可追溯到道光二年(1822年)，因而為解決《禪門日誦》的成立與流傳添加了新材料，必須將之與現存諸本進行比較。進而，明末四大家之一的雲棲祩宏（1535-1615）曾編纂《諸經日誦集要》，可看做《日課便蒙略解》、《禪門佛事全部》與《禪門日誦》的原形，有必要一並進行考察。

本文作為揭示《禪門日誦》版本與內容全貌的一個環節，僅對清代的諸本進行討論，考察諸本的異同、譜系、及其原形。

Chanmen risong 禪門日誦 [The Daily Recitation of Chan School] is a daily text widely used in Buddhist monasteries in China from the Qing Dynasty to modern times. However, the compiler and the date of its establishment are still unknown, and the oldest existing version can be traced back to the first year of Yongzheng 雍正 (1723). Its content mainly consists of “morning recitation” and “evening recitation”, as well as rituals, mantras, chants, Buddhist rituals, etc., including sutras, precepts, verses, recitation of Buddhist vows, and quotations from Chan (Zen) masters in a variety of forms, which reflects the tendency of the integrating various schools, and the compatibility of Chan and Pureland Buddhism. This text is not only an important text for examining the ritual system of Chinese Buddhism, but also a document that cannot be ignored in grasping the intellectual background of the Buddhist monks of the Qing Dynasty and even modern times, as well as their comprehensive understanding of Buddhism.

There are more than a dozen extant texts of Chanmen risong, and there are significant differences in the date of publication, the region, and the content. This suggests that this text has undergone changes in the course of its circulation, or has been added or deleted out of necessity. Therefore, it is necessary to organize the trajectory of this change to clarify the similarities and differences among the texts.

In addition, there is also the book, Rike bianmeng lüejie 日課便蒙略解 [A Brief Explanation of the Daily Recitation] and Chanmen Foshi 禪門佛事 [All the Buddhist Affairs of the Chan School], which can be regarded as the same kind of text when compared with the existing “Daily Recitation of the Chan School” texts. The date of publication of the book Chanmen risong can be dated back to the year of Yongzheng, and the date of publication of the book “All the Things of the Zen Door” can be dated back to the second year of Daoguang 道光 (1822), which adds new materials to solve the problem of the establishment and transmission of The Daily Recitation of Chan School, and it must be compared with all the extant books. Further, Yunqi Zhuhong 雲棲袾宏 (1535-1615), one of the Four Great Masters of the late Ming Dynasty, compiled the Zhujing risong jiyao 諸經日誦集要 [The Collection of Essentials for Daily Recitation of Sutras], which can be regarded as the original form of the Daily Recitations, the Complete Works of Chanmen risong, Rike bianmeng lüejie, and the Chanmen Foshi, and it is necessary to examine them together.

In this paper, as a part of revealing the whole picture of the versions and contents of Chanmen risong, we will only discuss the books of the Qing Dynasty, examining the similarities and differences of the texts, their genealogy, and their original forms.
CHEN Jinhua, University of British Columbia
陳金華, 英屬哥倫比亞大學
“稱緣而動，宰官共商主同歸；虛己而遊，廟堂與山林一致”——洛陽大寺聖善寺之寺學及其多重網絡
The Cosmopolitan Temple Shengshan Si in Luoyang: Its Temple Learning and Multiple Networks

作為著名的洛陽大寺，聖善寺歷經數百年蒼桑，卻能屢仆屢起，在唐代的政治與宗教世界發揮了關鍵性作用。這座百年大寺也以其兼容並包、海納百川的胸懷，涵蘊著紛繁複雜、多姿多彩的神聖與世俗知識。本文從四個方面——禪法、律學、密門與翰墨雅事(文學與藝術)——來呈現聖善寺豐富的寺學。不過，值得注意的是，以此四個面相呈現聖善寺學，衹是出於方便，絕不意味著四者是相互分割，互不交涉的。相反，四者實際上相互滲透，或互為表裏，或相互為用，主次相替，而又能融為一體。

Shengshan Monastery 聖善寺 is a renowned cosmopolitan monastery in Luoyang, having endured centuries of trials and tribulations, yet repeatedly rising to prominence. During the Tang Dynasty (618-907), it played a pivotal role in both the political and religious spheres. This century-old monastery is celebrated for its inclusive and open-minded spirit, embracing a wide range of sacred and secular knowledge. This article explores the rich monastic learning of Shengshan Monastery from four perspectives: Zen practices, monastic discipline, esoteric teachings, and cultural pursuits in art and literature. Although these four aspects are presented separately in this article, they are in fact deeply interconnected, either complementing each other or serving different functions, yet ultimately forming a unified whole.
CHEN Kay, Peking University
陳可, 北京大學
追尋戒律的一生——淨秀尼與五世紀建康的戒律實踐
A Life in Pursuit of Precept: Nun Jingxiu(418-506) and the Practice of Vinaya in Fifth-Century Jianakng

五世紀初四部佛教廣律傳至中土，在一段時間內改塑了漢地佛教的隱修實踐。從前人已揭示的文本歷史出發，本文以比丘尼淨秀的生命史為主軸，揭示了律典影響下建康的比丘尼群體修道實踐的變遷。在受戒方面，她們為克服前次受戒不合規所造成的身分焦慮，嚴格遵照律典儀則重新執行儀式。在持戒方面，她們通過律講等形式學習律文，因之改革了教團的衣服、床具。在犯戒的情況中，具有高度展演性的懺悔儀式強化了修道者個人與修道共同體的連結。淨秀受持戒律的行動背後存在一種經由傳承譜系直抵世尊的歷史感。她們的行動呈現了五世紀建康佛教教團化演進的側影，及其背後來自部派戒律和修道團體內部的動力。這將成為齊梁乃至隋唐以降漢地教制革新的根本基礎。

The four complete Vinayas that arrived in short succession in early fifth-century China reshaped the landscape of Chinese Buddhist monasticism in a time. Departing from the textual history that previous scholarship has revealed, this essay weaves the life history of nun Jingxiu into the seminal changes in the monastic praxis of the nun community in Jiankang under such impact. The details of the ordination ceremony prescribed in Vinaya stirred the nuns’ anxieties about the ritual deficiency of their previous ordination, prompting them to re-perform it in strict compliance with the prescriptions. Other rules in clothing and bedding also led to their reformation in quotidian life. Meanwhile, in case of violating the rules, the highly performative ritual of repentance reinforced the connection between an individual monastic and the monastic community. Underlying the aforementioned action of taking precepts was possibly a sense of historicity derived through an uninterrupted teacher-disciple pedigree from the Buddha. The monastic praxis of the nuns in fifth-century Jiankang represents a formative period of Chinese Buddhist monasticism and its veiled dynamics that could be traced both within the Vinaya texts and within the monastic community. This was to become the foundation for the renewal of monastic practice in the subsequent era.
CHEN Zhinan, University of Washington
陳芷南, 華盛頓大學
Intellectual Scene at the Longxing Monastery: A tentative reconstruction
敦煌寫本的場景再現——以龍興寺為例

With a large corpus of Dunhuang manuscripts becoming available these days, one ought to be surprised by how long we still have to go to fully understand the production, preservation, curation, and transmission of written knowledge in medieval Dunhuang. This is because the majority of the Dunhuang manuscripts were found in fragmentary state and only a fraction of the corpus bear some clues about the origin and usage of manuscripts as physical artifacts. In general terms, there is little doubt that Buddhist monasteries in the area figured prominently in at least some portion of, if not the entire, life span of a typical Dunhuang manuscript. Still, for the most part, we are often left in the dark about where the manuscripts came from and how they ended up stashed away and sealed in the cave and all the years in between these two points.

This study brings together all the Dunhuang manuscripts known to be associated with one specific monastery and piece out the intellectual scene of knowledge production, preservation, curation, and transmission that took place in that particular monastery between the eighth and eleventh centuries. The study is intended to be a small-scale test run to see whether it is possible to contextualize a heap of loose leaves of frail sheets of manuscripts in a medieval monastery complex that once stood solemnly in Dunhuang. The intellectual scene that this study manages to piece together may very well be desultory and sketchy, but even piecemeal progress in our understanding of the intellectual realm of medieval Dunhuang would justify such a trial.

經過幾代敦煌學家卓絕的努力，敦煌寫本研究在各個領域都取得了重大的進步。然而，相對而言，我們對於敦煌寫本作為物質財產的生產，應用，和流通尚有進步空間。本文將以沙洲龍興寺為例，從與龍興寺有關的一系列敦煌殘卷入手，嘗試重建以敦煌佛寺為中心的文獻生產、保存、管理、流傳的場景。
CHEN Zhiyuan, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
陳志遠, 中國社會科學院
The Emergence and Spread of Relic Veneration in Medieval China
舍利信仰在漢地的興起與傳播

As a unique mode of existence after the Buddha entered his parinirvāṇa, relics have always been at center of Buddhist devotion. Current researches on Buddhist relics in East Asia are mainly confined to field of art history and of archaeology. These studies were concerned with the form of reliquaries, the procedure of the relic interment, and the political performance of the relics in the imperial ceremonies. It is worth noting that the earliest excavated relic casket in China dates back to the year of 453 CE. If one considers the fact that Buddhism was introduced to China around the 1st century CE, there are many miracle tales which provide arguably the sole source of how the relic veneration emerged and spread in the following several centuries.

Buddhist scholars, when talking about the Chinese relic tradition in its earliest phase, often cited later accounts casually, or equated the legends with historical facts. Since the narratives of miracles have undergone a series of copying, alterations, and additions to the plot, it is necessary to treat these documents with caution. Among all the miracle collections, Ji Shenzhou Sanbao Gantonglu (“A Collection of the Miraculous Responses of the Three Treasures in the Divine Land”) by Daoxuan is of crucial importance. Fascicle one of this work is devoted to the miracle tales about relics, which the author further divided into three sections: first is the relics of Aśokan stūpa; second is so-called “Miraculous Responses of the Relics in Divine Land Cīna-sthāna“; and lastly, the relics bestowed during the Renshou campaign of relic distribution.

The tripartite classification reveals Daoxuan’s insight into the entire tradition of relic veneration in China. It implies three different ways of invoking and performing the relics, and roughly corresponds to the periods in which the three types of relic were most favored and prevalent. The present study will focus on the second category, namely the relics obtained in a mechanism of stimulus-response. Based on a scrutinized survey, I argue that the legends of the imperial worship of the relics which took place before the 3^rd century are, without exceptions, later inventions. Two excavations, i.e. the alleged mural paintings of relics in an eastern Han tomb at Horinger, inner Mongolia, and the stūpa-shaped bronze vessel at Gongyi, Henan, have no direct connections with the relic worship. Based on the data at our disposal, we draw a tentative conclusion that the relic veneration originated around 3^rd century in the vicinity of Luoyang, the capital, and spread to the south after the collapse of western Jin. The initial worshippers included both monks and lay Buddhists, including merchants or lower-ranking officials. The members of imperial family did not begin to show any interest in relics until the 5th century, with such significant examples as Prince Linchuan and Emperor Ming of the Liu Song dynasty.

This timeline is worth pondering when we compare the chronology of relic veneration in the greater Gandhāra, of which Chinese Buddhism was under the sustained and strong influence. The rise of relic veneration in China postdates the counterpart in Gandhāra for two or three centuries. Compared with the cult of image or of book, the relic veneration is also a tradition that emerged quite late. The reluctance to adopt relics as worship objects can be partly explained by (the mahāyāna) Buddhist doctrines and the Chinese cultural mentality.

舍利是佛陀入涅槃以後獨特的存在形態，是整個佛教信仰實踐的核心。目前學界關於東亞佛教舍利的研究，主要集中在藝術史和考古學領域。這類研究關注舍利容器的形製、舍利的瘞埋方式以及在皇家禮儀中的政治展演。值得注意的是，目前考古出土年代最早的舍利函，年代為北魏興安二年（453）。如果考慮佛教在1世紀左右開始傳入漢地的事實，此間的幾百年內有諸多靈驗記，成為考察舍利信仰興起與傳播幾乎是唯一的史料。

研究佛教史的學者在談起中國舍利傳統最早期的狀況，經常隨意地引用這些靈驗記的說法，將傳說等同於史實。殊不知靈驗記作品本身有非常複雜的轉抄、改竄和增補過程，因而需要謹慎地加以利用。集錄靈驗記的作品中，以道宣的《集神州三寶感通錄》對我們的討論最為重要。該書卷上專錄舍利靈驗，其中又分三個小類：第一是阿育王建塔舍利；第二是所謂“振旦神州舍利感通”，第三是隋代分舍利運動向各地頒賜的舍利。

這一對舍利的三分分類，反映了道宣對整個漢地舍利信仰傳統的深刻洞察。其中暗示了舍利的生成和展演方式的差異，也與各類舍利流行的年代大體對應。本文主要關注第二類舍利，即通過感應的方式所獲得的舍利。通過細緻的史料學批判，我認為關於3世紀以前皇室供養舍利的諸傳說，皆為後人杜撰。兩種考古出土品，即內蒙古和林格爾漢墓及河南鞏義出土塔型銅器，都與舍利信仰沒有直接的聯繫。根據我們現有的證據，可以初步判斷，舍利崇拜起初在3世紀出現在西晉都城洛陽一帶，繼而在永嘉之亂後向江南地區傳播。最早的舍利供養人既有僧人，又有在家的信眾，其中包括商人和低級官吏。皇室成員對舍利發生興起，晚至5世紀，其中重要的人物是劉宋臨川王劉義慶和宋明帝。

如果對比大犍陀羅地區舍利崇拜興起和衰落的年代，這個時間線頗值得玩味，因為漢地舍利崇拜的傳統無疑受到犍陀羅佛教持續而強烈的影響。漢地舍利崇拜興起的年代，比犍陀羅晚了二三百年。相比於對佛像的崇拜、書籍崇拜，舍利崇拜在漢地興起的時間也比較晚。對舍利作為崇拜對象接受的遲滯，或許可以從（大乘）佛教的教義以及中國人的文化心態中得到解釋。
CHI Limei, International College for Postgraduate Buddhist Studies
池麗梅, 国際仏教学大学院大学
日本古代寫本大藏經的複雜性與特殊性
The complexity and uniqueness of the ancient Japanese Manuscript Canons

本文擬於東亞漢文大藏經的體系和背景下討論了日本奈良、平安和鎌倉時期寫本大藏經的文本源流及其特性。首先，日本寫本大藏經與中朝刻本大藏經以及敦煌吐魯番等出土文獻形成互補關係，是東亞佛教的珍貴遺產和研究材料。其次，日本寫本大藏經的文本源流雖在主體上繼承了開元年間以前的唐代寫經，但亦有其自身的形成過程及傳承歷史。奈良時期的日本作為引入佛教文化的終端，在建構其本土藏經之際，因其國內文本資源的局限性而做了一定程度的妥協；平安中期以後，《開寶藏》等刻本大藏經的傳入對於日本寫本大藏經也產生了一定影響。在使用這些域外文本時，需注意其自身的複雜性及特殊性。

This article aims to discuss the textual origins and characteristics of Japanese manuscript Canons from the Nara, Heian, and Kamakura periods within the framework and context of the East Asian Chinese Canon. Firstly, Japanese manuscript Canons, in conjunction with printed Canons from China and Korea and manuscripts from Dunhuang and Turfan, form a complementary relationship, representing valuable heritage and research material for East Asian Buddhism. Secondly, while the textual origins of Japanese manuscript Canons mainly inherit the Tang Dynasty manuscripts from before the Kaiyuan era, they also have their own formation process and transmission history. During the Nara period, as Japan was at the terminal point of introducing Buddhist culture, there were certain compromises made in constructing its local Canon due to the limitations of domestic textual resources. After the mid-Heian period, the introduction of printed Canons, such as the Kaibao Canon, also influenced Japanese manuscript Canons to some extent. When using these external texts, it is important to be aware of their inherent complexity and uniqueness.
Heather CLYDESDALE, Santa Clara University
柯玉珊, 聖克拉拉大學
The Eternal in the Contemporary: Manifesting Buddhist Doctrine in Architecture Today
当代留在永恒：在当今建筑中体现佛教教义

The introduction of Buddhism transformed art and philosophy in China yet did not exert a similarly profound effect on Chinese architecture. Even in contemporary Buddhist temples, architects today draw on traditional architectural principles and aesthetics to create spaces that promulgate Buddhist doctrines of stillness, emptiness, and oneness. The organization of space is the most important such approach and includes siting within the local environment and laying out elements and structures in a compound. Even when architects depart from precedents, they do not undermine, ignore, or dismiss them. Instead, they find new ways to converse with and extend the original aims of traditional aesthetics. To explain this phenomenon, I explore three sites: Dharma Drum Mountain Foundation (Fagushan fojiao jijinhui 法鼓山佛教基金会) headquarters, Water Moon Monastery (Shui yue daochang 水月道场), and the Taichung 台中 International Bodhisattva Sangha (Pusa si 菩萨寺). While these sites are all in Taiwan, the same approach can be applied to sites in Mainland China, such as Kris Yao’s Mt. Wutai Retreat Center (Wutai shan chanxiu zhongxin 五台山禅修中心). The persistence of traditional concepts of space in contemporary Buddhist temple design highlights the compatibility of certain traditional Chinese (and selected Japanese) aesthetics and techniques with Buddhist practice and doctrine.

佛教的传入改变了中国的艺术和哲学但并未对中国建筑产生和发展同样深远的影响。即使在当代佛教寺庙中，当今的建筑师也借鉴了传统的建筑原则和审美来创造宣扬佛教静、空、一教义的空间。空间组织是此类方法中最重要的，包括在当地环境中选址以及在四合院模型落中布置元素和结构。即使建筑师背离了先例，他们也不会破坏、忽视或摒弃它们。相反，他们找到了新的方式来与传统审美的最初目标进行交流和扩展。为了解释这一现象，我将探索三处遗址：法鼓山佛教基金会总部、水月道场，和台中菩萨寺。虽然这些地方都在台湾，但同样的方法也可以应用于中国大陆的地方，例如姚仁喜的五台山禅修中心。当代佛教寺庙设计中传统空间概念的持续存在，凸显了某些传统中国的（和部分日本的）审美和技术与佛教实践和教义的兼容性。
DEEG, Max, Cardiff University
寧梵夫, 卡迪夫大學
Projecting India in Chinese Medieval Buddhist Sources: A Case of Sinizication?
中國中古時期佛教資料中的印度投射—— 一個中國化的案例？

Following the “Call for Proposals’” suggestive “‘multi-layered contextualization approach’”, this paper will revisit the concept of Sinicization of Buddhism from a more general and theoretical viewpoint through a comparison with other religious adaptation processes (Buddhist and non-Buddhist). Approaching the concept from the angle of a specific case, the focus will then be on sources which consciously address the cultural other of their religion in its Indianness, and will try to trace the changes and specific forms of presentation of this cultural otherness in selected sources up to the Tang period.

依據徵稿中提示的多層次語境化方法，本文將通過對比佛教與其他宗教適應過程（佛教與非佛教的），從更一般和理論的視角重新審視佛教中國化這個概念。文章先以一個具體的案例切入這個概念，然後聚焦於那些有意論及作為佛教文化他者的印度的資料，並追溯直至唐朝時期這些選定的資料中對印度這個文化他者的具體呈現方式和變化。
GALAMBOS, Imre, Zhejiang University / University of Cambridge
高奕叡, 浙江大學 / 劍橋大學
The afterlife of a poem from Dunhuang
一首敦煌詩的後世

Manuscript S.3698 is a scroll with the Classic of Filial Piety, copied by a student studying in a Buddhist monastery in Dunhuang during the tenth century. The verso of the scroll, amidst a multitude of seemingly random notes, features a quatrain written in a clumsy hand. The handwriting is so difficult to read that the last words of the poem are simply illegible, which may be part of the reason why this poem has received almost no attention in scholarship. Other than this fragmentary copy, it is unattested in written sources from Dunhuang or anywhere else during the pre-modern period. It is all the more surprising then that it reappears nine hundred years later, at the end of the nineteenth century, in a text written by a leader of a Chinese Sufi sect in the southern part of Ningxia. This paper addresses the survival of this poem in the oral tradition for nearly a millennium and the dramatic change of its context, finding its way from a medieval Buddhist monastery to a Muslim community in Ningxia.

敦煌寫本S.3698是一幅《孝經》卷軸，由十世紀在一座敦煌佛教寺院中的學生書寫。它的背面是許多看起來隨意的記錄，其中有一首書寫笨拙的四行詩。這首詩的字跡難以閱讀，最後幾個字直接無法辨認。這也可能是這首詩沒有受到學術界關注的原因之一。除了這個不完整的版本外，這首詩沒有在前現代時期敦煌以及其他任何地方的文本資料中出現過。然而更令人驚奇的是，在九百年後的十九世紀末，這首詩又出現了。它出現在寧夏南部一位中國蘇非派領袖書寫的文本中。本文探討這首詩如何在近千年的口述傳統中得以倖存以及它的語境從中古時期佛教寺院到寧夏穆斯林群體的劇變。
GOOSSAERT, Vincent, EPHE
高萬桑, 法國高等研究院
Chinese Gods as Persons and Subjects
作為人和主體的中國神

This paper is based on my ongoing work on Chinese gods and processes of subjectification whereby such gods affirm unique personas and engage humans in person-to-person interactions. It is based on a critical approach to much of the scholarship on gods who merely treat them as projection of human collective values and needs. I propose that the vast array of ritual techniques developed over the very longue durée in China to allow the gods to “talk back” to humans have allowed these gods to affirm themselves as persons and subjects – even though there was also resistance against such developments. I then wish to open a comparison with other religious cultures and explore the reasons why the presence of gods as subjects varies considerably between different cultural contexts: in some places, gods can engage humans as persons in ways comparable to the Chinese case, and in others they do not. My working hypothesis is that the availability and social acceptance of ritual techniques to allow the gods to talk is a crucial factor in such differences.

本文基於我正在進行的對中國神和藉由主體化過程這些神確認其獨特的人格面貌並使人們與其面對面互動的研究，以批判性的方法考察諸多將神僅僅當作人類集體價值和需求的投射的學術研究。我提出，在中國長期發展而來的一系列儀式技巧讓神可以反過來與人對話，這就使這些神確認了作為人和主體的身份，即使這些發展也面對了一些阻礙。我希望開啟中國宗教文化與其他宗教文化的對比，探究為什麼在不同文化背景下神作為主體的出現是不同的：在一些地方，神可以像中國案例那樣作為人與人類對話，而在其他地方是不行的。我的假設是，這種區別的關鍵因素是讓神說話的儀式技巧的可用性與社會接受度。
HAN Oonjin / Ven. Kyoungwan sunim, Dongguk University
韓雲珍（景完）, 東國大學
佛教的現代化和全球化展望 – 以韓國佛教為中心
Prospects for modernization and globalization of Buddhism – Focusing on Korean Buddhism

现代宗教因科技和物质文明的影响面对存亡危机。世界各宗教正在企图克服危机,佛教也在规划现代化和全球化。本研究以韩国佛教界,尤其是大韩佛教曹溪宗为中心,探讨佛教的现代化和全球化。大韩佛教曹溪宗在宗派设立了国际团队,负责管理国际相关事务。为了佛教的世界化,他们开展国际交流、参与国际活动、与包括佛教在内的世界宗教机构交流,同时通过网站进行国际宣传、研究活动以及培养外语人才等。此外,曹溪宗还设立了直属海外特别教区,开展各种弘法活动。作为佛教现代化的一部分,他们介绍了大韩佛教青年会的多样化活动,以吸引年轻人参与佛教。除此之外,韩国的寺院住宿体验项目(Templestay)也获得了良好反响。寺院住宿是一种在寺院中停留一段时间,体验寺院日常生活和佛教文化的项目。其目标是向现代人介绍佛教文化和传统,让人们暂时脱离日常生活,通过休息和充电的时间,提供冥想和自我反思的机会。

Modern religions are facing a crisis of existence due to the influence of scientific technology and material civilization. World religions are trying to overcome this crisis, and Buddhism is also planning modernization and globalization.This study presents the modernization and globalization of Buddhism, focusing on the Korean Buddhist community and the Jogye Order of Korean Buddhism. The Jogye Order of Korean Buddhism has an international team that perform international affairs and control directly. Projects for the globalization of Buddhism include international exchanges, participation in international events, and exchanges with world religious organizations including Buddhism, international promotional activities through websites, research activities, training of foreign language talent, and so on. The Jogye Order of Korean Buddhism has the overseas special parishes directly under its control and is carrying out various dharma activities, too. I also introduce various activities of the Korean Buddhist Youth Association to encourage young people to participate in Buddhism. In addition, Templestay in Korea is receiving a good response. Templestay is a program that you stay at a temple for a certain period and experience the temple’s daily life and Buddhist culture. The purpose is to introduce Buddhist culture and traditions to modern people and provide opportunities for meditation and self-reflection through time to rest and recharge away from daily life.
Genevieve HAUER, University of Colorado, Boulder
王桂薇, 科羅納多大學
Transnational Buddhism and Chinese Workers on the Transcontinental Railroad
跨國佛教與橫貫美洲大陸鐵路上的中國工人

Where do we look for information about the early Chinese adaptation of Buddhism in the US during the nineteenth century? Among the available archives, such as the Stanford Chinese Railroad Workers in North America Project, are accounts by missionaries, oral histories of descendants, photographs, temple records, and Central Pacific Railroad Company documents. Recent scholarship such as The Ghosts of Gold Mountain: The Epic Story of the Chinese Who Built the Transcontinental Railroad by Gordon H. Chang (2019), The Chinese and the Iron Road edited by Gordon H. Chang and Shelly Fisher Fishkin (2019), and The China Question: Gold Rushes and Global Politics by Mae Ngai (2022) reconstruct the history of the Chinese railway workers with little reference to popular religion, let alone Buddhism. This research examines an unpublished manuscript, written by Daniel Cleveland under the commission of the Central Pacific Railroad Company, which observes the Chinese-American immigration labor-force of the 1860s. This manuscript is a problematic testament to the period, given the Orientalist and racist lens through which he assesses Chinese religious practice in general terms, yet in the midst of that there are a few instances of recorded observation that give us glimpses into lived religion among Chinese Americans of the time. From 1865-1869, Chinese Buddhist practitioners adapted to the physically laborious demands of life working on the US Pacific Transcontinental Railroad in the rugged California of the time, and this paper makes an initial foray into what the archives can tell us about what adaptations they made to their religious practice. In the process, I attempt to pay respect to, and augment the agency of, the oft-overlooked Chinese workers who toiled and died along the US Transcontinental Railroad.

我們在哪裡可以找到有關19世紀佛教在美國的中國人對佛教的早期改造？就在現有的檔案，例如斯坦福北美華人鐵路工人項目，包括傳教士的敘述、後代的口述歷史、照片、寺廟記錄和中央太平洋鐵路公司文件中！最近的學術成果，如張少書 (Gordon H. Chang) 的《金山幽靈：建造橫貫美洲大陸鐵路的中國人的史詩級故事》(2019年)、張少書與Shelly Fisher Fishkin編輯的《中國人與鋼鐵之路》（2019 年）、以及艾明如的《中國問題：淘金熱和全球政治》（2022年）重構了中國鐵路工人的歷史，但它們都幾乎沒有提及大眾宗教，更不用說佛教了。本研究考察了丹尼爾·克利夫蘭受中央太平洋鐵路公司委託撰寫的一份未發表的手稿，該手稿觀察了1860年代的華裔美國移民勞工。鑑於作者用東方主義和種族主義的視角來一般性地評估中國的宗教實踐，這份手稿是一個有問題的見證。儘管如此，其中有一些記錄下來的觀察實例，讓我們得以一睹美國中國人的生活宗教。從1865年到1869年,中國佛教修行者適應了當時在崎嶇的加利福尼亞州的美國太平洋橫貫鐵路上工作的體力勞動生活要求，本文初步探討了檔案可以告訴我們他們做了哪些調整他們的宗教實踐。在此過程中，我試圖向那些在美國橫貫鐵路沿線勞作並死亡的, 經常被忽視的中國工人表示敬意，並突出他們曾经所起到的作用。
HONG Mianmian, Sun Yat-sen University
洪綿綿, 中山大學
體無與雙非：從謝靈運到吉藏看大乘意識發展對南朝佛道分判的影響
Nonbeing and Non-Nonbeing: the Influence of Mahayana Consciousness Developing on the Comparison of Buddhism and Taoism Reflected in the Treatises of Xie Lingyun and Jizang

由謝靈運《辨宗論》，顧歡《夷夏論》、張融《通源論》、周顒答張融書，與吉藏《三論玄義》，可以看到大乘意識發展對南朝佛道分判的影響。《辨宗論》以老莊說“無”類比於小乘泥洹“無為”、般若說“空”，再借助佛教認為大乘般若優於小乘三藏的判斷，認為三玄高於三藏。而後顧歡、張融亦認為佛道說“無”同而說“有”異，然顧歡認為後者是因華夷品性不同，轉而崇道抑佛。而隨著大乘意識的發展，關河三論學派否認了小乘泥洹的過渡意義，周顒則闡發關河舊說，將修行的關鍵從“無”轉向“非有非無”，認為小乘說無、老子說無對於“非有非無”的大乘空而言仍有高下之別，小乘泥洹不是般若說空，因此不可謂佛道通源，同體至極，由此崇佛抑道。周顒仍許說有說無尚有可取，而吉藏則更進一步，以“雙非”而非“雙見”來釋中道，排破毗曇、成實與三玄，從謝靈運到周顒再到吉藏，可以看到在佛道分判上，諸人如何通過後期大乘意識對初期大乘意識的超越，實現了東晉南朝般若學從融攝小乘空、老莊無，到貶抑小乘空、老莊無的轉變，完成佛高於道的論證。

宗曉《樂邦遺稿》的編纂刊行與新見佚文考述
The Compilation and Printing of Zongxiao’s Lebang Yigao and An Investigation of Its Newly Seen Unknown Passages

From Xie Lingyun’s Treatise on Zong, Gu Huan’s Treatise on Yixia, Zhang Rong’s Treatise on Tongyuan, Zhou Yong’s reply to Zhang Rong, and Jizang’s Treatise on Madhyamika, we can see the influence of the development of Mahayana consciousness on the judgment of Buddhism and Daoism in the Southern Dynasty. Xie’s treatise compared Laozi and Zhuangzi’s nonbeing to Hinayana Buddhism’s nonbeing and Prajna’s Emptiness, and as in Buddhism’s judgment, Mahayana Prajna is superior to the Hinayana Tripitaka, the local Metaphysics is higher than Buddhism. Then Gu Huan, Zhang Rong also believed that the Buddhism and Metaphysics share the same nonbeing, but their understandings on being are different, Gu Huan believed that the difference comes from the difference on people of two territories, so Taoism is higher than Buddhism. With the development of Mahayana consciousness, the Madhyamika school in Guanhe denies the transitional significance of Hinayana, and Zhou Yong shifted the key of practice from nonbeing to non-nonbeing, argued that Mahayana Emptiness is superior to the none-being of Hinayana and Metaphysics. Jizang went further and interpreted the Middle Way with double non-view instead of double view. From Xie Lingyun to Zhou Yong and then to Jizang, we can see how people completed the demonstration of Buddha higher than Daoism, through the transcendence of the late Mahayana consciousness over the early Mahayana consciousness.
HONG Xiang, The University of Hong Kong
宏祥, 香港大學
五會念佛在大灣區及海外傳播概述
An Overview of the Spread of the Five-Tempo Intonation of the Name of the Buddha in the Greater Bay Area and Overseas Regions

五會念佛是唐代淨土宗祖師法照大師根據《無量壽經》所創立的一種念佛法門，並在五台山、太原、長安等地相繼流傳，一直延續至宋代。本世紀初期，隨著敦煌藏經洞的發現，五會念佛再次引起世人的關注，尤其在中國大陸、香港和日本等地掀起了修學熱潮。研究發現，五會念佛在潮州開元寺、香港東蓮覺苑和日本浄土真宗本願寺派等地的修學儀軌因地域差異而有所變化，形成了各自獨特的念佛儀軌。因此，本文通過文獻梳理和田野調查，將逐一考察這一念佛法門在不同地區的傳播和修學情況，旨在分析和探討五會念佛在大灣區及海外的傳播影響。

This paper investigates the impact of the spread of the Five-Tempo Intonation of the Name of the Buddha in the Greater Bay Area and overseas regions. In recent years, there has been a renewed global interest in this practice, particularly in mainland China, Hong Kong, and Japan, following the discovery of the Dunhuang Library Cave in the early 21st century. Significantly, variations in the practice of the Five-Tempo Intonation of the Name of the Buddha have been observed in specific locations, such as Kaiyuan Temple in Chaozhou, Tung Lin Kok Yuen in Hong Kong, and the Jodo Shinshu Hongwanji-ha in Japan. These regional differences have resulted in the development of distinct ritual manuals and practices. Therefore, this paper aims to examine and analyze the diverse manifestations of the Five-Tempo Intonation of the Name of the Buddha observed in different geographical contexts.
JI Huachuan, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
紀華傳, 中國社會科學院
清末民初的社會巨變與佛教現代化
Dramatic Social Changes and Modernization of Buddhism in the Late Qing and Early Republican Periods

清末民初是中國歷史上的巨大轉折時期，在政治制度、文化結構、社會生活及價值觀念等各個方面都發生了根本性的變化，中央集權的帝王專制制度由危機重重到最終瓦解。中國佛教在近兩千年的歷史中形成與帝制相適應的佛教制度面臨前所未有的挑戰，在晚清民初的空前社會轉型中，西方文化傳入和基督教傳播的衝擊下，傳統社會中的儒釋道三教融合的格局受到新的打擊，不但在外部歷經太平天國運動以及廟產興學運動的衝擊，而且自身千百年來陳陳相因積弊叢生，中國佛教就在此空前的危機中開啟了艱難曲折的現代化歷程。中國佛教畢竟有著近兩千年源遠流長的深厚底蘊，有著上至知識階層下至平民百姓的廣泛社會影響，所以具有自身反省生存和發展的頑強生命力。近代佛教所面臨的危難，為佛教的轉型和發展帶來了新的契機，本文試圖從佛教制度、佛教組織和佛教教育等方面，探析這段時期中國佛教界在革除歷史積弊、適應時代發展的現代化探索。

The late Qing and early Republican period marked a significant turning point in Chinese history, witnessing fundamental changes in political institutions, cultural structures, social life, and value systems. The centralized imperial autocracy, which had faced numerous crises, ultimately disintegrated. Chinese Buddhism, having evolved over nearly two millennia in symbiosis with imperial governance, confronted unprecedented challenges. Amidst this societal transformation, the influx of Western culture and the spread of Christianity exerted pressure on the traditional amalgamation of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism. Not only did it endure upheavals such as the Taiping Rebellion and the movement of revitalizing temple assets for education, but it also grappled with endemic issues accumulated over centuries. Chinese Buddhism embarked on a difficult and convoluted path towards modernization. However, owing to its rich and extensive heritage and its widespread societal influence from the intellectual elite to the common populace, Chinese Buddhism possessed a resilient vitality for self-reflection, survival, and development. These challenges presented new opportunities for its transformation and advancement. This paper aims to investigate the initiatives undertaken by the Chinese Buddhist community during this period to address historical issues and adapt to contemporary developments, focusing on Buddhist institutions, organizations, and education.
KEYWORTH, George, University of Saskatchewan
紀強, 薩斯喀徹爾大學
On the Enduring Legacy of Tiantai 天台 Educational Books in Premodern Japan: the [Tendai enshū shikyō goji 天台円宗四教五時] Nishidani myōmoku 西谷名目 and Shishi yaolan 釋氏要覽 (Śākyamuni [Buddha’s] Essential Teachings)
前現代日本天台宗教育書籍持久的遺產——《天台円宗四教五時西谷名目》和《釋氏要覽》

How did premodern East Asian Buddhist learn about the history and teachings of the Buddha? Although a generation or more of scholarship in western language scholarship (Ch’en 1964) suggests that Chinese, Korean, and Japanese Buddhists have a preference for the study of sūtras, including the Lotus (Fahua jing 法華經), Avataṃsaka (Huayan jing 華厳經), and many more, even if that were something like an historical fact, how did monastics and lay Buddhists learn the tenets of those sūtras? Given its conspicuous self-image as an authentic branch of Chinese Buddhism in Japan, the great Tendai tradition 天台宗 (Ch. Tiantai)—both atop Mt. Hiei 比叡山 and below it at Miidera 三井寺—preserves several educational books that generations of Japanese Buddhists have considered to reflect an educational curriculum from Song China (960-1279). In this paper I introduce and provide an overview of the Tendai enshū shikyō goji 天台円宗四教五時 Nishidani myōmoku 西谷名目 (Guide to the Perfect Tendai Tradition’s Four Teachings and Five Periods, according to the Nishidani Approach), which is preserved in multiple editions—with sub-commentaries—from the Edo 江戸 period (1603-1868) and earlier and references an early 11^th century Chinese exegetical compendium called the Shishi yaolan 釋氏要覽 (Śākyamuni [Buddha’s] Essential Teachings, T no. 2127). I show how, according to Tendai Buddhists who followed the teachings of many teachers who studied in China across more than 400 years, the essential teachings of Buddhism are best conveyed through what we might call a Tiantai lens of scholarship. Finally, I point out how the Nishidani myōmoku and other Tendai educational manuals were used at monastic training centers in Japan from nearly all traditions (e.g., Shingon 真言宗, Zen 禪宗, Shinshū 真宗, Hokkeshū 法華宗).

前現代東亞佛教徒如何了解佛陀的歷史和教法？儘管西方學界一代乃至幾代的學者指出中國、朝鮮和日本的佛教徒更傾向於學經，包括《法華經》《華嚴經》和其他許多佛經，即使這個說法好像符合史實，僧眾和在家居士又是如何了解這些佛經的主旨的？鑒於日本天台宗的自我形象是中國佛教的正統分支，在比叡山上以及山下的三井寺，都保存了一些教育書籍，一代又一代的日本佛教徒都認為這些書籍反映了中國宋代（960–1279）的教育課程。在本文中我介紹並概述了《天台円宗四教五時西谷名目》。這本書保存有江戶時代和更早期的多個版本，並且附有註釋。同時我還參考了中國十一世紀早期的一部註釋類書《釋氏要覽》（《大正藏》第2127號）。我揭示了佛教的核心教義，按照那些遵循了四百多年中諸多前往中國學習的老師們的教導的天台宗佛徒的說法，如何通過天台教義的透鏡（我們或許可以稱為），得到了最佳的傳達。最後，我指出《天台円宗四教五時西谷名目》以及其他天台宗教育指南如何在日本幾乎所有宗派（例如，真言宗、禪宗、真宗、法華宗）的僧眾教育中心被使用。
KIM Jahyun, Dongguk University
金慈玄，東國大學
The Sinicization of Early Ming Buddhist Art: Acceptance, Transformation, and Spread of Buddhist Iconography
明代早期佛教藝術的中國化——佛教造像的接受、轉化和傳播

The purpose of this paper is to explore the process by which Buddhist prints produced in mainland China during the early Ming Dynasty accepted foreign cultures, underwent Sinicization, and spread to other countries. This study begins with an examination of Buddhist prints in Korea. In Korea, a Lotus Sutra featuring a splendid frontispiece illustration print was published by a royal woman of the Joseon dynasty in 1459. And the postscript of this sutra indicates that it is modeled on a Ming dynasty print published by the imperial court of China. Among the Buddhist prints published in the early Ming Dynasty, there exists a print with identical iconography to this one. Upon investigating the origins of this print, it was confirmed that it underwent a process of Sinicization from the Hexizi Canon, originally published in the Hangzhou area during the Yuan Dynasty, and consequently, emerged as a quintessential frontispiece illustration print of the Ming Dynasty. Therefore, this study aims to delve into the historical context surrounding the reception of Western Xia prints during the Yuan Dynasty, the process of Sinicization they underwent, and the subsequent transmission to Joseon, where they influenced the realm of Buddhist art, particularly focusing on prints from the Ming Dynasty. This study is expected to help clarify the exchange patterns and mutual influences among East Asian countries in the domain of Buddhist art.

本文的目的是探究明代早期中國大陸佛教版畫接受外來文化，中國化，再傳播到其他國家的過程。本文開頭考察了朝鮮的佛教版畫。在1459年，朝鮮王朝的一位王室女性刻印的《法華經》中有一幅精美的卷首插圖版畫。此經的後記表明它以中國宮廷刻印的明代版畫為模板。在明代早期刻印的佛教版畫中，有一幅與這部經中的版畫有相同的造像。通過調查這幅版畫的來源，確認了這幅版畫來自元代刻印於杭州地區的河西字大藏經，並經歷了中國化的過程，從而在明代作為一個典型的卷首版畫出現。因此，本文旨在深入西夏版畫在元代被接受，其中國化的過程以及之後傳入朝鮮的歷史背景，尤其關注明代版畫在朝鮮對佛教藝術領域的影響。本文希望幫助釐清佛教藝術領域東亞國家間的交流模式和相互影響。
Jianxin LI, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
李建欣, 中國社會科學院
美國學者太史文的中國佛教研究評述
Review of American Scholar Stephen F. Teiser’s Research on Chinese Buddhism
該文首先介紹海外中國宗教的兩大派別：法國學派與北美學派，並將美國學者太史文(Stephen F. Teiser)視為北美學派的突出代表。

其次，簡介了太史文的學術簡歷與成就，將他的主要中英文學術成果進行了梳理和羅列。再次，評述了太史文對中國宗教的宏觀研究。

然後對太史文關於中國佛教研究的四部著作⑴The Ghost Festival in Medieval China（1988，《幽靈的節日：中國中世紀的信仰與生活》）；⑵The Scripture on the Ten Kings and the Making of Purgatory in Medieval Chinese Buddhism（1994，《〈十王經〉與中國中世紀佛教冥界的形成》）；⑶Reinventing the Wheel: Paintings of Rebirth in Medieval Buddhist Temples（再造生死輪：中古佛教寺院中的轉世繪畫，2006）；⑷敦煌佛教研究（《儀禮與佛教研究》進行了比較深入的評述。

最後總結了太史文中國佛教研究的特色：⑴不是孤立地研究中國佛教，而是把佛教置於中國社會生活中進行研究；⑵對佛教的認識不僅僅限於經卷中，更是一種鮮活的信仰，在中國社會生活發揮一定的作用和功能；⑶對佛教關於死後世界的描繪是其研究的重點；⑷注重學習和借鑒人文與社會科學研究方法來研究中國佛教，人類學、社會學、圖像學等的方法均為他所嫻熟地採用；⑸把佛教視為世界宗教，把漢傳佛教置於與印度佛教、南傳佛教、藏傳佛教、日本佛教等的比較中進行研究，從而突顯其特色。

This paper begins by introducing the two major schools of Chinese Religious Studies abroad: the French School and the North American School, highlighting American scholar Stephen F. Teiser as a leading figure in the latter.

It then provides an overview of Teiser’s academic background and accomplishments, listing his key scholarly works in both Chinese and English. Following this, the paper reviews Teiser’s extensive research on Chinese religions.

The discussion then delves into an in-depth analysis of Teiser’s four significant works on Chinese Buddhism:
1. 1. The Ghost Festival in Medieval China (1988)
  2. The Scripture on the Ten Kings and the Making of Purgatory in Medieval Chinese Buddhism (1994)
  3. Reinventing the Wheel: Paintings of Rebirth in Medieval Buddhist Temples (2006)
  4. Yili yu Fojiao yanjiu 仪礼与佛教研究 [Ritual and the Study of Buddhism] (2022). A study of Dunhuang Buddhist rituals.
Finally, the paper summarizes the distinctive features of Teiser’s research on Chinese Buddhism:
1. He studies Chinese Buddhism within the broader context of Chinese social life rather than in isolation.
2. He views Buddhism as a vibrant belief system that plays a significant role in Chinese society, beyond just its scriptures.
3. His research places particular emphasis on Buddhist depictions of the afterlife.
4. He skillfully applies methodologies from the Humanities and social sciences, such as anthropology, sociology, and iconography, in his studies.
5. He regards Buddhism as a world religion and conducts comparative studies of Chinese Buddhism with Indian, Theravāda, Tibetan, and Japanese Buddhism to highlight its unique characteristics.
LI Jingjing, Leiden University
李晶晶, 萊頓大學
Illusory Conventions and The Modernization of Chinese Buddhism
虛幻世俗與中國佛教的現代化

In the Madhyamaka theory of twofold truth, sentient beings shall comprehend the illusory and deceptive nature of dependent arising at the conventional level for attaining the ultimate truth of emptiness. As the Sanlun master Jizang once remarked, “for practitioners with skillful means and wisdom, they come to learn the twofold truth to realize that there is nothing to attain.” Given this Madhyamaka commitment, Buddhist reformers are soon presented with the doctrinal question on conventional reality when they strive to modernize Buddhism and make it more socially engaged: if there is eventually nothing to attain, what is the value and worth of the conventionally true society and why does it matter to transform social conventions? In this article, I explore how Buddhist thinkers like Fazun draw from Tibetan Buddhist resources for reaffirming the value and worth of conventional reality, which allows for consolidating the theoretical foundation of their project of modernizing Chinese Buddhism.

在中觀的二諦理論中，有情眾生應理解世俗層面上的緣起之虛妄性，進而通達勝義諦的空性。正如三論法師吉藏所言，“若有巧方便慧，學此二諦，成無所得” (T no. 1853, 15a18)。然而，當佛教改革者致力於讓他們的傳統更加現代化更加入世的時候，如此立論的中觀思想立刻讓他們面臨到一個關於世俗有的義理難題：如果一切畢竟無所得，那僅是世俗真實的世界有何價值呢？改變世間習俗又有何意義呢？在這篇文章中，我將探討以法尊法師為代表的思想家如何引用藏傳佛教資源來重新承認世俗有的價值。如此觀之，他們的努力為佛教現代化奠定了堅實的理論基礎。
LI Meng, Fudan University
李猛, 復旦大學
中古佛教靈驗記中的反佛帝王公卿
Anti-Buddhist Emperors and Ministers in Medieval Buddhist Devotionals

隋唐時期，佛教靈驗記大量出現，不僅有因信奉、護持三寶而得到感應的正向敘述，也不乏反佛帝王、公卿因其反佛言行而遭到報應乃至下地獄的敘述。後者以北周武帝宇文邕因廢佛而下地獄最具代表性，近十餘種文獻記載此靈驗，可梳理出三種版本，可見時人對此一主題的關注。

此外，曾廢佛或反佛的赫連勃勃、北魏太武帝拓拔燾、吳主孫皓等帝王，曾提議或採取廢/反/批佛措施的衛元嵩、傅奕、謝晦等公卿，因而也在這些靈驗記中得到相應的“懲罰”。以此視角，還可以審視《朝野僉載》所載唐太宗入冥故事以及敦煌本《唐太宗入冥記》，對唐太宗入冥及其故事流變，會有新的認識。

唐初“護法菩薩”法琳最早系統編集整理靈驗記，並盛讚其可以“傳之典謨，懸諸日月”。這些工作和理念，爲道宣、道世、唐臨、郎餘令等僧俗所繼承。借用靈驗記這種形式來懲罰這些反佛帝王、公卿，是對反佛人士尤其是廢佛帝王的一種反抗，當然這種反抗是滯後的。對於佛教僧俗而言，這些靈驗記體現了他們樸素的宗教感情，也是一種心理寄託，畢竟現實中很難對他們的反佛言行予以懲罰。

對於當世以及後世的公卿帝王而言，這種主題的靈驗記也是一種勸誡和警示。這種主題靈驗記與靈驗記集的出現，與護法文獻一樣，是護法僧俗對其時廢佛、抑佛政策做出的回應。今人將這些佛教靈驗記稱爲“釋氏輔教書”，顯然不夠全面。

During the Sui and Tang dynasties (581AD-907AD), a large number of Buddhist Themed Devotionals appeared.Apart from those who gained rewards for their Buddhist believing, there are also accounts of anti-Buddhist emperors and ministers who were penalized for their anti-Buddhist words and actions, including sending these nobilities to hell. The most representative example was the Emperor Wu of the Northern Zhou Dynasty (543AD-578AD). Stories about his imprisonment for abolishing the Buddha varies more than a dozen, forming three major version.

In addition, emperors such as Helian Bohu, Emperor Taiwu of the Northern Wei Dynasty, and Lord Sun Hao of the Wu Dynasty, who abolished or opposed Buddhism, and ministers such as Wei Yuansong, Fu Yi, and Xie Xi, who proposed or took measures to abolish/oppose/approve Buddhism, were also punished accordingly in these apocryphal accounts. Different versions of Tang Taizong ruming ji 唐太宗入冥記 in Chaoye qianzai 朝野僉載 and in Dunhuang Documents can also be seen as series apocryphal accounts in this theme.

Falin was the first eminent monk to systematically compile and organize Buddhist Devotionals, and commended them highly. These works and philosophies were inherited by monks and ministers such as Dao Xuan, Dao Shi, Tang Ling, and Lang Yu Ling. This form of punishment for these anti-Buddhist emperors and ministers was a form of resistance, following the religious policy at that time. These Buddhist devotionals were a manifestation of their simple religious feelings and a kind of psychological support. After all, it was very difficult to penalize Emperors and powerful Ministers for their anti-Buddhist words and actions in reality. To the emperors and later generations in Medieval period, the existence of theme of the devotionals was also a kind of admonition and warning. The emergence of Buddhist apocryphal journals and collections of apocryphal journals on this theme was the response of the Dharma-protecting monks and folk of the time to the policy of abolishing Buddhism. People nowadays saw these records as Buddhist doctrine tutoring was neither profound nor accurate.
MA Xi, Nankai University
馬熙，南開大學
中唐佛學在地方山寺的流動——以山西晉城青蓮寺為例
The Flow of Mid-Tang Buddhist Learning in Local Mountain Temples: Taking Qinglian Si in Jincheng, Shanxi, as an Example

保有北朝以来诸多史迹的晋东南青莲寺，折射了佛教在华北若干历史结构性变迁的重要轨迹。当8世纪末、9世纪初，发自南北的长安新译教学、天台与洪州宗风，纷纷席卷于此。然而，其能与當地北朝以來固有傳統發生歷史作用者，則只有洪州宗。洪州門下依於自宗法華學，在義邑傳統深厚的晉東南地區建立法華邑，開啓了青蓮寺的興轉，也為此後青蓮寺在澤州佛教譜系中的核心位置奠定了基礎。這一微觀歷史，為認識紛繁的中唐佛學如何為北朝佛教傳統盛行的晉東南社會所受容，並改造當地佛教譜系的歷史過程，提供了具體而微的案例。

Qinglian Temple in Southeastern Shanxi, which retains many historical relics from the Northern Dynasties, reflects significant trajectories of structural changes in Buddhism in North China. At the end of the 8th century and the beginning of the 9th century, new teachings and practices from Chang’an, including Tiantai and Hongzhou traditions, spread rapidly in this region. However, it was only the Hongzhou tradition that was able to interact historically with the established local traditions dating back to the Northern Dynasties. Followers of the Hongzhou tradition, relying on their sect’s Lotus Sutra teachings, established the Lotus Sutra community in Southeastern Shanxi, an area with deep-rooted Buddhist traditions. This initiated the rise of Qinglian Temple and laid the foundation for its subsequent central position in the Buddhist lineage of Zezhou. This micro-historical study provides a detailed case for understanding how the diverse mid-Tang Buddhist teachings were received by the society in Southeastern Shanxi, where Northern Dynasties Buddhist traditions prevailed, and how these teachings transformed the local Buddhist lineage.
PAN, Sherry, University of Michigan
潘清悅, 密歇根大學
Tradition Meets Innovation: The Integration of Buddhist Practices in China’s Emerging Pet Funeral Industry
傳統與革新：佛教實踐在中國新興寵物殯葬業的融合

China’s pet funeral industry is rapidly expanding, driven by an increase in pet ownership and a corresponding need for dignified pet end-of-life services. Historically, animal funerals in China draw from practices possibly reminiscent of Buddhist mortuary rites during imperial times, yet contemporary practices are distinctly modern. Unlike human funerals, which are tightly regulated against costly and superstitious rites, pet funerals lack specific legislative regulations, except on sanitary aspects. This regulatory gap presents challenges as many private operators struggle to secure the necessary credentials, but also opens up unique opportunities. Drawing on examples from more developed pet funeral markets like Japan, where Buddhist customs are integral to pet funerals, Chinese service providers find valuable models for developing their operations. This paper points out that in China, operators adopt a cautious approach to comply with state policies that discourage practices considered superstitions, while also integrating Buddhist practices. This approach provides culturally resonant services that meet the emotional and spiritual needs of pet owners. My study presents a different form of Buddhist practices in contemporary lifestyles, illustrating the potential for traditional rituals to evolve and resonate in new markets and modern societies.

中國寵物殯葬業正在迅速擴張，這一增長主要是由寵物擁有率的提升及對尊嚴寵物終生服務需求的增加所驅動。從歷史角度來看，中國的動物葬禮可能汲取了帝制時期佛教喪葬儀式的做法，然而，當代的葬禮實踐卻展現出鮮明的現代特徵。與受到嚴格規制、禁止高成本及迷信儀式的人類葬禮不同，寵物葬禮缺乏具體的立法規定，僅在衛生方面有所規範。這一規制空白不僅給許多私人運營商帶來了獲得必要資質的挑戰，同時也開闢了獨特的機會。借鑑如日本這樣的成熟寵物葬禮市場，其中佛教習俗是寵物葬禮的核心部分，中國的業者發現了發展自身業務的寶貴模式。本文指出，在中國，業者採取了謹慎的態度，以符合國家政策，該政策傾向於抑制被視為迷信的實踐，同時又巧妙地融合了佛教實踐。這種方式同時也為寵物主人提供了文化共鳴的服務，滿足了他們的情感與精神需求。本研究展示了當代生活方式中佛教實踐的不同形式，揭示了傳統儀式在新市場和現代社會中演化與共鳴的潛力。
PEI Changchun, Shandong Normal University
裴長春, 山東師範大學
吐蕃統治下漢人如何學習藏文——法藏敦煌藏文文獻P. T. 1257《蕃漢雙語詞彙表》再探
A Re-Examination of Pelliot tibétain 1257: A Workbook for Chinese Learning Tibetan?

保存在法國國家圖書館的敦煌藏文文献P. T. 1257中抄寫有一份藏漢雙語詞匯表，其中匯總了一些最基本的佛教術語，以及從《解深密经》中摘抄的詞彙。這件詞匯表中的藏文詞彙率先由一個人完成，而漢語詞匯則在之後由三個人完成。這件詞匯表可能是一件由藏文教師製作的供漢族學生學習藏文詞匯的作業本。這個作業本，由漢族學生填寫漢語詞匯，並且此後仍歸漢族學生佔有和使用。這些敦煌本地的漢人學習藏文應該和當時由西藏國王發起的佛教抄經事業密切相關。

P.T. 1257, a manuscript found in Dunhuang housed in the Bibliothèque Nationale de France, contains a Bilingual Tibetan-Chinese Vocabulary List that compiles some of the most fundamental Buddhist terminology and vocabulary excerpted from the Saṃdhi-nirmocana-sūtra. The Tibetan terms in this glossary were initially written by a single individual, while the Chinese terms were subsequently filled in by three individuals. This vocabulary list may have been a workbook created by a Tibetan teacher for Chinese students learning Tibetan vocabulary. The workbook was filled with Chinese vocabulary by Chinese students and remained in their possession and use thereafter. The learning of Tibetan by these Chinese individuals in Dunhuang was likely closely related to the Buddhist sutra copying project initiated by the Tibetan king at that time
REN Yian, Stanford University
任易安，斯坦佛大學
The Emergence of the Mañjuśrī Child Image in Early Medieval Japan: A Study of Iconographical Transformation
中世紀早期日本文殊菩薩兒童形象的出現及文殊菩薩的形象轉變

The image of the Mañjuśrī Bodhisattva underwent a significant transformation in early medieval Japan as he began to be portrayed as a child, which marks a departure from the Chinese predecessors of Mañjuśrī representations as an adult male. This study explores the discrepancy between textual prescriptions for depicting Mañjuśrī as a child and the scarcity of such representations in China, contrasting it with the proliferation of child-like depictions in medieval Japan. This shift in Mañjuśrī’s portrayal in Japan may have been prompted by the designation of the Kasuga Wakamiya deity as the local manifestation of Mañjuśrī in the early eleventh century, a period characterized by frequent natural disasters and a crisis of trust in the Fujiwara family’s spiritual authority. This paper examines the factors that contributed to the wide acceptance of Mañjuśrī’s idealized child representations in Japan, including the conceptualization of children’s sacredness, the unique political climate of the late Heian and early Kamakura periods, and the prevalence of homosexual relationships between monks and young acolytes (chigo) in medieval Japanese Buddhist monasteries. Through a comparative iconographic analysis, this research aims to enhance our understanding of the dynamic nature of Buddhist iconography and its responsiveness to local religious developments and cultural contexts as it traversed cultural boundaries from China to Japan.

與中國佛教藝術中文殊菩薩的成年男子形像不同，在日本中世紀早期，文殊菩薩開始以兒童形像出現在藝術作品中。平安時代末期自然災害頻繁，當時的執政貴族藤原家族的宗教權威面臨前所未有的信任危機。為了因應這一危機，十一世紀初，常以兒童形像出現的若宮神作為春日大神新的眷屬神祇被設立於藤原家氏社春日大社中。在日本神佛習合的過程中，受到本地垂蹟說的影響，春日若宮神被視為文殊菩薩的本地化身，促使文殊的兒童形象開始在春日信仰的藝術作品中出現。本文探討了促成這一圖像演變的諸多因素，包括日本自古以來對兒童這一群體所帶有的神聖性的解讀，即把他們視作能在此世與彼世之間的自由移動的使者、平安時代晚期和鎌倉時代早期的獨特政治環境、以及中世紀日本佛教寺院中僧侶與年輕侍童（稚児）之間的同性關係。這些都為文殊兒童形象的廣泛流行奠定了思想和理論基礎。通過對文殊菩薩圖像轉變的分析，本研究旨在加深人們對佛教藝術風格和圖像學跨文化適應和轉變的理解。
SHI Daoxin, Minnan Buddhist College
釋道心，閩南佛學院
近現代閩南佛學院留學僧的培養初探
The First Exploration of the Cultivation of Overseas Saṃgha Students at the Buddhist College of Minnan in Modern Times

太虛大師是近現代閩南佛學院留學僧培養的發起人。大師自1928年旅洋歐美回國後，就有了想在中國成立世界佛學院，培養國際性弘法僧才，促進中外佛教交流，引領中國佛教走向世界，由外而內，曲線救教，達到復興中國佛教之目的。因此，他先後派出多名閩院學僧到緬甸、錫蘭、印度、泰國、日本等地留學。這些留學僧為20世紀中國佛教的延續和中外佛教交流起到了“一帶一路”的作用。改革開放後，中國佛教得以恢復，閩院院長則悟大和尚再次意識到僧才的重要性，又陸續成就學僧到日本、韓國、美國、泰國、斯里蘭卡、新加坡等國留學，擴寬學僧的眼界和學識，從而使中國佛教得以快速恢復，溝通中外佛教交流。雖然在留學僧的培養方面，閩院現在還屬於摸索階段，如果能夠持續培養，相信不久的將來，定會越來越成熟，越辦越好，讓更多海外華僑華人和外國人知道閩院，從而對中國佛教產生興趣並且學習中國佛教和文化，使閩院的悠久與優秀的學術傳統進一步發揚光大，為漢傳佛教的現代化與國際化再建輝煌。

Master Taixu was the initiator of the training of overseas monks at the Minnan Buddhist College in modern times. Since his return to China in 1928 from his travels in Europe and the United States, Master Taixu had the idea of establishing a world Buddhist academy in China to cultivate international Dharma-expanding monks, to promote exchanges between Chinese and foreign Buddhists, to lead Chinese Buddhism into the world, and to achieve the purpose of reviving Chinese Buddhism from the outside to the inside by rescuing the religion in an indirect but expedient way. Therefore, he successively sent a number of students from the Minnan Buddhist College to study in Burma, Ceylon, India, Thailand, Japan and other places. These monks played a role of “One Belt, One Road” for the continuation of Chinese Buddhism and the exchange between Chinese and foreign Buddhism in the 20th century. After the reform and opening up of China, Chinese Buddhism was restored, and the President of the Minnan Buddhist College, Master Zewu, has once again realised the importance of monastic talent, and successively accomplished the study of monks in Japan, South Korea, the United States, Thailand, Sri Lanka, Singapore, and other countries, to broaden the horizons and knowledge of the monks, so as to enable the rapid restoration of Buddhism in China, and to facilitate the communication between Chinese and foreign Buddhists. Although the training of overseas students is still in the exploratory stage, if we can continue to train them, we believe that in the near future, it will become more and more mature and better and better, so that more overseas Chinese and foreigners will know about the Minnan Buddhist College, and become interested in Chinese Buddhism and learn Chinese Buddhism and culture, so that the long and excellent academic tradition of the Minnan Buddhist College can be further developed and expanded, with even more brilliant contribution to the modernization and internationalization of Chinese Buddhism.
SHI Gufu, Minnan Buddhist College
釋古福，閩南佛學院
“契理契机”在新时代佛教弘法中的理论指导 ——以闽南佛学院“慈善义卖”为视角
On the Principle of “Living in accordance with the Buddha’s Teachings and also in Light of the Social Environment of the Times” in the Modernization of Buddhism

佛教自印度传入中国后，为了融入中华大地，中国化是其必然选择，在中国化的道路上，“契理契机”是基本原则。与佛教中国化相应，“契理”即是坚持佛教的基本信仰和核心教义，“契机”就是要在立足中国国情的基础上适应时代变化、满足现实需求，不断做出自我调整和改变。从“译场教育”“丛林教育”到“学院教育”，“契理契机”的原则伴随着中国佛教教育的始终。在当代，为了让佛教教育更好地适应现代化的发展，闽南佛学院遵循“契理契机”的理念，以“周末慈善义卖活动”的展开，开启了新时代弘法利生模式的全新探索。

After Buddhism was introduced into China from India, in order to be integrated into the land of China, Sinification was its inevitable choice. In the course of Sinification of Buddhism, “abiding by the Buddha’s Teachings and tallying with the roots [of the sentient beings]” has been its fundamental principle. Whereas “abiding by the Buddha’s Teachings” is to observe the supreme dharma of all Buddhas, “tallying with the roots” is in tune with the roots of all the sentient beings. Corresponding to the Sinification of Buddhism, ” abiding by the Buddha’s Teachings” means to adhere to the basic beliefs and core teachings of Buddhism, and “tallying with the roots ” means to adapt to the changes of the times and to meet the needs of the reality on the basis of China’s national conditions, and to make self-adjustment and changes continuously. In the modernisation process of Buddhism in the present age, it is still necessary to follow the principle of “abiding by the Buddha’s Teachings and tallying with the roots [of the sentient beings].”
SHI Minghang, Minnan Buddhist College
釋明航，閩南佛學院
近代佛教現代化轉型的時代背景及機緣
The Background and Opportunities of the Modernization and Transformation of Modern Buddhism

近代的中國佛教發生了兩次重大的革新運動，一次在晚清時期，一次在民國時期，通過考察兩次革新運動所處的現實狀況與輿論環境，本文認為民國時期，太虛法師主導的佛教革新運動是佛教現代化轉型的標誌。

清末民初時期，近代佛教處於由千年歷史大變局與東西方文化交融的坐標體系中重新定位的關鍵時期。在社會大變革時代，佛教作為舊文明的代表和縮影，面臨嚴峻的生存危機，而危機的升級伴則隨著輿論的推波助瀾。佛教在近代淪為主流輿論攻擊的對象，就此而言，近代佛教革新運動的基本目標便是融入現代化潮流，完成從逆主流輿論到主流輿論的轉變。

而這一目標無法通過晚清時期以康有為、梁啓超為代表的知識精英而實現，因為他們引導的復興思潮是以傳統佛教為武器而抵御精神危機，也就是在傳統輿論譜系中重新定位佛教。但是近代佛教的轉型是使佛教融入於新的輿論場中。事實上，這一復興運動是由太虛大師發起，以《海潮音》的創刊為標誌。此次佛教復興運動是“新文化運動在佛教領域的延伸”，是“社會文化大變革的縮影”。

太虛大師主動順應當時崇新的主流觀念，並且與舊蔽制割裂，樹立起鑄造新文化的旗幟。他展示了佛教的新形象，至今仍引領著當代漢傳佛教發展的方向。由此可知，太虛大師成功設計了使佛教融入主流輿論的路徑，指明佛教現代轉型的核心內容。

In modern Chinese Buddhism, there were two major revolutionary movements, one in the late Qing Dynasty and the other in the Republic period. By examining the realities and public opinion of these two revolutionary movements, this paper argues that the Buddhist revolutionary movement led by Venerable Master Taixu during the Republic period was a symbol of the modernization and transformation of Buddhism.

During the late Qing and early Republic periods, modern Buddhism was in a critical period of repositioning itself in the coordinate system of the great change in the history of the millennium and the fusion of Eastern and Western cultures. In the era of great social changes, Buddhism, as the representative and epitome of the old civilization, faced a severe existential crisis, and the escalation of the crisis was accompanied by the push and pull of public opinion. In modern times, Buddhism has become an object of attack by mainstream public opinion. In this regard, the basic goal of the modern Buddhist renewal movement is to integrate into the trend of modernization and to complete the transformation from counter-mainstream public opinion to mainstream public opinion.

This goal could not be realized by the intellectual elites of the late Qing Dynasty, represented by Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao, because they led the revival of thinking by using traditional Buddhism as a weapon to resist the spiritual crisis, that is to say, repositioning Buddhism in the traditional spectrum of public opinion. But the transformation of modern Buddhism is to integrate Buddhism into the new field of public opinion. In fact, this revival movement was initiated by Master Taixu and marked by the founding of Haichaoyin. This revival of Buddhism was “an extension of the New Culture Movement in the field of Buddhism” and “epitomized the great social and cultural changes”.

Master Taixu took the initiative to conform to the prevailing concepts of the time, and to break away from the old system, setting up a banner for the creation of a new culture. He presented a new image of Buddhism that still leads the direction of contemporary Chinese Buddhism. From this it can be seen that Master Taixu successfully devised a path to integrate Buddhism into mainstream public opinion, pointing out the core of Buddhism’s modern transformation.
SHI Shang, Capital Normal University
石尚, 首都師範大學
莫高窟第285窟新論
Re-thinking Cave 285 in Mogao Grottoes

莫高窟第285窟創修於西魏大統四年（538）前，此窟在石窟性質、繪畫風格和題材上的新意一向為學界所重。本文第一部分將梳理該窟第一種畫風與敦煌北魏晚期藝術間的關係，並以新出土材料論證第二種畫風與洛陽乃至南朝繪畫的密切關係。本文第二部分將聚焦南壁《五百盲賊得眼》故事畫，指出中落目、蓮台、盆花等細節體現了畫師的獨特理解，從法眼、漸頓、定慧等角度加以詮釋。

本研究希望對石窟壁畫藝術的樣式風格方法進行反思。首先，畫法和圖式具有比宗教屬性更廣泛的共性，佛教壁畫、墓葬美術等作品皆可相通比較，這也是佛教中國化在繪畫方面的體現。其次，繪畫作品具有自身的“藝術意志”，在樣式風格的研究方法下尤需關注每件作品的個性，並優先考慮宗教藝術在自身語境之下的意涵。

Cave 285 in the Mogao Grottoes was created and renovated in the fourth year of the Datong era of the Western Wei Dynasty (538 AD)西魏大統四年. The novelty of this cave in terms of cave , painting style, and subject matter has always been highly regarded by academia. The first part of this paper will examine the relationship between the first painting style of this cave and the art of the late Northern Wei Dynasty in Dunhuang, and use newly unearthed materials to argue for the close relationship between the second painting style and the painting styles of Luoyang and even the Southern Dynasties. The second part of this paper will focus on the narrative painting “Five Hundred Robbers” on the south wall, pointing out that details such as the fallen eyes, the lotus footstool, and the basin of flowers reflect the painter’s unique understanding, and interpreting it from the perspectives inside Buddhism understanding.

This study aims to reflect on the form-stylistic樣式 methods of mural art in caves. Firstly, painting techniques and patterns have a broader commonality beyond religious attributes, and comparisons can be made with Buddhist murals, tomb art, and other works, which also reflect the transformation of Buddhism painting in East Aisa. Secondly, artistic works have their own “Kunst-wollen “, and under the research method of form-stylistic analysis, attention should also be paid to the individuality of each work, and priority should be given to the significance of religious art within its context.
Xingpu SHI, Minnan Buddhist College
釋性普，閩南佛學院
常凱法師的佛教醫學防治思想研究：中古時期漢地宗教實踐與佛教疑偽經
A Study on Master Changkai’s Thoughts of Buddhist Medical Prevention and Treatment

常凱法師於海外弘法、行醫濟世50余載，被學者列入閩南著名僧醫之中。據考證，法師一生的佛門行誼大分為“國內積澱期”和“海外弘法期”。本文通過梳理法師在國內受學儒典、紹承崇福家風、參學名山禪院等文獻，探究其佛教醫學思想的淵源。進而，著重從他赴新加坡發展佛教慈善、文化、教育等事業，力證法師是以醫方明作為踐行菩薩道的一種權巧方便。由此推論，法師是以佛教醫學的防治理論為基石，並將匯通中西醫學的理念，應用到臨床診療以及預防保健當中。此外，透過分析法師參加“上海僧侶救護隊”、赴海外仍關心鄉梓佛教事業建設等，彰顯其強烈的愛國護教情懷。總之，通過本課題的研究，以期能為常凱法師之佛教醫學防治思想的研究領域，增添一點理論上的借鑒意義；也對探索閩南與新加坡的佛教醫療、文化交流方面，提供一分史料價值。

Venerable Chang Kai has been practicing Dharma and medicine overseas for more than 50 years, and has been listed by scholars as one of the famous monks and doctors in Southern Fujian. According to the evidence, Venerable Changkai’s lifetime of Buddhist practice is divided into “domestic accumulation period” and “overseas Dharma propagation period”. This paper explores the origins of the Venerable Master’s Buddhist medical thinking by combing through the literature of his study of the Confucian canon, his inheritance of the Chongfu Vinaya tradition, and his study at famous mountain monasteries. It then focuses on the fact that he went to Singapore to develop Buddhist charities, culture, and education to prove that the Venerable Master used medical prescription as a means of practicing the Bodhisattva Way. From this, it can be deduced that the Venerable Master has taken the prevention and treatment theories of Buddhist medicine as the cornerstone, and applied the concepts of integrating Chinese and Western medicine to clinical treatment and preventive health care. In addition, by analyzing the Venerable Master’s participation in the “Shanghai Monks’ Ambulance Corps” and his concern for the construction of the Buddhist cause in his hometown even when he went overseas, his strong patriotic feelings for the protection of Buddhism are evident. In conclusion, through the research of this topic, we hope to add a little theoretical reference to the research field of Venerable Changkai’s Buddhist medical and preventive thinking, and also to provide a historical value to the exploration of the Buddhist medical and cultural exchanges between Southern Fujian and Singapore.
SONG Donggyu, University of Tokyo
宋東奎，東京大學
Buddhism in Reverse Flow: A Case Study of Hamon
佛教逆向流動——《破文》案例研究

This presentation aims to depart from the unidirectional transmission perspective of “China → (Korean Peninsula) → Japan” which is still prevalent in the understanding of East Asian Buddhism, and instead reveal the dynamics of mutual influence and development of ideas among these three regions. A notable document within this context is the text Hamon (『破文』, 997). This document was written in response to a request made by Yuanqing 源清 (-995-), a scholar from the Song Dynasty, for a critique of his own work, the Kangyōso-kenyōki (『觀經疏顯要記』), which he sent to Mount Hiei 比叡山 in Japan. Genshin 源信 (942-1017) refuted the first volume of the Kangyōso-kenyōki, while Kakuun 覺運 (953-1007) refuted the second volume, resulting in the creation of the Hamon. The structure of the Hamon consists of eleven sections in the upper volume and ten sections in the lower volume, totaling twenty-one Hamon(confutation). Hamon can be considered an important example of Buddhism experiencing reverse flow, as it originated from a request for intellectual exchange from China, rather than solely for texts. Through the study of the Hamon, we can gain insights into how the East Asian regions interacted and developed their respective ideas from the 10th to the 12th centuries.

本次報告的目的是對“中國→（朝鮮半島）→日本”的單向傳播提出質疑——該觀點在理解東亞佛教時仍然占主導地位，並揭示這三個地區之間相互影響和思想發展的動態。在此問題上最具典型意義的文獻是《破文》（997）。《破文》是應宋代學者源清（-995-）的請求而寫的。源清將其著作《觀經疏顯要記》送到日本的比叡山徵集意見。源信（942-1017）駁斥了《觀無量壽經顯要記》的第一卷，而覺運（953-1007）則駁斥了第二卷，這些駁論最終形成了《破文》。《破文》包括上卷十一節和下卷十節，共計二十一篇破文（駁論）。《破文》是證明佛教逆向流動的一個重要案例。因為它源於中國方面對知識交流的訴求，而非對文獻本身的訴求。通過對《破文》進行研究，我們可以瞭解10到12世紀之間東亞各地區是如何相互交流並發展其各自的思想的。
SUN Qi, Shandong University
孫齊, 山東大學
《加句靈驗佛頂尊勝陀羅尼記》的文本旅行
Textual Travels of ‘The Records of the Enlarged and Proved Version of Uṣṇīṣa Vijaya Dhāraṇī’

隨著《佛頂尊勝陀羅尼經》在唐代的譯出和流行，也出現了多種相關的靈驗記，曾經慧琳編輯的《加句靈驗佛頂尊勝陀羅尼記》就是這些靈驗故事的一部彙編。目前公佈的日本石山寺本，顯示出它在9世紀經由渤海國傳入了日本，並因此得以保存。雖然此書目前在中國已經亡佚，但在唐代和遼代的多種經幢、塔銘上，還保留下其中部分篇章。此外，北宋之後，此書又被改編成《勸善書》得以流傳，並被南宋中期的《玉皇本行集經》改造出了道教的版本。《加句靈驗佛頂尊勝陀羅尼記》的傳播不僅是跨載體的，也是跨地域的，同時還是跨宗教的，展示了8世紀以降《佛頂尊勝陀羅尼經》多元多樣的流布和演生。

With the translation and popularization of Uṣṇīṣa Vijaya Dhāraṇī in the Tang Dynasty came a boom of a variety of spiritual narratives, and The Records of the Enlarged and Proved Version of Uṣṇīṣa Vijaya Dhāraṇī, edited by Huilin, is a compendium of these narratives. Recently published Ishiyama Temple 石山寺manuscripts shows that the Dhāraṇī compendium was introduced to Japan from the Bohai Kingdom in the ninth century, and was thus preserved. Although this compendium has been lost in China, some of its chapters were engraved in the inscriptions of various late Tang and Liao buildings and pagodas. After the North Song Dynasty, the compendium was adapted into a Taoist version. The dissemination of The Records of the Enlarged and Proved Version of Uṣṇīṣa Vijaya Dhāraṇī is not only cross-medium, but also cross-regional and cross-religious, demonstrating the diverse transmission and evolution of the Uṣṇīṣa Vijaya Dhāraṇī since the eighth century.
WANG Lei, Sun Yat-sen University
王磊, 中山大學
中古時期《十誦律》的翻譯及文本流變
The Translation and Transmission of Shisong Lü 十誦律 in Medieval China

公元五世紀初《十誦律》的譯出，對中國佛教戒律史的發展有空前意義。然此律之翻譯經歷頗爲曲折。根據《出三藏記集》《高僧傳》等文獻，《十誦律》由弗若多羅和曇摩流支先後與鳩摩羅什合作，譯出初稿，後又經卑摩羅叉校改，經多人之手先後十餘年方告完成。對於此律之譯出，傳統上主要强調鳩摩羅什的功績，而S.797等幾件六朝敦煌寫本的發現，使我們對于卑摩羅叉在《十誦律》文本形成過程中的重要性有了新的認識。卑摩羅叉對羅什等人所譯之初稿做了非常大的改動，現今之《十誦律》文本，主體正是經卑摩羅叉校改之文本。卑摩羅叉本人在《十誦律》的傳播上也發揮了重要作用。而從現存宋代以後不同刊本藏經收錄的《十誦律》文本及經錄等資料可知，在宋代刊本藏經出現之前的中古寫本時代，《十誦律》文本結構在不斷發生變化，不同的寫本分卷有參差，卷數多寡有不同，“毗尼序”在文本中的位置也不斷游移。這也成爲我們觀察寫本時代文本流動性及當時書籍史發展的絕佳例證。

The translation of the Shisong lü 十誦律 in the early 5th century had unprecedented significance for the development of the history of Buddhist Vinaya in China. However, the translation process of this Vinaya was quite complicated. According to texts such as the Chu sanzang jiji 出三藏記集 and the Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳, the Shisong lü was initially translated by Puṇyatāra and Dharmaruciin collaboration with Kumārajīva, producing a first draft. This draft was later revised by Vimalakṣa, and it took more than ten years and the efforts of many individuals to complete the translation.

Traditionally, the main emphasis has been placed on Kumārajīva’s contributions to the translation of this Vinaya. However, the discovery of several Six Dynasties manuscripts from Dunhuang, such as S.797, has given us new insights into the significant role of Vimalakṣa in the formation of the Shisong lü text. Vimalakṣa made substantial changes to the initial draft translated by Kumārajīva and others. The present text of the Shisong lü is primarily based on the version revised by Vimalakṣa. Vimalakṣa himself also played an important role in the dissemination of the Shisong lü.

Furthermore, from the texts of the Shisong lü included in various Song Dynasty and later printed editions of the Buddhist canon, as well as from bibliographic records, it is evident that during the manuscript period before the appearance of the Song printed canon, the structure of the Shisong lü text was continuously changing. Different manuscripts had variations in the number of volumes, the division of the text, and the placement of the “Pini xü” 毗尼序 within the text. This serves as an excellent example for observing the fluidity of texts during the manuscript era and the development of book history at that time.
WANG Qingwei, Stele Forest or Beilin Museum
王慶衛, 西安碑林
再論北魏魏文朗造像的刊刻年代及其背景
The Date and Background of the Engraving of the Wei Wenlang 魏文朗 Statue in the Northern Wei Dynasty

關於北魏魏文朗造像的刊刻年代，學界主要有兩種意見，一種觀點以為其年代在始光元年（424），另一種觀點認為其年代在公元500—514年之間。本文通過分析魏文朗造像的藝術風格和銘文的文字書寫，指出其刊刻年代為「始道元年」，「始道」並不是傳統意義上的帝王年號，而是具有道教思想的特殊紀年，實際年代為景明元年（500）。造像銘文中的「始道」年號，是北魏時期政治觀念和佛道關係的直接呈現。

Regarding the date of the engraving of the Wei Wenlang 魏文朗 statue in the Northern Wei Dynasty, there are two main opinions in the academic circles, one of which is that it was engraved in the first year of Shiguang 始光 (424), and the other is that it was engraved in the period between 500 and 514 AD. By analyzing the artistic style of the Wei Wenlang statue and the writing of the inscription, this paper points out that the date of its carving is the first year of Shidao 始光, which is not an imperial year in the traditional sense, but a special year with the idea of Daoism, and the actual date is the first year of Jingming 景明 era (500). The Shidao year number in the inscription of the statue is a direct representation of the political concepts and the relationship between Buddhism and Daoism in the Northern Wei Dynasty.
WANG Xuemei, Xibei University
王雪梅, 西北大學
宗密「會通」思想對佛教現代化的方法論啓示
The methodological enlightenment of Zongmi’s Huitong thought to Buddhism modernization

宗密是禪宗菏澤神會的四傳弟子，又是華嚴宗五祖，是中國佛教史上少有的禪、教兼任的祖師，也是中國哲學思想史上有數的思想家之一，「會通」是其思想和方法特出之處。宗密對儒道二家以及佛教內部的宗派均提出批評指摘，並以「真心」會通世間出世間的各派宗教、各派哲學、各派佛教的差異。宗密提出的「會通」，其內容不僅以佛融儒道，也有佛教內部各宗派的融合，是「全揀全收」式的「會通」。宗密之前及他的時代也多有主張融合、和會之說，唯宗密的「會通」之論更具哲學思辨的基底，有著高度的理論與方法自覺。宗密「會通」的具體方法即宗密「會通」「三段式」，總是先一一「敘」（敘述、記敘）之，然後進行「判」（評判/辨明）各家深淺得失，最後「會歸」正義。宗密的「會通」思想，不僅概念明晰，而且邏輯自洽，其「統攝諸宗，融合內外」「消融性及包容性的示範功能」，不僅推動佛教中國化也對今天的佛教現代化有著方法論的啓示。

Zongmi is the fourth disciple of the Heze Shenhui of Chan Buddhism, and the fifth ancestor of Huayan Buddhism in the history of Chinese Buddhism. Zongmi’s Yuanren lun is an introduction to Buddhism with a large pattern and structure. In this essay he criticized Confucianism and Daoism, Buddhism’s ren–tian–chen etc, and finally attributing it to the Perfect Teaching. Zongmi had integrated the differences between the various schools in Yuanren lun. Zongmi had advocated integration, and take the zhenxin as the origin of the universe, society, and human beings (beings). Zongmi believed that zhenxin is the true essence of the universe and society. The exploration of the original human being is truly completed only when it reaches the zhenxin. Yuanren lun refuted Confucianism, Daoism and the non-perfect teachings within Buddhism (Rentian Teaching, Hinayana Teaching, etc.). Zongmi’s theory of Huitong was more based on philosophical speculation and had a high degree of theoretical and methodological consciousness. The specific method of “xu 叙” is always to “describe” (narration, narration) one by one, and then to “pan 判” (judge/distinguish) the gains and losses of each family, and finally to huigui 會歸, that is, huitong 會通 and “three-stage form”. Zongmi’s huitong thought, which “overcomes all religions and integrates inside and outside” and its “disintegrating and inclusive demonstration function”, has methodological implications for promoting the Sinicization and modernization of Buddhism.
WANG Zhaoguo / Ven. Dingyuan, Shanghai Normal University
王招國 / 定源, 上海師範大學
宗曉《樂邦遺稿》的編纂刊行與新見佚文考述
An Examination of the Edition and Publication of Zongxiao’s Lebang Yigao and Its Newly Discovered Passages

《樂邦遺稿》作為南宋宗曉淨土教文獻匯編的作品之一，是繼《樂邦文類》之後而作。此書初稿本完成於嘉泰四年，開禧元年定稿。定稿當年，由錢塘信士楊子默與其家人出資刊刻，為一卷本。約四十年後，此一卷本與五卷本《樂邦文類》合刊，並經由入宋僧圓爾東傳日本。至明代，此書又經南京天界寺祖住重刊，現中國台灣國家圖書館所藏即為此本。長期以來，我們瞭解的《樂邦遺稿》均以《續藏經》第107冊和《大正藏》第47冊所收本為據。這兩種文本乃由日本元䘵十七年刻本錄文而成。此刻本難稱善本，其中不僅脫落了六篇文字，還失收了一篇當年楊子默為該書所寫的跋文。根據現存祖住重刊本以及新發現的一種元䘵十七年刻本卷末補抄的文字，可以補足這六篇佚文，但楊子默跋文則僅見於後者補抄的文字，我們推斷此跋文或抄自日本招提寺所藏源自宋代的文本。這些文字的發現，可以還原《樂邦遺稿》舊貌，為今後研究此書提供了新史料。

The Lebang yigao 樂邦遺稿, a compilation of Pure Land Buddhism literature by Zongxiao from the Southern Song Dynasty, was created following the earlier compilation of Lebang Yigao. The initial draft was completed in the fourth year of the Jiatai period and finalized in the first year of the Kaixi period. In the same year, it was published as a single volume, funded by Yang Zimo, a lay Buddhist from Qiantang, along with his family. Approximately forty years later, this single volume was republished alongside the five-volume Lebang wenlei 樂邦文類 and transmitted to Japan by the monk Eenni 圓爾 during his visit to Song China.

During the Ming Dynasty, Zuzhu of Tianjie Temple in Nanjing reprinted this work, and a copy of that edition is currently held by the National Taiwan Library. For many years, our understanding of the Lebang yigao has relied on the versions included in the 107th volume of the Xu zangjing and the 47th volume of the Taisho Tripitaka. These versions were based on a Japanese edition printed in the 17th year of the Genroku 元䘵 period, which is not an accurate representation of the original work, as it omitted six essays and Yang Zimo’s postscript.

With the existing reprinted edition from Zuzhu and additional passages found in a newly discovered manuscript of the Genrokuprinted edition, we can now supplement the six missing essays and the omitted postscript. We speculate that this postscript may have been copied from a Song Dynasty edition preserved at Shōtoku-ji Temple in Japan. The discovery of these texts allows us to restore the Lebang yigao to its original form and provides valuable historical materials for future research on this work.
WEI Bin, Wuhan University
魏斌, 武漢大學
北朝家族與村落軍人群體
Buddhist Military Community from Villages in Northern Qi Dynasty

永嘉之亂以後的華北，地方軍事化和豪強武裝的興起是一個突出現象。由此帶來的重視軍事技能的風氣，一直延續到北朝後期。這種風氣的背後，是“武藝”作為一種社會生存技能意義的凸顯。本文打算以造像記為中心，梳理一個小區域空間的史料群，對生活於其中的村落家族、“武藝之士”和軍人群體進行探討，在此基礎上嘗試進一步從總體視野中觀察北朝時代地方家族的延續、軍事參與和榮耀記憶等問題。

After the disaster of Yongjia, the rise of local militarization and the emergence of armed forces of local bullies in North China was prominent. This led to a culture that valued military skills, which continued until the late Northern Dynasties. Behind this culture was the prominence of “martial arts” as a social survival skill. Focusing on inscriptions, this paper intends to organize a group of historical materials in a small region and to discuss the rural families, “martial artists”, and military groups living in it. On this basis, it attempts to further observe the continuation of northern local families, military participation, and the memory of glory during the Northern Dynasties period from an overall perspective.
WU Hao, Harvard University
吳昊, 哈佛大學
Shiva in a Buddhist Temple: The Transmission and Ritualized Reuse of Hindu Art in 13th-15th Century Quanzhou, China
濕婆立於佛寺——13至15世紀印度教藝術在泉州的傳播與儀式化再利用

“Every year, merchants of diverse ethnicities arrived in Quanzhou by sea, bringing with them a myriad of precious commodities such as ivories, rhinoceros horns, tortoise shells and et cetera.”—This vivid depiction is extracted from Fangyu Shenglan 方輿勝覽, a geography book from the Southern Song period. This historical account illustrates a vibrant picture of Quanzhou as a bustling and culturally diverse port city. By the early Southern Song period, Quanzhou surpassed Guangzhou and became the largest port in China, attracting merchants from Asia, Europe, and Africa, along with their diverse cultures and religions. At the heart of this cosmopolitan city lies the Kaiyuan Temple. Within this Buddhist temple, several artifacts exhibiting unequivocal Hindu features have been found. The presence of these artifacts within the temple serves as a testament to the complex interconnectedness of cultures brought by maritime trade. This paper is structured around three key questions regarding these Hindu artifacts: (1) WHAT are the Hindu artifacts in the temple; (2) WHERE did these artifacts come from; (3) HOW were these artifacts received and ritually incorporated into Kaiyuan Temple. By analyzing the iconography and unravelling the origins of these artifacts, this paper seeks to elucidate the ritualized reuse of these exotic Hindu artifacts within the local Buddhist landscape.

“諸蕃有黒白二種，皆居泉州，號蕃人巷。每嵗以大舶浮海徃來，致象犀玳瑁珠璣玻璃瑪瑙異香胡椒之屬。” 這幅生動的描繪取自南宋時期的地理著作《方輿勝覽》，記載了泉州作為一個熱鬧而文化多元的港口城市的景象。在南宋早期，泉州超越了廣州，成為中國最大的港口，吸引了來自亞洲、歐洲和非洲的商人，隨之而來的是多樣的文化和宗教。開元寺就處於這座國際城市的中心。在這座佛教寺廟裡，發現了一些帶有印度教特徵的文物。這些文物在佛寺內的存在，反映了海上貿易中複雜的文化交流。本文擬从三個相關問題展開：(1) 辨識開元寺內的印度教文物；(2) 還原這些文物的來源；(3) 探討這些文物是如何被接受並被儀式性地融入開元寺的。通過分析圖像和揭示這些文物的來源，本文旨在闡明這些異教文物如何在泉州當地佛教景觀中被儀式化再利用的問題。
WU Shaowei, Shandong University
武紹衛, 山東大學
皇后的祈福：敦煌本武后抄经所见宫廷抄经签署及制作流程
The Empress’s Blessing: The Signing and Production Process of Court Sutra Transcription as Seen in the Sutra of Empress Wu Caved in Dunhuang

敦煌藏经洞保存了五十多份武后发愿抄写的《法华经》和《金刚经》。对这批写经卷尾的抄经列位表的研究，可以大致复原中古时期皇家抄经制度背后的制度性逻辑，以及这套制度流程过程中不同环节的实际功用；而对经文正文内容的核检，可以清晰地看到抄手在出现错误时的种种应对措施，同时也可以总结出当时验收抄经的方法和标准以及漏洞。这些工作对了解中古时期的抄经制度以及制度运行过程中的具体效果都有重要意义。

More than 50 copies of the Lotus Sutra and the Diamond Sutra, which were made by Empress Wu, are preserved in the Dunhuang Sutra Cave. The study of the list of transcribing scriptures at the end of the scroll can roughly restore the transcribing system in the Middle Ages. In the examination of the text content of the scriptures, we can clearly see the various countermeasures in the case of mistakes, and at the same time, we can also summarize the methods, standards and loopholes of the checking routine.
WU Yu, South China Normal University
吳羽, 華南師范大學
建築景觀與家國之變——明末清初的峽山飛來寺
Architectural Landscapes and Changes in Families and Country：Xieshan 峡山 Feilai Temple 飛來寺 in the late Ming and Early Qing Dynasties

飛來寺在清遠北禺山下江畔，距清遠縣城三十里，是官、民、商、使北上韶關、南下廣州、西通廣西的必經之地，多名人題詠，有諸多傳說，人文景觀獨特。明中期以來，清遠本地豪族進入禺峽山居，著意營造各種景觀，使飛來寺成為本地士紳、寺僧與外交往的中心之一。萬曆三十五年（1607），山洪爆發，建築盡毀。鄉紳朱學熙承父、叔舊業，與寺僧聯繫官紳商民，復舊建新，刻石題詠，廣邀名流，來往唱和，人文建築景觀尤勝往昔。清初佟養甲、李成棟入粵，朱學熙等呼應其師陳邦彥抗清，兵敗自縊，闔家罹難，飛來寺僧人死逃略盡。平南王尚可喜入廣，在飛來寺駐兵以扼要衝，兵丁拆寺院以賣木取財，景觀蕩然。之後尚可喜父子為穩定廣東局勢，安撫本地遺民，大規模興復佛寺，変飛來寺為廣州長壽寺下院，命釋真修等重建了飛來寺的一些建築及其周邊的道路，飛來寺進入廣州長壽寺下院時代。康熙十七年（1678）頃，從越南載貨歸來，與陳邦彥的後人、學生交好的名僧石濂大汕入主長壽寺，著力經營飛來寺，漸復舊觀，甚至恢復了一些朱學熙所建景觀，飛來寺成為曹洞宗覺浪道盛——石濂大汕一系法脈傳承重地。康熙五十二年（1713），沈陽人孫繩祖為清遠知縣，與石濂大汕的法嗣興顯等又重新修建了一些建築景觀，有意清除了朱学熙的影響。飛來寺是越南使節經廣東、湖南入京的必經之路，故在越南使臣文學和越南文人形象的營造中具有較大影響；大汕又與越南禪宗關係密切，飛來寺隨之與澳門普濟禪院及越南的禪宗關係密切。明末清初峽山飛來寺建築景觀的興廢，集中反映了明清大变時國家、地方、佛教的互動與變遷，也是此时廣東與東南亞佛教交往的重要一角。

Feilai Temple 飛來寺 was located fifteen kilometers away from Qingyuan 清遠 county town, Guangdong Province, on the riverside at the foot of North Yu Mountain 北禺山. It was at the crossroad for people travelling north to Shaoguan 韶關, south to Guangzhou, and westward to Guangxi. The temple was a unique cultural landscape, and was the subject of many local legends and famous individuals’ inscriptions. Beginning in the mid-Ming Dynasty, powerful local families in Qingyuan began to build various architectural landscapes around Feilai Temple. This made Feilai Temple one of the centers for local gentry and monks to make contact with the outside world.

A torrential flood destroyed Feilai Temple and the buildings around it in 1607. Zhu Xuexi 朱學熙, a famous member of the gentry in Qingyuan, had inherited his father and uncle’s career. Along with the monks in Feilai Temple, he contacted officials, nobles, and merchants, and they rebuilt the buildings of Feilai Temple. Zhu Xuexi constructed many new artistic landscapes too. Tong Yangjia 佟養甲 and Li Chengdong 李成棟, Qing military generals, entered Guangdong in the early Qing Dynasty. Zhu Xuexi and his teacher Chen Bangyan 陳邦彥 died resisting the Qing army, and all Zhu Xuexi‘s family members perished. Almost all the monks of Feilai Temple escaped or died. Shang Kexi 尚可喜 later entered Guangdong. He stationed troops in Feilai Temple to occupy the strategic transportation hub. Those soldiers demolished the buildings of Feilai Temple in order to sell the wood. Almost all its architectural landscapes had been destroyed. Later on, in order to stabilize the social order and comfort the local people, Shang Kexi ordered Shi Zhenxiu 釋真修 to rebuild some buildings and the surrounding roads of Feilai Temple. However, the temple still looked shabby, and later became a subordinate temple of Changshou Temple長壽寺 in Guangzhou. The famous monk Shilian Dazhan 石濂大汕, who was friendly with Chen Bangyan’s descendants and students, took charge of Changshou Temple. He restored Feilai Temple and some of the architectural landscapes built by Zhu Xuexi around 1678. In 1713, Sun Shengzu 孫繩祖 served as the county magistrate of Qingyuan and rebuilt some of the architectural landscapes with Xingxian 興顯, who was a disciple of Shilian Dazhan, while intentionally removing some of Zhu Xuexi’s influence.

Shilian Dashan and his disciples were connected to Chan/Thiền Buddhism in Vietnam. Feilai Temple was an important location for Vietnamese envoys to go to Beijing through Guangdong and Hunan, and therefore had a great influence on the literature of Vietnamese envoys and the creation of the image of Vietnamese literati. The rise and fall of architectural landscapes of Feilai Temple reflected the interaction and changes of the state, local communities, and Buddhism during the great changes of the Ming and Qing Dynasties, and it was also an important part of Buddhist exchange between Guangdong and Southeast Asia at that time.
YANG Baoyu, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
楊寶玉, 中國社會科學院
敦煌文書中所存赴印或來華僧人行記述要
Travel Journals in Dunhuang Manuscripts by Monks Travelling between India and China

1900年開啓的敦煌藏經洞中保存有數萬件形成於公元4-11世紀的各類文書，其中數量尚稱可觀的赴印或來華僧人行記、狀牒對於研究中古時期的佛教傳播史、中印交往史等課題具有相當重要的意義。本文主要以敍録形式集中揭示相關文書的現存狀況及其整理與研究現狀。略分“赴印或來華僧人行記”、“與僧人往來有關的狀牒願文等”两大部類。行記既涉及傳世文獻中留有傳本的《大唐西域記》、《南海寄歸内法傳》，也包括僅見於敦煌文書的《慧超往五天竺國傳》、《西天路竟》、《聖地遊記》、《印度行記》、《中印度普化大師巡禮五臺山日誌》等。狀牒願文的數量與名目多而駁雜，内容牽涉更廣。文末亦簡要探討了相關文書的史料價值與研究意義等。作者期待本文能爲感興趣的學者提供資料便利，並吁請同好展開進一步探究。

The Dunhuang Library Cave, discovered in 1900, preserves tens of thousands of various documents formed between the 4th and 11th century AD. Among them, a considerable number of travel notes and memorial notes of monks who went to India or came to China are of great significance for studying the history of Buddhist missionary and Sino Indian communication in the Middle Ages. This article focuses on revealing the preservation status and research status of the above mentioned documents. These documents can roughly be classified into two categories: “Travel Notes of Monks Going to India or Coming to China” and “Petitions and Vows Related to Monk Tour “. The travel notes involve not only Report of the regions west of Great Tang and A Record of the Buddhist Religion as Practiced in India and the Malay Archipelago left in the handed down literature, but also Biography of Hui Chao to Five Tianzhu Countries, Journey to the Holy Land, Travel Notes to India, and Log of the Indian Puhua Masters’ Tour of Mount Wutai, which are exclusively found in Dunhuang manuscripts. The quantity and types of the petition and vow texts are even more diverse and massive. The article ends with a brief discussion of the historical value and research significance of these documents. The author sincerely hopes that this article can provide reference and convenience for similarly interested scholars and calls on further explorations.
YING Lei, Amherst College
應磊, 安默斯特學院
The “Truth” and the “World”: Taixu’s Quest for a Buddhist Universalism
「真理」與「世界」——太虛對佛教普世主義的追尋

Taixu’s (1890–1947) world mission has earned the modern Chinese Buddhist reformer glowing accolades as well as searing criticisms. This study presents a reappraisal of Taixu’s insistence on recalibrating the Buddhist “truth” in, to, and for the modern “world.” What does (Chinese) Mahāyāna Buddhism look like, if it is to live up to its own universalistic promise in a real world of competing truth claims, evangelical missions, and power struggles? Taixu’s sustained efforts at worlding the Dharma were anchored in this question, which remains unexplored regardless of whether one approves or not of Taixu’s global ambitions. Situating Taixu in a broader context of successive and overlapping quests for egalitarianism and universalism in modern China, this study underscores a Buddhist horizon of meaning shared by radical thinkers such as Kang Youwei (1858–1927), Tan Sitong (1865–1898), Zhang Taiyan (1869–1936), and Taixu. It rediscovers Taixu’s innovation in forging a global Buddhist fellowship amid surging nationalistic zeal in and beyond China.

太虛的世界佛教運動爲這位現代漢傳佛教改革家同時贏得了崇高讚譽和尖銳批評。對於太虛堅持以/為現代「世界」重新度量佛教「真理」，本文試圖做出重新評估。倘若（漢傳）大乘佛教要在一個義旨、宣教和權力激烈競爭的世界中實現其普世性的承諾，那麼它應該是何面貌？太虛將佛法世界化的不懈努力正植根於這一問題。縱覽現行研究，無論人們是否認可太虛的寰球弘法抱負，這一問題始終未獲正視。本文將太虛置於現代中國對平等和普世主義的前仆後繼的追求這一更廣闊的歷史語境下，凸顯康有爲、譚嗣同、章太炎和太虛等激進思想家共通的佛教視野。在一個中國內外民族主義高漲的時代，太虛推動全球佛教徒聯誼的努力深具創新精神。
YU Chun, Northwest University
于春, 西北大學
玉文化與佛像的融合——以北朝佛像石質變化為考察核心
The fusion of jade culture and Buddha statues——the changes in the quality of Buddha statues in the Northern Dynasties

北魏單體造像中砂岩的比例極大，與“雲岡模式”的傳播有密切關係。雲岡石窟所在山體為砂岩，易於雕刻，壁面繁縟。北魏遷洛後，開始在龍門營建石窟，其所在山體為石灰岩，俗稱“青石”或者“墨玉”，各地單體石灰岩造像逐步增多，與北魏洛陽石灰岩葬具技術一脈相承；至遲至510年代，已有蛇紋石、透閃石等中國傳統玉料運用到佛教造像中，暗示玉文化與佛教的互溶；從東、西魏開始，白色大理石逐漸被用於佛教造像，自銘為“玉像”或“白玉像”，替代了中國傳統玉料，開後世流行之先河。

A significant proportion of the free standing sculptures from the Northern Wei period are made of sandstone. This preference for sandstone is believed to be closely related to the spread of the “Yungang model” Since the cliff into which the Yungang Grottoes are carved is made of sandstone. Such stone is easy to carve and allows for intricate decorations to be carved directly from the living rock. After the Northern Wei Dynasty moved to Luoyang, they began to build the Longmen Grottoes. The cliff into which these caves are carved is formed of limestone, which is also referred to in Chinese as “blue stone” or “black jade”. The number of individual limestone statues in various regions gradually increases during this period, which was in line with the technology of limestone burial goods in Luoyang during the Northern Wei Dynasty; By the 510s at the latest, traditional Chinese jade materials such as serpentine and tremolite started to be used to carve Buddhist statues, implying the integration of jade culture and Buddhism; Starting from the Eastern and Western Wei dynasties, white marble was gradually used for Buddhist statues, as “jade statues” or “white jade statues”, replacing traditional Chinese jade materials and pioneering the trend in later generations.
YU Wei, Southeast University
于薇, 東南大學
五代兩宋“阿育王塔”的技術與觀念
Technology and Thoughts Related to the Aśokan Pagodas during the Five Dynasties Period and Song Dynasty

從五代吳越境內的寶篋印經塔到宋代兩浙及江南東路地區流行的鎏金銀阿育王塔，“阿育王塔”的技術及觀念已發生諸多改變。本項研究嘗試從中古佛教物質文化脈絡及五代兩宋時期江南地區的經濟發展兩條線索，探討所謂“阿育王塔”的技術溯源及其觀念演變。五代兩宋時期阿育王塔的定名、製作及傳播不僅是中國古代佛教藝術的經典案例，更顯示出佛教物質文化及其視覺呈現與時代、社會及區域的密切關係。

The “Stūpa of the Precious Chest Mudrā” of the Wuyue Kingdom in Five Dynasties and the gilded Silver Aśoka pagodas appeared in Liangzhe Lu and Jiangnan Dong Lu in the Song Dynasty, even they were called the same name Aśoka pagoda by contemporary scholarship, but in fact, from the technology to the concepts, they have changed in various field. Based on the material culture of Buddhism in the medieval period and the economic development of the Jingnan region during the Five Dynasties and the Song Dynasty, this study attempts to explore the technical origin of the so-called “Aśoka pagoda” and its conceptual evolution. The naming, production, and dissemination of the Aśoka pagodas during the Five Dynasties and the Song Dynasty were not only a classic example of ancient Buddhist art in China, but also demonstrated the close relationship between Buddhist material culture and its visual representation with the era, society and region.
ZHAN Ru, Peking University
湛如, 北京大學
篳路藍縷：從佛教教育到佛學院
“Driving a Cart in Ragged Clothes to Blaze a New Trail”: From Monastic Education to Buddhist Colleges

本文從民國佛教“廟產興學”的背景出發，考察佛教界從借鑒國外佛教教育到自己獨立興辦佛學院的變遷過程。這個過程可分為三個方面：首先是隨著中國寺院傳統寺學的衰弱，以及“廟產興學”運動的興起，佛教界為了重振佛教，選擇以佛教教育為切入點。其次是覺先、楊仁山、月霞等一批僧俗在參照歐美、日本、斯里蘭卡等國家f佛教教育體系的基礎上，摸索試辦佛教教育。最後是僧教育會等機構並未能保護廟產，太虛等人在繼承先人的教育理念基礎上，創辦教育僧人的佛學院。佛教從被迫興辦教育，到主動興辦僧俗兼顧的佛教教育，再到專注辦僧人教育的歷史發展，對中國近百年佛教教育格局的形成具有深遠影響。

From the background of movement of “Promoting Education Using Monastery Properties” during the Republic of China, this paper examines the process of transition in the Buddhist community from borrowing Buddhist education from abroad to independently organizing its own Buddhist colleges. This process can be divided into three stages: firstly, with the weakening of the traditional monastic studies in Chinese monasteries and the rise of the movement of “Promoting Education Using Monastery Properties”, the Buddhist community chose to revitalize Buddhism and chose to take Buddhist education as an entry point. Secondly, a group of monks and laymen, such as Juexian, Yang Renshan, Yuexia, etc., tried to organize Buddhist education on the basis of the Buddhist education system in Europe, America, Japan, Sri Lanka and other countries. Finally, institutions such as the Sangha did not protect the temple property, and Taixu and others founded Buddhist colleges to educate monks on the basis of inheriting the educational concepts of their forefathers. The historical development of Buddhism from being forced to organize education, to taking the initiative to organize Buddhist education for both monks and laymen, to focusing on the education of monks has had a profound impact on the formation of the pattern of Buddhist education in China in the past century.
Dewei Zhang, Jilin University
張德偉, 暨南大學
淺論聖嚴法師《禪門修證指要》之編纂理念
A Preliminary Investigation of the Ideas of Compiling the Chanmen Xiuzheng Zhiyao by Venerable Cheng-Yen (Zhengyan)

聖嚴法師擇取二十四篇歷代禪門重要文獻，編成了《禪門修證指要》一書以供自己和他人在修禪時參考。對此自稱“述而不作”的編著，本文嘗試討論其選擇、說明和述評在事實上所體現的一些重要觀念、其間的內在緊張、聖嚴法師有意無意的解決之道，以及遺留的問題。與此前相類性質著作如雲棲袾宏（1535－1615）《禪關策進》相似，本書確認了禪修乃修行要門，也再次確認了禪悟的超越性、真實性和優勝性。而其與《禪關策進》等著作的不同，在於強調禪門觀念與修證方式的歷史性，且自覺地呈現了其發展演化之過程。對於歷史性的強調，體現了聖嚴法師做為一名深受現代學術思潮影響且有廣泛國際視野的學僧的高度自覺和勇氣，但其與《禪關策進》等著作所隱含的禪對歷史的超越，具有一種根本性緊張。這類緊張此前已然引發胡適（1891-1962 ）與鈴木大佐（1870-1966）之間關於價值與歷史的爭論。雖然無意捲入此爭論，但是聖嚴法師以自身做為高階禪僧的修證經歷，以“有用”為標準確認了那些有著歷史性的文獻的合法性，在事實上對那種爭論做了回應。禪修依賴個人努力，悟境在本質上為個人體驗，而大乘佛教普濟眾生的菩薩精神，則要求這種本質上為私人領域的事情通過話語進入公共空間。聖嚴法師完全明白此間的必然與潛在的危險。他反覆強調文字是一種方便以及實踐的優先性，力圖掃除葛藤，但與歷代高僧一樣，其努力結果不免又使葛藤轉多一層。

On the basis of twenty-four significant pieces of Chan texts, Master Shengyan (1931-2009）complied the Chanmen xiuzheng zhiyao 禪門修證指要as a direction of Chan practice for himself and other people. The book is alleged completed by following the rule of “passing on the ancient culture without adding anything new”, but its choices, explanations, and evaluation of those texts reflect some important ideas about Chan itself as well as its practice and history. This paper aims at disclosing those unspoken ideas between lines, tensions among those accounts and evaluations, the solutions suggested by Master Shengyan, consciously or not, and the problems left unsolved. Like the Changuan cejin 禪關策進 with a similar nature that was compiled by Yunqi Zhuhong (1535-1615), the Chanmen xiuzheng zhiyao highlights the advantage of Chan practice compared with other Buddhist practices, and reconfirms the transcendence, supremacy, and authenticity of the awakening deriving from Chan practice. But it distinguishes itself from the Changuan cejin by stressing the historical nature of ideas about Chan and its practice to such a degree that it displays many of their historical developments and transformations. This new feature of acknowledging historicity embodies the admirable consciousness and courage of Master Shengyan as an eminent monk deeply affected by modern academic trainings and with a wide international view. But it unavoidably sparks a profound tension with the perceived unchangeable nature of Chan, which has been best demonstrated by the so-called “value-and-history” debates between Hu Shi (1891-1962) and Suzuki Daisetz (1870-1966). Master Shengyan had no intention to get involved in the debates, but when he justified those texts with historicity by regarding them as “useful” based on his own experiences as an advanced Chan master, he actually presented his own answer to the debate. Chan practice is essentially a private business and the state of awakening is essentially unspeakable. But partly encouraged by the spirit of Mahayana Buddhism characteristic of “saving the sentient beings”, these private matters have to enter the public field by means of language. Full aware both of the necessity and the potential risk, Master Shengyan repeatedly stressed the expedience nature of any texts and the super importance of practice in expunging the complications, but not unlike former monks’ efforts, his endeavors finally led to an additional layer of complication.
Zhang Liming, Zhejiang University
張利明, 浙江大學
僧人取經與天台中興——東陽中興寺塔出土吳越國取經圖石函研究
A Study on the Stone Reliquary with Images of Monk’s Pilgrimage of Wuyue Kingdom Unearthed from the Pagoda of Zhongxing Temple in Dongyang

天台宗的重要寺院東陽中興寺出土了一件建隆二年（961）天台德韶國師分舍利建塔時瘞藏的貼金彩繪石函，該函形制特殊，內盛《妙法蓮華經》七卷，具有經函和舍利函的雙重屬性。函身四面雕繪極為罕見的僧人取經和白象馱經圖像，意涵豐富。作為佛塔的核心瘞藏物之一，該函是吳越國分舍利建塔、海外求經、高麗諦觀奉經吳越和“天臺中興”等重大事件的直接產物和歷史見證，為認識這一時期吳越國的政治、宗教狀況以及中國與高麗之間的書籍、宗教交流提供了珍貴的考古實證。函身的取經圖曾在五代宋初江南地區廣泛流行，並影響了北宋至西夏晚期玄奘取經圖像的具體樣式,極有可能是現存最早的玄奘取經圖像。

A gilded and painted stone reliquary was unearthed from Dongyang Zhongxing Temple, an important temple of the Tiantai Sect, in the second year of the Jianlong era (961) by Master Deshao. The reliquary, which has a unique shape, contains seven volumes of the Lotus Sutra and serves a dual purpose as both a sutra and sarira reliquary. The reliquary’s four sides are carved and painted with images of monk’s pilgrimage and the six-tooth white elephants bearing sutras, each image imbued with profound symbolism. As one of the core depositories of the pagoda, the reliquary is a direct product and historical witness of the major events including the Wuyue Kingdom’s overseas search for sutras, the event in which the Koryo monk Diguan sent sutras to the Wuyue Kingdom, and the Revival of the Tiantai Sect, providing valuable archaeological evidence for understanding the political and religious landscape of the Wuyue Kingdom and the cultural and religious exchanges between China and Koryo. The images of monk’s pilgrimage were popular in the lower reaches of the Yangtze River from the Five Dynasties to the early Northern Song Dynasty, and influenced the image’s specific style of Xuanzang’s pilgrimage from the Northern Song Dynasty to the late Western Xia Dynasty, which is probably the earliest extant image of Xuanzang’s pilgrimage.
ZHANG Wenliang, Renmin University of China
張文良, 中國人民大學
太虛大師的如來藏思想述評
An Analysis of Taixu’s Thoughts on the Tathāgatagarbha

太虛的如來藏思想，集中於《大乘與人間兩般文化》、《起信論唯識釋》等論文中。其基本立場是融通如來藏思想與唯識思想，認為如來藏與阿賴耶識兩個概念是不一不異的關係。太虛從這一基本立場出發，對《楞伽經》、《勝鬘經》、《大乘起信論》、《寶性論》等經論的如來藏思想做了全新的詮釋。太虛的如來藏說是在與歐陽競無、王恩洋等圍繞如來藏思想的論爭中展開，太虛的立場與歐陽競無、王恩洋對如來藏思想的批判形成鮮明對照。從如來藏思想譜系看，太虛的如來藏說既是對唐代華嚴宗的法性宗、法相宗別立說的批判和超越，也是對明末蕅益智旭倡導的法性、法相融通思想的繼承和發展。

Taixu’s interpretation of the idea of Tathāgatagarbha is largely included in articles such as the “Dacheng yu renjian liang ban wenhua” [Two Cultures of the Mahayana Buddhism and Humanistic Buddhism] and the “Qixin lun weishi shi” [Interpretation on the Awakening of Faith from a Weishi Perspective]. His fundamental standpoint is to reconcile the thoughts of Tathāgatagarbha and Weishi, suggesting that the two are neither identical nor contradictory. Based on this viewpoint, Taixu reinterprets how the idea of Tathāgatagarbha is depicted in the Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra, the Śrīmālādevī Siṃhanāda Sūtra, the Awakening of Faith in Mahayana and the Ratnagotravibhāga. Taixu’s approach forms a clear contrast to the criticism of Ouyang Jingwu, Wang Enyang on Tathāgatagarbha thoughts. From the historical transmission of Tathāgatagarbha thoughts, Taixu’s thoughts on the Tathāgatagarbha not only criticised and surpassed the theory of dharma nature upheld by the Huayan School in the Tang Dynasty and the distinction in natures made by the Faxiang School, but also carried on the reconcile of the dharma nature and dharma characteristics, advocated by Ouyi Zhixu in the late Mind Dynasty.