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- BIAN, Huiyuan, Peking University
邊慧媛, 北京大學
Cultural Construction and National Identity in the 20th Century India: The Buddhist Path of “Indian Xuanzang”
20世纪印度的文化建构与国族认同：“印度玄奘”的佛教路径Cultural Construction and National Identity in the 20th Century India: The Buddhist Path of “Indian Xuanzang”Generated against the Western colonialism, Asianism once took Buddhism as a shared value aiming at unifying the whole Asia, and this way of thinking also spread to India and brought out a profound consequence. Based on first-handed documents such as memoirs, Hindi diaries, newspapers, letters, and related documentary materials, this article focuses on pandit Raghu Vira, an influential political-cultural celebrity during Nehru’s time, who took a three-month Buddhist expedition to China, and was given the name as “Indian Xuanzang” by Premier Zhou Enlai (周恩来). By examining his connections with Buddhism taking place across India, Europe, Japan and China, the aim of this article is to delineate the role of Buddhism in the process of constructing common memory and national identity in the 20th Century India, as well as point to the fact sadly that for present the thousand-year-long Buddhism interactions between two countries cannot benefit the current reality-oriented Sino-Indian relation, and vice versa.
因抵抗近代西方殖民而萌芽的“亚洲主义”一度将佛教视为统合亚洲的精神力量，这一思想动向同样波及了印度并产生深远影响。本文基于回忆录、印地语日记、往来书信、以及相关档案记载等一手文献，关注尼赫鲁时期重要文化政客、被周恩来称为“印度玄奘”的拉古·维拉博士跨越印、欧、日、中四地的佛教因缘，由此考察佛教在近现代印度文化建构与国族认同进程中扮演的角色，以及中印“千年文明之友”的理想主义与“政经双冷”的现实主义之间难以调和的复杂矛盾。
- CHEN Jidong, Aoyamagakuin University
陳繼東, 青山學院大學
《禪門日誦》的成立及其展開：漢傳佛教的一個歸結
The Formation and Transformation of The Daily Recitation of the Chan School: An End Result of the Evolvement of Buddhism in the Sino-sphereforthcoming
- CHEN Jinhua, University of British Columbia
陳金華, 英屬哥倫比亞大學
廟堂之高與山林之深：圍繞八世紀末會善寺戒壇復建的多重社會、政治與宗教網絡運作
The Operation of Multiple Networks behind the Re-erection of the Huishansi Vinaya-platform toward the End of the Eighth Centuryforthcoming
- CHEN Kay, Peking University
陳可, 北京大學
追寻戒律的一生——净秀尼与五世纪建康的比丘尼教团
A Life Pursuit of Precept: Bhikṣuṇī Jingxiu and Bhikṣuṇīsaṃgha in Fifth-Century Jiankang五世纪初西域和南海活跃的交通线路使得传法僧尼与佛教经本在一段时间内集中抵达建康，进而催生建康比丘尼的身份焦虑和对合法受戒的需求。在这种戒律意识驱使的重受戒风潮中，净秀尼多次受戒，并推动了尼众教团在床具和衣服上的教制改进。这种改进得益于寺院生活的集体性质。净秀的整个宗教生命均在建康最重要的尼寺中度过。中晚年的她主持经营了禅林寺，并将一部来自广州的新译律论带来建康。这些行动是律典冲击下五世纪建康教制实践变迁的缩影，同时也折射出汉地比丘尼教团成立早期崇奉印度经典的普遍心态。
Jiankang during the first half of the fifth century witnessed an influx of Buddhist missionaries and Vinaya texts from India via northern land and especially southern sea routes, which stimulated the identity crisis and craving for legitimate ordination in bhikṣuṇīsaṃgha. Among them was Jingxiu, whose consciousness of precept drove her to receive ordination repeatedly as many of her peers and strive to refine monastic regulation in bedding and clothing. For the rest of her life, she presided over Chanlin禪林 convent and facilitated transmitting a newly translated commentary on Vinaya from Guangzhou to Jiankang. Jingxiu spent her entire religious life in the most prominent convents in Jiankang, where the communal nature of cenobitic life made for her religious appeal. Her actions demonstrated how the monastic order in Jiankang transformed under the impact of Vinaya in the 5th century, meanwhile reflecting a common mindset of meticulously complying with Indian canon during the formative era of Chinse saṃgha.
- CHEN Suyu, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
陳粟裕, 中國社會科學院
從于闐《金光明最勝王經》及相關圖像看漢地與西域的雙向交流
Bidirectional Exchange between Zhongyuan and the Western Regions through the Khotan “Golden Light Sutra” and Related Images《金光明經》是一部在於闐備受尊崇的經典。目前發現的寫本主要由兩種語言寫成，一類為梵文寫本，其對應的漢譯本為曇無讖譯所《金光明經》，一類為於闐文寫本，其對應的漢譯本為義淨所譯的《金光明最勝王經》。故而段晴教授推測：唐代，實叉難陀在洛陽與義淨共同譯經時，接觸到了義淨從南海帶回的《金光明最勝王經》梵本，甚至可能將其譯成了於闐文，而後704年實叉難陀返回於闐時，將此新版的《金光明最勝王經》在於闐推廣。古老的《金光明經》在於闐流行，使得於闐佛像的雙足間常常可以看到地神的形象。而《金光明最勝王經》的翻譯與傳播，使得於闐的地神出現在了毗沙門天王乃至於闐王的足下。這種現象這正是符合《金光明最勝王經》中記錄的當比丘、比丘尼、優婆塞、優婆夷在內的「四眾說法」時，堅牢地神亦會出現，頂禮他們的雙足。The Golden Light Sutra holds a revered status in Khotan. Extant manuscripts are predominantly in two languages: Sanskrit, corresponding to the Chinese translation by Tanwuchen (a disciple of Kumārajīva) known as the “Golden Light Sutra”, and Khotanese, corresponding to the Chinese translation by Yijing known as the Golden Light Sutra. Professor Duan Qing speculates that during the Tang Dynasty, Śikṣānanda, while translating scriptures with Yijing in Luoyang, might have encountered the Sanskrit manuscript of the Golden Light Sutra, brought back by Yijing from the South Sea. There is a possibility that Śikṣānanda translated it into Khotanese. When Śikṣānanda returned to Khotan in 704 CE, he may have propagated this new version of the new Golden Light Supreme Sutra there. The ancient Golden Light Sutra became popular in Khotan, leading to depictions of local deities Bhūmi between the feet of Khotanese Buddha statues. The translation and dissemination of the new Golden Light Sutra resulted in Khotanese local deities appearing under the feet of Viśvakarman and even Khotanese kings. This phenomenon aligns with the records in the new Golden Light Sutra that when the “Fourfold Assembly” of monks, nuns, laymen, and laywomen preaches the Dharma, local deities Bhūmi firmly appear, venerating their feet. - CHEN Zhinan, University of Washington
陳芷南，華盛頓大學
Dunhuang Manuscripts and Monasteries —A Study of Material Vestiges of Three Buddhist Monasteries in Medieval DunhuangBuddhist monasteries have always been an enduring presence in the Chinese landscape since Buddhism started to flourish in the early medieval period. The discovery of the Dunhuang grottoes and the artifacts deposited there have greatly enriched our understanding of Buddhist monasteries, both as the spiritual authority and main actor in the religious realm and as a key player in geo-political affairs and economic engagements, around the Dunhuang area from the eighth to twelfth centuries. During this period, Buddhist monasteries figured prominently in the material world of the area in two ways: 1) the way in which their physical presence as architectural complexes demarcating the changing boundary between religious and secular public spheres; 2) the way in which they became deeply involved in the production, transmission, curation, consumption, and disposal of material artifacts. Some isolated aspects of the material footprint left by Dunhuang Buddhist monasteries have been subjected to serious studies. For my part, I propose to examine three Dunhuang Buddhist monasteries, namely Bao’en si, Yongkang si, and Longxing si, as a set, in order 1) to trace out their once imposing, and yet, evanescent external physical imprints in the landscape, as well as their internal compartmentation of different faculties of the monastery system; and 2) to outline their somewhat obscure nevertheless enduring presence in the production and transmission of material artifacts, in particular manuscripts. What initially brought these three monasteries to my attention as a set is manuscript P.2727, which appears to be an inventory of Buddhist canonical texts collectively owned by the monasteries. Using this as a starting point, I plan to comb through Dunhuang manuscripts and other material artifacts bearing known connection to any one of the three monasteries, whether it simply refers to the monastery by name or identifies it in a more specific way. This is to be supplemented by any relevant transmitted texts as well as contemporaneous tomb inscriptions that previous scholars have adumbrated. With this array of textual and material attestations, I will be able to flash out a multi-dimensional picture of manuscripts and their associated monastic scriptoriums in the material world of medieval Dunhuang.
- CHEN Zhiyuan, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
陳志遠, 中國社會科學院
泰山僧朗事蹟考——兼談《高僧傳》文本形態的變遷
On the Biographical Accounts of the Monk Senglang at Mount Tai, Re-considering the textual history of GSZforthcoming
- CHI Limei, International College for Postgraduate Buddhist Studies
池麗梅, 国際仏教学大学院大学
日本古代寫本大藏經的複雜性與特殊性
The complexity and uniqueness of the ancient Japanese Manuscript Canons本文擬於東亞漢文大藏經的體系和背景下討論了日本奈良、平安和鎌倉時期寫本大藏經的文本源流及其特性。首先，日本寫本大藏經與中朝刻本大藏經以及敦煌吐魯番等出土文獻形成互補關係，是東亞佛教的珍貴遺產和研究材料。其次，日本寫本大藏經的文本源流雖在主體上繼承了開元年間以前的唐代寫經，但亦有其自身的形成過程及傳承歷史。奈良時期的日本作為引入佛教文化的終端，在建構其本土藏經之際，因其國內文本資源的局限性而做了一定程度的妥協；平安中期以後，《開寶藏》等刻本大藏經的傳入對於日本寫本大藏經也產生了一定影響。在使用這些域外文本時，需注意其自身的複雜性及特殊性。
- Heather CLYDESDALE, Santa Clara University
柯玉珊, 聖克拉拉大學
Architectural Aesthetics and the Manifestation of Buddhist Theory and PracticeThis paper explores how aesthetic principles in traditional Chinese architecture are preserved and reinvented in contemporary Buddhist institutions. It argues that this is because the attendant architectural aesthetics, although rooted in early Chinese cosmology and Daoism, support the understanding and practice of dharma today.
When Buddhism entered China, artisans embraced radical approaches to art-making, fashioning icons and painting narratives to catalyze rituals like guanxiang 观像 and circumambulation. Curiously, however, architectural forms remained largely fixed to a foundation of traditional archetypes. Temple compounds were based on siheyuan 四合院 courtyards, pagodas and temples eclipsed stūpa as devotional buildings, and representations of architectural details in cave temples were ornamented with replicas of dougong 斗拱 brackets, fudou 覆斗ceilings, and laternendecke caissons. There are some practical reasons why it was difficult to adopt Indian and Central Asian architecture on a large scale. Yet, the enduring preference for Chinese architectural styles and aesthetics suggests that deeper reasons are at play.
This paper compares two sites associated with the Dharma Drum World Center for Buddhist Education 法鼓山世界佛教教育园区: its headquarters amid the coastal mountains of New Taipei City 台北新市 and the Nung Chan Monastery 农禅寺 in Beitou 北投 to show how approaches to space and form manifest in modern and avant-garde religious architecture. The headquarters for Dharma Drum opened in 2005, realizing the vision of founder, Sheng-yen 圣严 (1931-2009). Based in part on Tang dynasty architecture and icons found in the Mogao 莫高 Caves, its minimal details, restrained use of color, and emphasis on connection with the landscape align it with global and modern-day Chan Buddhism. The Nung Chan Monastery, which opened in 2012 and was designed by international “starchitect” Kris Yao 姚仁喜, is unabashedly avant-garde. The architecture does not obviously draw on historical forms, but classical aesthetics are evident in the harmonious proportions, repeated juxtapositions of mass and void, and use of geomancy. Both sites demonstrate how aesthetic principles are adaptable to contemporary forms and doctrine. They suggest that Chinese architectural aesthetics are uniquely efficacious in promoting individual meditation, community rituals, spirituality, and unity between environment and people.
- DEEG, Max, Cardiff University
寧梵夫, 卡迪夫大學
Projecting India in Chinese Medieval Buddhist Sources: A Case of Sinizication?
中國中古時期佛教資料中的印度投射：一個中國化的案例？Following the “Call for Proposals’” suggestive “‘multi-layered contextualization approach’”, this paper will revisit the concept of Sinicization of Buddhism from a more general and theoretical viewpoint through a comparison with other religious adaptation processes (Buddhist and non-Buddhist). Approaching the concept from the angle of a specific case, the focus will then be on sources which consciously address the cultural other of their religion in its Indianness, and will try to trace the changes and specific forms of presentation of this cultural otherness in selected sources up to the Tang period.
依據徵稿中提示的多層次語境化方法，本文將通過對比佛教與其他宗教適應過程（佛教與非佛教的），從更一般和理論的視角重新審視佛教中國化這個概念。文章先以一個具體的案例切入這個概念，然後聚焦於那些有意論及作為佛教文化他者的印度的資料，並追溯直至唐朝時期這些選定的資料中對印度這個文化他者的具體呈現方式和變化。
- GALAMBOS, Imre, Zhejiang University / University of Cambridge
高奕叡, 浙江大學 / 劍橋大學
The afterlife of a poem from Dunhuang
一首敦煌詩的後世Manuscript S.3698 is a scroll with the Classic of Filial Piety, copied by a student studying in a Buddhist monastery in Dunhuang during the tenth century. The verso of the scroll, amidst a multitude of seemingly random notes, features a quatrain written in a clumsy hand. The handwriting is so difficult to read that the last words of the poem are simply illegible, which may be part of the reason why this poem has received almost no attention in scholarship. Other than this fragmentary copy, it is unattested in written sources from Dunhuang or anywhere else during the pre-modern period. It is all the more surprising then that it reappears nine hundred years later, at the end of the nineteenth century, in a text written by a leader of a Chinese Sufi sect in the southern part of Ningxia. This paper addresses the survival of this poem in the oral tradition for nearly a millennium and the dramatic change of its context, finding its way from a medieval Buddhist monastery to a Muslim community in Ningxia.
敦煌寫本S.3698是一幅《孝經》卷軸，由十世紀在一座敦煌佛教寺院中的學生書寫。它的背面是許多看起來隨意的記錄，其中有一首書寫笨拙的四行詩。這首詩的字跡難以閱讀，最後幾個字直接無法辨認。這也可能是這首詩沒有受到學術界關注的原因之一。除了這個不完整的版本外，這首詩沒有在前現代時期敦煌以及其他任何地方的文本資料中出現過。然而更令人驚奇的是，在九百年後的十九世紀末，這首詩又出現了。它出現在寧夏南部一位中國蘇非派領袖書寫的文本中。本文探討這首詩如何在近千年的口述傳統中得以倖存以及它的語境從中古時期佛教寺院到寧夏穆斯林群體的劇變。
- GOOSSAERT, Vincent, EPHE
高萬桑, 法國高等研究院
Chinese Gods as Persons and Subjects
作為人和主體的中國神This paper is based on my ongoing work on Chinese gods and processes of subjectification whereby such gods affirm unique personas and engage humans in person-to-person interactions. It is based on a critical approach to much of the scholarship on gods who merely treat them as projection of human collective values and needs. I propose that the vast array of ritual techniques developed over the very longue durée in China to allow the gods to “talk back” to humans have allowed these gods to affirm themselves as persons and subjects – even though there was also resistance against such developments. I then wish to open a comparison with other religious cultures and explore the reasons why the presence of gods as subjects varies considerably between different cultural contexts: in some places, gods can engage humans as persons in ways comparable to the Chinese case, and in others they do not. My working hypothesis is that the availability and social acceptance of ritual techniques to allow the gods to talk is a crucial factor in such differences.
本文基於我正在進行的對中國神和藉由主體化過程這些神確認其獨特的人格面貌並使人們與其面對面互動的研究，以批判性的方法考察諸多將神僅僅當作人類集體價值和需求的投射的學術研究。我提出，在中國長期發展而來的一系列儀式技巧讓神可以反過來與人對話，這就使這些神確認了作為人和主體的身份，即使這些發展也面對了一些阻礙。我希望開啟中國宗教文化與其他宗教文化的對比，探究為什麼在不同文化背景下神作為主體的出現是不同的：在一些地方，神可以像中國案例那樣作為人與人類對話，而在其他地方是不行的。我的假設是，這種區別的關鍵因素是讓神說話的儀式技巧的可用性與社會接受度。
- HAN Oonjin / Ven. Kyougwan sunim, Dongguk University
韓雲珍(景完), 東國大學
佛教的现代化与全球化前景研究-以韩中叙事文学为主現代宗教被懷疑其存在意義，可說正處於存亡絕續的關頭。因此各宗教不斷地尋找其存在意義。 人們認為宗教與現代科學文明相去甚遠, 相衝突。不過，另一方面, 佛教表現出與天文學、物理學、腦科學等科學學問相當相符的道理。如此，佛教在現代文明中有其適應的一面。筆者著眼於此，對佛教的現代化和全球化的可能性進行推測。特別是以通過悠久的歷史相互影響的韓國和中國的佛教為對象。只是兩國具有不同的固有特色，因此發展的情況也各異。因此，本論文首先從韓中佛教的受容與變容的互相關係開始討論。 通過這一過程, 來呈現出兩國佛教的現狀。 並尋找佛教現代化與全球化前景。
- Genevieve HAUER, University of Colorado, Boulder
王桂薇, 科羅納多大學
Transnational Buddhism and Chinese Workers on the Transcontinental RailroadWhere do we look for information about the early Chinese adaptation of Buddhism in the US during the nineteenth century? Among the available archives, such as the Stanford Chinese Railroad Workers in North America Project, are accounts by missionaries, oral histories of descendants, photographs, temple records, and Central Pacific Railroad Company documents. Recent scholarship such as The Ghosts of Gold Mountain: The Epic Story of the Chinese Who Built the Transcontinental Railroad by Gordon H. Chang (2019), The Chinese and the Iron Road edited by Gordon H. Chang and Shelly Fisher Fishkin (2019), and The China Question: Gold Rushes and Global Politics by Mae Ngai (2022) reconstruct the history of the Chinese railway workers with little reference to popular religion, let alone Buddhism. This research examines an unpublished manuscript, written by Daniel Cleveland under the commission of the Central Pacific Railroad Company, which observes the Chinese-American immigration labor-force of the 1860s. This manuscript is a problematic testament to the period, given the Orientalist and racist lens through which he assesses Chinese religious practice in general terms, yet in the midst of that there are a few instances of recorded observation that give us glimpses into lived religion among Chinese Americans of the time. From 1865-1869, Chinese Buddhist practitioners adapted to the physically laborious demands of life working on the US Pacific Transcontinental Railroad in the rugged California of the time, and this paper makes an initial foray into what the archives can tell us about what adaptations they made to their religious practice. In the process, I attempt to pay respect to, and augment the agency of, the oft-overlooked Chinese workers who toiled and died along the US Transcontinental Railroad.
- HONG Mianmian, Sun Yat-sen University
洪綿綿, 中山大學
晉末宋初的方鎮格局與佛教發展
The Regional Situation and Buddhist Development in the Late Jin and Early Song Dynastiesforthcoming
- HONG Xiang, The University of Hong Kong
宏祥，香港大學
五會念佛在大灣區及海外傳播概述
An Overview of the Spread of the Five-Tempo Intonation of the Name of the Buddha in the Greater Bay Area and Overseas Regions五會念佛是唐代淨土宗祖師法照大師根據《無量壽經》所創立的一種念佛法門，並在五台山、太原、長安等地相繼流傳，一直延續至宋代。本世紀初期，隨著敦煌藏經洞的發現，五會念佛再次引起世人的關注，尤其在中國大陸、香港和日本等地掀起了修學熱潮。研究發現，五會念佛在潮州開元寺、香港東蓮覺苑和日本浄土真宗本願寺派等地的修學儀軌因地域差異而有所變化，形成了各自獨特的念佛儀軌。因此，本文通過文獻梳理和田野調查，將逐一考察這一念佛法門在不同地區的傳播和修學情況，旨在分析和探討五會念佛在大灣區及海外的傳播影響。
This paper investigates the impact of the spread of the Five-Tempo Intonation of the Name of the Buddha in the Greater Bay Area and overseas regions. In recent years, there has been a renewed global interest in this practice, particularly in mainland China, Hong Kong, and Japan, following the discovery of the Dunhuang Library Cave in the early 21st century. Significantly, variations in the practice of the Five-Tempo Intonation of the Name of the Buddha have been observed in specific locations, such as Kaiyuan Temple in Chaozhou, Tung Lin Kok Yuen in Hong Kong, and the Jodo Shinshu Hongwanji-ha in Japan. These regional differences have resulted in the development of distinct ritual manuals and practices. Therefore, this paper aims to examine and analyze the diverse manifestations of the Five-Tempo Intonation of the Name of the Buddha observed in different geographical contexts.
- JI Huachuan, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
紀華傳, 中國社會科學院
清末民初的社會巨變與佛教現代化清末民初是中國歷史上的巨大轉折時期，在政治制度、文化結構、社會生活及價值觀念等各個方面都發生了根本性的變化，中央集權的帝王專制制度由危機重重到最終瓦解。中國佛教在近兩千年的歷史中形成與帝制相適應的佛教制度面臨前所未有的挑戰，在晚清民初的空前社會轉型中，西方文化傳入和基督教傳播的衝擊下，傳統社會中的儒釋道三教融合的格局受到新的打擊，不但在外部歷經太平天國運動以及廟產興學運動的衝擊，而且自身千百年來陳陳相因積弊叢生，中國佛教就在此空前的危機中開啓了艱難曲折的現代化歷程。中國佛教畢竟有著近兩千年源遠流長的深厚底蘊，有著上至知識階層下至平民百姓的廣泛社會影響，所以具有自身反省生存和發展的頑強生命力。近代佛教所面臨的危難，為佛教的轉型和發展帶來了新的契機，本文試圖從佛教制度、佛教組織和佛教教育等方面，探析這一時期中國佛教界在革除歷史積弊、適應時代發展的現代化探索。
- KEYWORTH, George, University of Saskatchewan
紀強, 薩斯喀徹爾大學
On the Enduring Legacy of Tiantai 天台 Educational Books in Premodern Japan: the [Tendai enshū shikyō goji 天台円宗四教五時] Nishidani myōmoku西谷名目 and Shishi yaolan 釋氏要覽 (Śākyamuni [Buddha’s] Essential Teachings)
前現代日本天台宗教育書籍持久的遺產：《天台円宗四教五時西谷名目》和《釋氏要覽》How did premodern East Asian Buddhist learn about the history and teachings of the Buddha? Although a generation or more of scholarship in western language scholarship (Ch’en 1964) suggests that Chinese, Korean, and Japanese Buddhists have a preference for the study of sūtras, including the Lotus (Fahua jing 法華經), Avataṃsaka (Huayan jing 華厳經), and many more, even if that were something like an historical fact, how did monastics and lay Buddhists learn the tenets of those sūtras? Given its conspicuous self-image as an authentic branch of Chinese Buddhism in Japan, the great Tendai tradition 天台宗 (Ch. Tiantai)—both atop Mt. Hiei 比叡山 and below it at Miidera 三井寺—preserves several educational books that generations of Japanese Buddhists have considered to reflect an educational curriculum from Song China (960-1279). In this paper I introduce and provide an overview of the Tendai enshū shikyō goji 天台円宗四教五時 Nishidani myōmoku西谷名目 (Guide to the Perfect Tendai Tradition’s Four Teachings and Five Periods, according to the Nishidani Approach), which is preserved in multiple editions—with sub-commentaries—from the Edo 江戸 period (1603-1868) and earlier and references an early 11th century Chinese exegetical compendium called the Shishi yaolan 釋氏要覽 (Śākyamuni [Buddha’s] Essential Teachings, T no. 2127). I show how, according to Tendai Buddhists who followed the teachings of many teachers who studied in China across more than 400 years, the essential teachings of Buddhism are best conveyed through what we might call a Tiantai lens of scholarship. Finally, I point out how the Nishidani myōmoku and other Tendai educational manuals were used at monastic training centers in Japan from nearly all traditions (e.g., Shingon 真言宗, Zen 禪宗, Shinshū 真宗, Hokkeshū 法華宗).
前現代東亞佛教徒如何了解佛陀的歷史和教法？儘管西方學界一代乃至幾代的學者指出中國、朝鮮和日本的佛教徒更傾向於學經，包括《法華經》《華嚴經》和其他許多佛經，即使這個說法好像符合史實，僧眾和在家居士又是如何了解這些佛經的主旨的？鑒於日本天台宗的自我形象是中國佛教的正統分支，在比叡山上以及山下的三井寺，都保存了一些教育書籍，一代又一代的日本佛教徒都認為這些書籍反映了中國宋代（960–1279）的教育課程。在本文中我介紹並概述了《天台円宗四教五時西谷名目》。這本書保存有江戶時代和更早期的多個版本，並且附有註釋。同時我還參考了中國十一世紀早期的一部註釋類書《釋氏要覽》（《大正藏》第2127號）。我揭示了佛教的核心教義，按照那些遵循了四百多年中諸多前往中國學習的老師們的教導的天台宗佛徒的說法，如何通過天台教義的透鏡（我們或許可以稱為），得到了最佳的傳達。最後，我指出《天台円宗四教五時西谷名目》以及其他天台宗教育指南如何在日本幾乎所有宗派（例如，真言宗、禪宗、真宗、法華宗）的僧眾教育中心被使用。
- Jahyun KIM, Dongguk University
金慈玄，東國大學 The Sinicization of Early Ming Buddhist Art: Acceptance, Transformation, and Spread of Buddhist Iconography
明代早期佛教藝術的中國化：佛教造像的接受、轉化和傳播The purpose of this paper is to explore the process by which Buddhist prints produced in mainland China during the early Ming Dynasty accepted foreign cultures, underwent Sinicization, and spread to other countries. This study begins with an examination of Buddhist prints in Korea. In Korea, a Lotus Sutra featuring a splendid frontispiece illustration print was published by a royal woman of the Joseon dynasty in 1459. And the postscript of this sutra indicates that it is modeled on a Ming dynasty print published by the imperial court of China. Among the Buddhist prints published in the early Ming Dynasty, there exists a print with identical iconography to this one. Upon investigating the origins of this print, it was confirmed that it underwent a process of Sinicization from the Hexizi Canon, originally published in the Hangzhou area during the Yuan Dynasty, and consequently, emerged as a quintessential frontispiece illustration print of the Ming Dynasty. Therefore, this study aims to delve into the historical context surrounding the reception of Western Xia prints during the Yuan Dynasty, the process of Sinicization they underwent, and the subsequent transmission to Joseon, where they influenced the realm of Buddhist art, particularly focusing on prints from the Ming Dynasty. This study is expected to help clarify the exchange patterns and mutual influences among East Asian countries in the domain of Buddhist art.
本文的目的是探究明代早期中國大陸佛教版畫接受外來文化，中國化，再傳播到其他國家的過程。本文開頭考察了朝鮮的佛教版畫。在1459年，朝鮮王朝的一位王室女性刻印的《法華經》中有一幅精美的卷首插圖版畫。此經的後記表明它以中國宮廷刻印的明代版畫為模板。在明代早期刻印的佛教版畫中，有一幅與這部經中的版畫有相同的造像。通過調查這幅版畫的來源，確認了這幅版畫來自元代刻印於杭州地區的河西字大藏經，並經歷了中國化的過程，從而在明代作為一個典型的卷首版畫出現。因此，本文旨在深入西夏版畫在元代被接受，其中國化的過程以及之後傳入朝鮮的歷史背景，尤其關注明代版畫在朝鮮對佛教藝術領域的影響。本文希望幫助釐清佛教藝術領域東亞國家間的交流模式和相互影響。
- LI Jingjing, Leiden University
李晶晶, 萊頓大學
Illusory Conventions and The Modernization of Chinese Buddhism
虛幻世俗與中國佛教的現代化In the Madhyamaka theory of twofold truth, sentient beings shall comprehend the illusory and deceptive nature of dependent arising at the conventional level for attaining the ultimate truth of emptiness. As the Sanlun master Jizang once remarked, “for practitioners with skillful means and wisdom, they come to learn the twofold truth to realize that there is nothing to attain.” Given this Madhyamaka commitment, Buddhist reformers are soon presented with the doctrinal question on conventional reality when they strive to modernize Buddhism and make it more socially engaged: if there is eventually nothing to attain, what is the value and worth of the conventionally true society and why does it matter to transform social conventions? In this article, I explore how Buddhist thinkers like Fazun draw from Tibetan Buddhist resources for reaffirming the value and worth of conventional reality, which allows for consolidating the theoretical foundation of their project of modernizing Chinese Buddhism.
在中觀的二諦理論中，有情眾生應理解世俗層面上的緣起之虛妄性，進而通達勝義諦的空性。正如三論法師吉藏所言，“若有巧方便慧，學此二諦，成無所得”(T no. 1853, 15a18)。然而，當佛教改革者致力於讓他們的傳統更加現代化更加入世的時候，如此立論的中觀思想立刻讓他們面臨到一個關於世俗有的義理難題：如果一切畢竟無所得，那僅是世俗真實的世界有何價值呢？改變世間習俗又有何意義呢？在這篇文章中，我將探討以法尊法師為代表的思想家如何引用藏傳佛教資源來重新承認世俗有的價值。如此觀之，他們的努力為佛教現代化奠定了堅實的理論基礎。
- LI Meng, Fudan University
李猛, 復旦大學
中古佛教靈驗記中的反佛帝王
Anti-Buddhist Emperors in Buddhist Devotionals of Medieval Chinaforthcoming
- LIU Yi, Capital Normal University
论文标题：《释〈僧表传〉“罽宾路梗”》The Mingseng Zhuan Chao 名僧传抄which partly copied in Japan contains valuable materials about Chinese monks traveling westward during the 4th to 6th centuries. Some of them is not recorded in Chusanzangjiji 出三藏记集 and Gaoseng Zhuan高僧传. Among them, the “Biography of Sengbiao” 《僧表传》mentions:
Sengbiao wanted to visit Jibin 罽宾where reserved the Buddha’s Bowl. When he reached at Khotan, the route to Jibin was blocked. The king of Khotan acknowledged Sengbiao’s determination, presented him with a replica of the Buddha’s bowl. Sengbiao gave up the plan to go westward to Jibin, and returned back to Liangzhou.
The text mentions “the route to Jibin was blocked”, traditionally interpreted as due to the invasions from the Hephthalites, disrupting Sengbiao’s plans to travel from the Western Regions to Jibin to worship the Buddha’s bowl. However, conflicts could have subsided quickly, and there was no need for Sengbiao to abandon his plans to travel west. Combining the deeds and routes of Chinese monks seeking the Dharma from the 4th to 6th centuries, there were mainly two routes Sengbiao could have taken from Khotan to Jibin: one through the Wakhan Corridor, and the other along the Indus Valley. The so-called “route to Jibin was blocked” should not refer to warfare but to a significant earthquake in the Pamir Mountains area that connected to the Indus Valley, causing the roads to be impassable and delaying restoration for a short period. This led Sengbiao to completely abandon his plans to travel west.
This paper will also explore where Jibin referred to at that time, the normal traffic routes between the Western Regions and Jibin before the “blockage”, why so many monks chose the route through the Indus Valley, and how long it took for the routes to be restored after the “blockage”. This aims to apply the records left by monks seeking the Dharma to specific routes, thus providing a clear and specific geographical concept of Buddhist exchanges on both sides of the Hindukush during this period.
- MA Xi, Nankai University
馬熙, 南開大學
“历史权力”的建构与一座唐宋北方佛寺的转兴之理山西晋城青莲寺，保有北朝以来众多佛教文物，今存世多件《开宝藏》即为此寺住持沙门鉴峦所刻。其影响虽远不能比之西明、慈恩这样的巨寺，但历代相续不绝，折射出了佛教在华北历史变迁的若干重要轨迹。本文旨在论证，青莲寺在唐宋时期的转兴，有其时代的内在之理。
它的复兴，首先与唐后期访古、怀古的时代风气直接相关，百余年间来自外地的僧侣与本地社邑互相合作，他们借用国家制度的语言——文章碑志，不断将自身置于国家-地方文化的议程中，从而将其作为“历史权力”的文化权益，转化为敕额、藏经、土地、差科减免等现实的经济与政治权益。可以说，在青莲寺的转兴过程中，历史与现实，二者互相发生影响。这一过程，尤当从唐宋“文”的转变这一流动中加以观察。
- MCCOY, Michelle, University of Pittsburgh
Michelle McCoy，匹茲堡大學
Divination and Gender in Dunhuang Buddhist Artforthcoming
- PEI Changchun, Shandong Normal University
裴長春, 山東師範大學
智者大師的與仁王會
The Master Zhiyi and the Renwang Associationforthcoming
- REN Yian, Stanford University
任易安，斯坦佛大學
The Emergence of the Mañjuśrī Child Image in Early Medieval Japan: A Study of Iconographical Transformation
中世紀早期日本文殊菩薩兒童形象的出現及文殊菩薩的形象轉變The image of the Mañjuśrī Bodhisattva underwent a significant transformation in early medieval Japan as he began to be portrayed as a child, which marks a departure from the Chinese predecessors of Mañjuśrī representations as an adult male. This shift in Mañjuśrī’s portrayal coincided with the designation of the Kasuga Wakamiya 春日若宮 deity as the local manifestation of Mañjuśrī in the early eleventh century, a period characterized by frequent natural disasters and a crisis of trust in the Fujiwara family’s spiritual authority.This paper examines how the Japanese perception of Mount Wutai as Mañjuśrī’s pure land shaped his cult and his relationship with the Shinto deity, thereby influencing the creation of his images in Japan. Furthermore, the perception of children as liminal figures between this world and the other, along with the special sentiments towards the chigo 稚児 in medieval Japanese Buddhist monasteries, stimulated the emergence of Mañjuśrī’s youthful depiction. By tracing the stylistic and iconographical evolution of Mañjuśrī images from earlier Chinese murals, sculptures, and book illustrations to the Japanese child depictions that emerged in the Kasuga and Esoteric Buddhist contexts, this study aims to contribute to the understanding of the adaptation and transformation of Buddhist iconography as it traversed cultural boundaries from China to Japan.
與中國佛教藝術中文殊菩薩的成年男子形像不同，在日本中世紀早期，文殊菩薩開始以兒童形像出現在藝術作品中。平安時代末期自然災害頻繁，當時的執政貴族藤原家族的宗教權威面臨前所未有的信任危機。為了因應這一危機，十一世紀初，常以兒童形像出現的若宮神作為春日大神新的眷屬神祇被設立於藤原家氏社春日大社中。在日本神佛習合的過程中，受到本地垂蹟說的影響，春日若宮神被視為文殊菩薩的本地化身，促使文殊的兒童形象開始在春日信仰的藝術作品中出現。本文探討了佛教典籍中的文殊形像以及五台山作為文殊聖地的觀念如何影響了日本的文殊崇拜，從而促成了文殊菩薩和春日若宮神的獨特聯繫。此外，日本自古以來對兒童這一群體的特殊觀念，即把他們視作能在此世與彼世之間的自由移動的使者，以及在中世紀寺院中對”稚兒”這一群體的特殊認知，也刺激了文殊兒童形象的出現與流行。本文追溯了文殊菩薩從成年男子到兒童的形象變化過程，旨在加深人們對佛教藝術風格和圖像學跨文化適應和轉變的理解。 - SHI Daoxing, Minnan Buddhist College
釋道心，閩南佛學院
近現代閩南佛學院留學僧的培養初探
The First Exploration of the Cultivation of Overseas Saṃgha Students at the Buddhist College of Minnan in Modern Times太虛大師是近現代閩南佛學院留學僧培養的發起人。大師自1928年旅洋歐美回國後，就有了想在中國成立世界佛學院，培養國際性弘法僧才，促進中外佛教交流，引領中國佛教走向世界，由外而內，曲線救教，達到復興中國佛教之目的。因此，他先後派出多名閩院學僧到緬甸、錫蘭、印度、泰國、日本等地留學。這些留學僧為20世紀中國佛教的延續和中外佛教交流起到了“一帶一路”的作用。改革開放後，中國佛教得以恢復，閩院院長則悟大和尚再次意識到僧才的重要性，又陸續成就學僧到日本、韓國、美國、泰國、斯里蘭卡、新加坡等國留學，擴寬學僧的眼界和學識，從而使中國佛教得以快速恢復，溝通中外佛教交流。雖然在留學僧的培養方面，閩院現在還屬於摸索階段，如果能夠持續培養，相信不久的將來，定會越來越成熟，越辦越好，讓更多海外華僑華人和外國人知道閩院，從而對中國佛教產生興趣並且學習中國佛教和文化，使閩院的悠久與優秀的學術傳統進一步發揚光大，為漢傳佛教的現代化與國際化再建輝煌。
Master Taixu was the initiator of the training of overseas monks at the Minnan Buddhist College in modern times. Since his return to China in 1928 from his travels in Europe and the United States, Master Taixu had the idea of establishing a world Buddhist academy in China to cultivate international Dharma-expanding monks, to promote exchanges between Chinese and foreign Buddhists, to lead Chinese Buddhism into the world, and to achieve the purpose of reviving Chinese Buddhism from the outside to the inside by rescuing the religion in an indirect but expedient way. Therefore, he successively sent a number of students from the Minnan Buddhist College to study in Burma, Ceylon, India, Thailand, Japan and other places. These monks played a role of “One Belt, One Road” for the continuation of Chinese Buddhism and the exchange between Chinese and foreign Buddhism in the 20th century. After the reform and opening up of China, Chinese Buddhism was restored, and the President of the Minnan Buddhist College, Master Zewu, has once again realised the importance of monastic talent, and successively accomplished the study of monks in Japan, South Korea, the United States, Thailand, Sri Lanka, Singapore, and other countries, to broaden the horizons and knowledge of the monks, so as to enable the rapid restoration of Buddhism in China, and to facilitate the communication between Chinese and foreign Buddhists. Although the training of overseas students is still in the exploratory stage, if we can continue to train them, we believe that in the near future, it will become more and more mature and better and better, so that more overseas Chinese and foreigners will know about the Minnan Buddhist College, and become interested in Chinese Buddhism and learn Chinese Buddhism and culture, so that the long and excellent academic tradition of the Minnan Buddhist College can be further developed and expanded, with even more brilliant contribution to the modernization and internationalization of Chinese Buddhism.
- SHI Gufu, Minnan Buddhist College
釋古福，閩南佛學院
試論佛教現代化中的“契理契機”原則
On the Principle oof “Living in accordance with the Buddha’s Teachings and also in Light of the Social Environment of the Times” in the Modernization of Buddhism佛教自印度傳入中國後，為了融入中華大地，中國化是其必然選擇。在佛教中國化的道路上，“契理契機”是其根本原則。“契理”，是上契諸佛無上妙法之理； “契機”，是下契眾生百千根性之機。與佛教中國化相應，“契理”即是堅持佛教的基本信仰和核心教義，“契機”就是要在立足中國國情的基礎上適應時代變化、滿足現實需求，不斷做出自我調整和改變。當下時代，佛教在現代化過程中，依然要遵循“契理契機”的原則。
After Buddhism was introduced into China from India, in order to be integrated into the land of China, Sinification was its inevitable choice. In the course of Sinification of Buddhism, “abiding by the Buddha’s Teachings and tallying with the roots [of the sentient beings]” has been its fundamental principle. Whereas “abiding by the Buddha’s Teachings” is to observe the supreme dharma of all Buddhas, “tallying with the roots” is in tune with the roots of all the sentient beings. Corresponding to the Sinification of Buddhism, ” abiding by the Buddha’s Teachings” means to adhere to the basic beliefs and core teachings of Buddhism, and “tallying with the roots ” means to adapt to the changes of the times and to meet the needs of the reality on the basis of China’s national conditions, and to make self-adjustment and changes continuously. In the modernisation process of Buddhism in the present age, it is still necessary to follow the principle of “abiding by the Buddha’s Teachings and tallying with the roots [of the sentient beings].”
- SHI Minghan, Minnan Buddhist College
釋明航，閩南佛學院
近代佛教現代化轉型的時代背景及機緣
The Background and Opportunities of the Modernization and Transformation of Modern Buddhism近代的中國佛教發生了兩次重大的革新運動，一次在晚清時期，一次在民國時期，通過考察兩次革新運動所處的現實狀況與輿論環境，本文認為民國時期，太虛法師主導的佛教革新運動是佛教現代化轉型的標誌。
清末民初時期，近代佛教處於由千年歷史大變局與東西方文化交融的坐標體系中重新定位的關鍵時期。在社會大變革時代，佛教作為舊文明的代表和縮影，面臨嚴峻的生存危機，而危機的升級伴則隨著輿論的推波助瀾。佛教在近代淪為主流輿論攻擊的對象，就此而言，近代佛教革新運動的基本目標便是融入現代化潮流，完成從逆主流輿論到主流輿論的轉變。
而這一目標無法通過晚清時期以康有為、梁啓超為代表的知識精英而實現，因為他們引導的復興思潮是以傳統佛教為武器而抵御精神危機，也就是在傳統輿論譜系中重新定位佛教。但是近代佛教的轉型是使佛教融入於新的輿論場中。事實上，這一復興運動是由太虛大師發起，以《海潮音》的創刊為標誌。此次佛教復興運動是“新文化運動在佛教領域的延伸”，是“社會文化大變革的縮影”。
太虛大師主動順應當時崇新的主流觀念，並且與舊蔽制割裂，樹立起鑄造新文化的旗幟。他展示了佛教的新形象，至今仍引領著當代漢傳佛教發展的方向。由此可知，太虛大師成功設計了使佛教融入主流輿論的路徑，指明佛教現代轉型的核心內容。
In modern Chinese Buddhism, there were two major revolutionary movements, one in the late Qing Dynasty and the other in the Republic period. By examining the realities and public opinion of these two revolutionary movements, this paper argues that the Buddhist revolutionary movement led by Venerable Master Taixu during the Republic period was a symbol of the modernization and transformation of Buddhism.
During the late Qing and early Republic periods, modern Buddhism was in a critical period of repositioning itself in the coordinate system of the great change in the history of the millennium and the fusion of Eastern and Western cultures. In the era of great social changes, Buddhism, as the representative and epitome of the old civilization, faced a severe existential crisis, and the escalation of the crisis was accompanied by the push and pull of public opinion. In modern times, Buddhism has become an object of attack by mainstream public opinion. In this regard, the basic goal of the modern Buddhist renewal movement is to integrate into the trend of modernization and to complete the transformation from counter-mainstream public opinion to mainstream public opinion.
This goal could not be realized by the intellectual elites of the late Qing Dynasty, represented by Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao, because they led the revival of thinking by using traditional Buddhism as a weapon to resist the spiritual crisis, that is to say, repositioning Buddhism in the traditional spectrum of public opinion. But the transformation of modern Buddhism is to integrate Buddhism into the new field of public opinion. In fact, this revival movement was initiated by Master Taixu and marked by the founding of Haichaoyin. This revival of Buddhism was “an extension of the New Culture Movement in the field of Buddhism” and “epitomized the great social and cultural changes”.
Master Taixu took the initiative to conform to the prevailing concepts of the time, and to break away from the old system, setting up a banner for the creation of a new culture. He presented a new image of Buddhism that still leads the direction of contemporary Chinese Buddhism. From this it can be seen that Master Taixu successfully devised a path to integrate Buddhism into mainstream public opinion, pointing out the core of Buddhism’s modern transformation.
- Nengren SHI, Buddhist Academy of China
釋能仁, 中国佛学院
巨澜孤舟：法舫法师1950
A Lone Boat in the Midst of Monstrous Waves: Dharma Master Fafang in 19501949年，新中國成立，中國社會邁入前所未有的歷史新路口。遠在錫蘭（今斯里蘭卡）的法舫法師敏銳地意識到中國佛教所面臨的巨大歷史變革，認為中國所發生的廣泛的社會和經濟變革，對人民生活有著根本性的影響，佛教徒、僧眾和佛教團體當然也應感知到這些變革的力量，影響深遠的相應變化必然產生。法舫法師對新時代的到來充滿信心，積極投入世界佛教徒聯誼會的創建，在國際舞台上向世界宣傳新生的人民政府對佛教寺院、佛學院、藏經的保護，認為中國佛教徒有足夠的理由滿懷信心地瞻望將來，實為彼時勇立時代潮頭之第一人。本文以法舫法師在1950年前後的相關活動為線索，考察其在波瀾壯闊的歷史時刻卓越的思想抉擇和弘教實踐。
In 1949, with the founding of the new China, Chinese society stepped into a new junction of unprecedented history. Venerable Dafang, who was far away in Ceylon (present-day Sri Lanka), was keenly aware of the great historical changes facing Buddhism in China, and believed that the wide-ranging social and economic changes taking place in China had a fundamental impact on the lives of the people, and that Buddhists, monks, and the Buddhist community should of course perceive the power of these changes, and that far-reaching and corresponding changes were bound to arise. Venerable Dafang was full of confidence in the coming of the new era, actively participated in the founding of the World Fellowship of Buddhists, publicized to the world on the international stage the protection of Buddhist monasteries, Buddhist colleges, and Buddhist scriptures by the newborn People’s Government, and believed that Chinese Buddhists had enough reasons to look forward to the future with confidence, and was really the first person who was brave enough to stand on the head of the tide of the era at that time. This article takes Venerable Fafang’s activities before and after 1950 as a clue to examine his outstanding ideological choices and practice of propagating Buddhism at the time of the magnificent history.
- SHI Shang, Capital Normal University
石尚, 首都師範大學
莫高窟第285窟新舊畫風反思與南壁《五百盲賊得眼》故事畫重讀
Re-reading the Multiple Painting Styles of Cave 285 in Mogao Grottoes and the Narrative Painting “Five Hundred Robbers” on its South Wall莫高窟第285窟創修於西魏大統四年（538）前，此窟在石窟性質、繪畫風格和題材上的新意一向為學界所重。本文第一部分將梳理該窟第一種畫風與敦煌北魏晚期藝術間的關係，並以新出土材料論證第二種畫風與洛陽乃至南朝繪畫的密切關係。本文第二部分將聚焦南壁《五百盲賊得眼》故事畫，指出中落目、蓮台、盆花等細節體現了畫師的獨特理解，從法眼、漸頓、定慧等角度加以詮釋。
本研究希望對石窟壁畫藝術的樣式風格方法進行反思。首先，畫法和圖式具有比宗教屬性更廣泛的共性，佛教壁畫、墓葬美術等作品皆可相通比較，這也是佛教中國化在繪畫方面的體現。其次，繪畫作品具有自身的“藝術意志”，在樣式風格的研究方法下尤需關注每件作品的個性，並優先考慮宗教藝術在自身語境之下的意涵。
Cave 285 in the Mogao Grottoes was created and renovated in the fourth year of the Datong era of the Western Wei Dynasty (538 AD)西魏大統四年. The novelty of this cave in terms of cave , painting style, and subject matter has always been highly regarded by academia. The first part of this paper will examine the relationship between the first painting style of this cave and the art of the late Northern Wei Dynasty in Dunhuang, and use newly unearthed materials to argue for the close relationship between the second painting style and the painting styles of Luoyang and even the Southern Dynasties. The second part of this paper will focus on the narrative painting “Five Hundred Robbers” on the south wall, pointing out that details such as the fallen eyes, the lotus footstool, and the basin of flowers reflect the painter’s unique understanding, and interpreting it from the perspectives inside Buddhism understanding.
This study aims to reflect on the form-stylistic樣式 methods of mural art in caves. Firstly, painting techniques and patterns have a broader commonality beyond religious attributes, and comparisons can be made with Buddhist murals, tomb art, and other works, which also reflect the transformation of Buddhism painting in East Aisa. Secondly, artistic works have their own “Kunst-wollen “, and under the research method of form-stylistic analysis, attention should also be paid to the individuality of each work, and priority should be given to the significance of religious art within its context.
- Xingpu SHI, Minnan Buddhist College
釋性普，閩南佛學院
常凱法師的佛教醫學防治思想研究
A Study on Master Changkai’s Thoughts of Buddhist Medical Prevention and Treatment常凱法師於海外弘法、行醫濟世50余載，被學者列入閩南著名僧醫之中。據考證，法師一生的佛門行誼大分為“國內積澱期”和“海外弘法期”。本文通過梳理法師在國內受學儒典、紹承崇福家風、參學名山禪院等文獻，探究其佛教醫學思想的淵源。進而，著重從他赴新加坡發展佛教慈善、文化、教育等事業，力證法師是以醫方明作為踐行菩薩道的一種權巧方便。由此推論，法師是以佛教醫學的防治理論為基石，並將匯通中西醫學的理念，應用到臨床診療以及預防保健當中。此外，透過分析法師參加“上海僧侶救護隊”、赴海外仍關心鄉梓佛教事業建設等，彰顯其強烈的愛國護教情懷。總之，通過本課題的研究，以期能為常凱法師之佛教醫學防治思想的研究領域，增添一點理論上的借鑒意義；也對探索閩南與新加坡的佛教醫療、文化交流方面，提供一分史料價值。
Venerable Chang Kai has been practicing Dharma and medicine overseas for more than 50 years, and has been listed by scholars as one of the famous monks and doctors in Southern Fujian. According to the evidence, Venerable Changkai’s lifetime of Buddhist practice is divided into “domestic accumulation period” and “overseas Dharma propagation period”. This paper explores the origins of the Venerable Master’s Buddhist medical thinking by combing through the literature of his study of the Confucian canon, his inheritance of the Chongfu Vinaya tradition, and his study at famous mountain monasteries. It then focuses on the fact that he went to Singapore to develop Buddhist charities, culture, and education to prove that the Venerable Master used medical prescription as a means of practicing the Bodhisattva Way. From this, it can be deduced that the Venerable Master has taken the prevention and treatment theories of Buddhist medicine as the cornerstone, and applied the concepts of integrating Chinese and Western medicine to clinical treatment and preventive health care. In addition, by analyzing the Venerable Master’s participation in the “Shanghai Monks’ Ambulance Corps” and his concern for the construction of the Buddhist cause in his hometown even when he went overseas, his strong patriotic feelings for the protection of Buddhism are evident. In conclusion, through the research of this topic, we hope to add a little theoretical reference to the research field of Venerable Changkai’s Buddhist medical and preventive thinking, and also to provide a historical value to the exploration of the Buddhist medical and cultural exchanges between Southern Fujian and Singapore.
- SONG Donggyu, University of Tokyo
宋東奎，東京大學
Buddhism in Reverse Flow: A Case Study of Hamon
佛教逆向流動：《破文》案例研究This presentation aims to depart from the unidirectional transmission perspective of “China → (Korean Peninsula) → Japan” which is still prevalent in the understanding of East Asian Buddhism, and instead reveal the dynamics of mutual influence and development of ideas among these three regions. A notable document within this context is the text Hamon (『破文』, 997). This document was written in response to a request made by Yuanqing(源清, -995-), a scholar from the Song Dynasty, for a critique of his own work, the Kangyōso-kenyōki(『觀經疏顯要記』), which he sent to Mount Hiei(比叡山) in Japan. Genshin (源信, 942-1017) refuted the first volume of the Kangyōso-kenyōki, while Kakuun(覺運, 953-1007) refuted the second volume, resulting in the creation of the Hamon. The structure of the Hamon consists of eleven sections in the upper volume and ten sections in the lower volume, totaling twenty-one Hamon(confutation).
Hamon can be considered an important example of Buddhism experiencing reverse flow, as it originated from a request for intellectual exchange from China, rather than solely for texts. Through the study of the Hamon, we can gain insights into how the East Asian regions interacted and developed their respective ideas from the 10th to the 12th centuries.
本次報告的目的是對“中國→（朝鮮半島）→日本”的單向傳播提出質疑——該觀點在理解東亞佛教時仍然占主導地位，並揭示這三個地區之間相互影響和思想發展的動態。在此問題上最具典型意義的文獻是《破文》（997）。《破文》是應宋代學者源清（-995-）的請求而寫的。源清將其著作《觀經疏顯要記》送到日本的比叡山徵集意見。源信（942-1017）駁斥了《觀無量壽經顯要記》的第一卷，而覺運（953-1007）則駁斥了第二卷，這些駁論最終形成了《破文》。《破文》包括上卷十一節和下卷十節，共計二十一篇破文（駁論）。
《破文》是證明佛教逆向流動的一個重要案例。因為它源於中國方面對知識交流的訴求，而非對文獻本身的訴求。通過對《破文》進行研究，我們可以瞭解10到12世紀之間東亞各地區是如何相互交流並發展其各自的思想的。
- SUN Qi, Shandong University
孫齊, 山東大學
《加句靈驗佛頂尊勝陀羅尼記》的文本旅行
Textual Travels of ‘The Records of the Enlarged and Proved Version of Uṣṇīṣa Vijaya Dhāraṇī’隨著《佛頂尊勝陀羅尼經》在唐代的譯出和流行，也出現了多種相關的靈驗記，曾經慧琳編輯的《加句靈驗佛頂尊勝陀羅尼記》就是這些靈驗故事的一部彙編。目前公佈的日本石山寺本，顯示出它在9世紀經由渤海國傳入了日本，並因此得以保存。雖然此書目前在中國已經亡佚，但在唐代和遼代的多種經幢、塔銘上，還保留下其中部分篇章。此外，北宋之後，此書又被改編成《勸善書》得以流傳，並被南宋中期的《玉皇本行集經》改造出了道教的版本。《加句靈驗佛頂尊勝陀羅尼記》的傳播不僅是跨載體的，也是跨地域的，同時還是跨宗教的，展示了8世紀以降《佛頂尊勝陀羅尼經》多元多樣的流布和演生。
With the translation and popularization of Uṣṇīṣa Vijaya Dhāraṇī in the Tang Dynasty came a boom of a variety of spiritual narratives, and The Records of the Enlarged and Proved Version of Uṣṇīṣa Vijaya Dhāraṇī, edited by Huilin, is a compendium of these narratives. Recently published Ishiyama Temple 石山寺manuscripts shows that the Dhāraṇī compendium was introduced to Japan from the Bohai Kingdom in the ninth century, and was thus preserved. Although this compendium has been lost in China, some of its chapters were engraved in the inscriptions of various late Tang and Liao buildings and pagodas. After the North Song Dynasty, the compendium was adapted into a Taoist version. The dissemination of The Records of the Enlarged and Proved Version of Uṣṇīṣa Vijaya Dhāraṇī is not only cross-medium, but also cross-regional and cross-religious, demonstrating the diverse transmission and evolution of the Uṣṇīṣa Vijaya Dhāraṇī since the eighth century.
- WANG Lei, Sun Yat-sen University
王磊, 中山大學
中古時期《十誦律》的翻譯及文本流變
The Translation and Transmission of Shi Song Lü 十誦律 in Medieval Chinaforthcoming
- WANG Qingwei, Stele Forest or Beilin Museum
王慶衛, 西安碑林
再論北魏魏文朗造像的刊刻年代及其背景forthcoming
- WANG Xuemei, Xibei University
王雪梅, 西北大學
宗密“會通”思想對佛教現代化的方法論啓示forthcoming
- WANG Zhaoguo, Shanghai Normal University
王招國/定源, 上海師大入元日僧太初在華的求法與弘法——從一方明代遺存的寺碑說起
The Japanese Monk Taichu’s Quest and Propagation of the Dharma in Yuan China: A Discussion Based on a Preserved Temple Stele from the Ming Dynasty
forthcoming
- WEI Bin, Wuhan University
魏斌, 武漢大學
北齊造像與村落軍人群體
Buddhist Statues and Military Community from Villages in Northern Qi Dynastyforthcoming
- WU Hao, Harvard University
吳昊，哈佛大學
Shiva in a Buddhist Temple: The Transmission and Reception of Hindu Art in 13th -15th Century Quanzhou, China
濕婆立於佛寺：13至15世紀印度教藝術在泉州的傳播與儀式化再利用“Every year, merchants of diverse ethnicities arrived in Quanzhou by sea, bringing with them a myriad of precious commodities such as ivories, rhinoceros horns, tortoise shells and et cetera.”—This vivid depiction is extracted from Fangyu Shenglan (方輿勝覽), a geography book from the Southern Song period. This historical account illustrates a vibrant picture of Quanzhou as a bustling and culturally diverse port city. By the early Southern Song period, Quanzhou surpassed Guangzhou and became the largest port in China, attracting merchants from Asia, Europe, and Africa, along with their diverse cultures and religions. At the heart of this cosmopolitan city lies the Kaiyuan Temple. Within this Buddhist temple, several artifacts exhibiting unequivocal Hindu features have been found. The presence of these artifacts within the temple serves as a testament to the complex interconnectedness of cultures brought by maritime trade. This paper is structured around three key questions regarding these Hindu artifacts: (1) WHAT are the Hindu artifacts in the temple; (2) WHERE did these artifacts come from; (3) HOW were these artifacts received and ritually incorporated into Kaiyuan Temple. By analyzing the iconography and unravelling the origins of these artifacts, this paper seeks to elucidate the ritualized reuse of these exotic Hindu artifacts within the local Buddhist landscape.
“諸蕃有黒白二種，皆居泉州，號蕃人巷。每嵗以大舶浮海徃來，致象犀玳瑁珠璣玻璃瑪瑙異香胡椒之屬。” 這幅生動的描繪取自南宋時期的地理著作《方輿勝覽》，記載了泉州作為一個熱鬧而文化多元的港口城市的景象。在南宋早期，泉州超越了廣州，成為中國最大的港口，吸引了來自亞洲、歐洲和非洲的商人，隨之而來的是多樣的文化和宗教。開元寺就處於這座國際城市的中心。在這座佛教寺廟裡，發現了一些帶有印度教特徵的文物。這些文物在佛寺內的存在，反映了海上貿易中複雜的文化交流。本文擬从三個相關問題展開：(1) 辨識開元寺內的印度教文物；(2) 還原這些文物的來源；(3) 探討這些文物是如何被接受並被儀式性地融入開元寺的。通過分析圖像和揭示這些文物的來源，本文旨在闡明這些異教文物如何在泉州當地佛教景觀中被儀式化再利用的問題。
- WU Shaowei, Shandong University
武紹衛, 山東大學
敦煌僧團對佛典的搜集與閱讀：以敦煌寺院雜藏為中心
The Collection and Reading of Buddhist Scriptures by the Dunhuang Sangha: Focus on Non-Canonical Collectionsforthcoming
- WU Yu, South China Normal University
吳羽, 華南師范大學
建築景觀與家國之變：明末清初的峽山飛來寺飛來寺在清遠北禺山下江畔，距清遠縣城三十里，是官、民、商、使北上韶關、南下廣州、西通廣西的必經之地，多名人題詠，有諸多傳說，人文景觀獨特。明中期以來，清遠本地豪族進入禺峽山居，著意營造各種景觀，使飛來寺成為本地士紳、寺僧與外交往的中心之一。萬曆三十五年（1607），山洪爆發，建築盡毀。鄉紳朱學熙承父、叔舊業，與寺僧聯繫官紳商民，復舊建新，刻石題詠，廣邀名流，來往唱和，人文建築景觀尤勝往昔。清初佟養甲、李成棟入粵，朱學熙等呼應其師陳子壯抗清，兵敗自縊，闔家罹難，飛來寺僧人死逃略盡。平南王尚可喜入廣，在飛來寺駐兵以扼要衝，兵丁拆寺院以賣木取財，景觀蕩然。之後尚可喜父子為穩定廣東局勢，安撫本地遺民，大規模興復佛寺，変飛來寺為廣州長壽寺下院，命釋真修等重建了飛來寺的一些建築及其周邊的道路，飛來寺進入廣州長壽寺下院時代。康熙十七年（1678）頃，從越南載貨歸來，與陳子壯的後人、學生交好的名僧石濂大汕入主長壽寺，著力經營飛來寺，漸復舊觀，甚至恢復了一些朱學熙所建景觀，飛來寺成為曹洞宗覺浪道盛——石濂大汕一系法脈傳承重地。康熙五十二年（1713），沈陽人孫繩祖為清遠知縣，與石濂大汕的法嗣興顯等又重新修建了一些建築景觀，有意清除了朱学熙的影響。飛來寺是越南使節經廣東、湖南入京的必經之路，故在越南使臣文學和越南文人形象的營造中具有較大影響；大汕又與越南禪宗關係密切，飛來寺隨之與澳門普濟禪院及越南的禪宗關係密切。明末清初峽山飛來寺建築景觀的興廢，集中反映了明清大变時國家、地方、佛教的互動與變遷，也是此时廣東與東南亞佛教交往的重要一角。
- YANG Baoyu, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
楊寶玉, 中國社會科學院
敦煌文書中所存赴印或來華僧人行記述要
Travel Journals in Dunhuang Manuscripts by Monks Travelling between India and China1900年開啓的敦煌藏經洞中保存有數萬件形成於公元4-11世紀的各類文書，其中數量尚稱可觀的赴印或來華僧人行記、狀牒對於研究中古時期的佛教傳播史、中印交往史等課題具有相當重要的意義。本文主要以敍録形式集中揭示相關文書的現存狀況及其整理與研究現狀。略分“赴印或來華僧人行記”、“與僧人往來有關的狀牒願文等”两大部類。行記既涉及傳世文獻中留有傳本的《大唐西域記》、《南海寄歸内法傳》，也包括僅見於敦煌文書的《慧超往五天竺國傳》、《西天路竟》、《聖地遊記》、《印度行記》、《中印度普化大師巡禮五臺山日誌》等。狀牒願文的數量與名目多而駁雜，内容牽涉更廣。文末亦簡要探討了相關文書的史料價值與研究意義等。作者期待本文能爲感興趣的學者提供資料便利，並吁請同好展開進一步探究。
- YING Lei, Amherst College
應磊, 安默斯特學院 The “Truth” and the “World”: Taixu’s Quest for a Buddhist Universalism
「真理」與「世界」：太虛對佛教普世主義的追尋Taixu’s (1890–1947) world mission has earned the modern Chinese Buddhist reformer glowing accolades as well as searing criticisms. This study presents a reappraisal of Taixu’s insistence on recalibrating the Buddhist “truth” in, to, and for the modern “world.” What does (Chinese) Mahāyāna Buddhism look like, if it is to live up to its own universalistic promise in a real world of competing truth claims, evangelical missions, and power struggles? Taixu’s sustained efforts at worlding the Dharma were anchored in this question, which remains unexplored regardless of whether one approves or not of Taixu’s global ambitions. Situating Taixu in a broader context of successive and overlapping quests for egalitarianism and universalism in modern China, this study underscores a Buddhist horizon of meaning shared by radical thinkers such as Kang Youwei (1858–1927), Tan Sitong (1865–1898), Zhang Taiyan (1869–1936), and Taixu. It rediscovers Taixu’s innovation in forging a global Buddhist fellowship amid surging nationalistic zeal in and beyond China.
太虛的世界佛教運動爲這位現代漢傳佛教改革家同時贏得了崇高讚譽和尖銳批評。對於太虛堅持以/為現代「世界」重新度量佛教「真理」，本文試圖做出重新評估。倘若（漢傳）大乘佛教要在一個義旨、宣教和權力激烈競爭的世界中實現其普世性的承諾，那麼它應該是何面貌？太虛將佛法世界化的不懈努力正植根於這一問題。縱覽現行研究，無論人們是否認可太虛的寰球弘法抱負，這一問題始終未獲正視。本文將太虛置於現代中國對平等和普世主義的前仆後繼的追求這一更廣闊的歷史語境下，凸顯康有爲、譚嗣同、章太炎和太虛等激進思想家共通的佛教視野。在一個中國內外民族主義高漲的時代，太虛推動全球佛教徒聯誼的努力深具創新精神。
- YU Chun, Xibei University
于春, 西北大學
玉文化與佛像的融合——以北朝佛像石質變化為考察核心
The fusion of jade culture and Buddha statues——the changes in the quality of Buddha statues in the Northern Dynastiesforthcoming
- YU Wei, Dongnan University
于薇, 東南大學
五代兩宋“阿育王塔”的技術與觀念forthcoming
- ZHAN Ru, Peking University
湛如, 北京大學 閩南佛學院與近代中國佛教 Minnan Buddhist College and Buddhism in Modern Chinaforthcoming
- Zhang Liming, Zhejiang University
張利明, 浙江大學
僧人取经与天台中兴——东阳中兴寺塔出土吴越国取经图石函研究forthcoming
- ZHANG Peng, Central Academy of Fine Arts
張鵬, 中央美術學院
世道人心——遼代幽燕家族的佛教信仰與實踐
Buddhism belief and practice in the You and Yan territories in Liao Dynastyforthcoming
- ZHANG Wenliang, Renmin University of China
張文良, 中國人民大學
太虛大師的如來藏思想述評forthcoming
