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- BIAN, Huiyuan, Peking University
邊慧媛, 北京大學
Cultural Construction and National Identity in the 20th Century India: The Buddhist Path of “Indian Xuanzang”
二十世紀印度的文化建構與國族認同——「印度玄奘」的佛教路徑Cultural Construction and National Identity in the 20th Century India: The Buddhist Path of “Indian Xuanzang”Generated against the Western colonialism, Asianism once took Buddhism as a shared value aiming at unifying the whole Asia, and this way of thinking also spread to India and brought out a profound consequence. Based on first-handed documents such as memoirs, Hindi diaries, newspapers, letters, and related documentary materials, this article focuses on pandit Raghu Vira, an influential political-cultural celebrity during Nehru’s time, who took a three-month Buddhist expedition to China, and was given the name as “Indian Xuanzang” by Premier Zhou Enlai (周恩来). By examining his connections with Buddhism taking place across India, Europe, Japan and China, the aim of this article is to delineate the role of Buddhism in the process of constructing common memory and national identity in the 20th Century India, as well as point to the fact sadly that for present the thousand-year-long Buddhism interactions between two countries cannot benefit the current reality-oriented Sino-Indian relation, and vice versa.
維拉博士跨越印、歐、日、中四地的佛教因緣，由此考察佛教在近現代印度文化建構與國族認同進程中扮演的角色，以及中印「千年文明之友」的理想主義與「政經雙冷」的現實主義之間難以調和的複雜矛盾。
- CHEN Jidong, Aoyamagakuin University
陳繼東, 青山學院大學
《禪門日誦》的成立及其展開——漢傳佛教的一個歷史歸結
The Formation and Transformation of The Daily Recitation of the Chan School 禪門日誦: An End Result of the Evolvement of Buddhism in the Sino-sphere《禪門日誦》是清代以至近現代中國佛教寺院廣為使用的日課經典。然其編纂者以及成立年代至今不明，而現存的最古之本可追溯到雍正元年(1723年)的版本。其內容主要由「朝時課誦」和「暮時課誦」，以及儀文、咒文、贊文、佛事等構成，其中包括經、律、偈、念佛願文、禪師語錄等形式多樣的文錄，體現了各宗綜匯，禪淨相容的傾向。《禪門日誦》不僅是考察中國佛教儀軌制度的重要典籍，也是把握清代乃至近現代佛教僧侶的知識背景及其對佛教的綜合理解所不可忽視的文獻。
現存《禪門日誦》的文本有十多種，而且刊刻年代、地區以及內容上都有顯著不同。這表明此文本在流傳過程中，或因需要而發生了增刪的變化。因此，有必要對這一變化的軌跡進行整理，從中釐清諸本之異同。
此外，尚有《日課便蒙略解》和《禪門佛事全部》兩種書籍，與現存的《禪門日誦》諸本相對比，可以認為是同類典籍。而《日課便蒙略解》的成書年代則可上溯至雍正年間，《禪門佛事全部》的刊刻年代又可追溯到道光二年(1822年)，因而為解決《禪門日誦》的成立與流傳添加了新材料，必須將之與現存諸本進行比較。進而，明末四大家之一的雲棲祩宏（1535-1615）曾編纂《諸經日誦集要》，可看做《日課便蒙略解》、《禪門佛事全部》與《禪門日誦》的原形，有必要一並進行考察。
本文作為揭示《禪門日誦》版本與內容全貌的一個環節，僅對清代的諸本進行討論，考察諸本的異同、譜系、及其原形。
Chanmen risong 禪門日誦 [The Daily Recitation of Chan School] is a daily text widely used in Buddhist monasteries in China from the Qing Dynasty to modern times. However, the compiler and the date of its establishment are still unknown, and the oldest existing version can be traced back to the first year of Yongzheng 雍正 (1723). Its content mainly consists of “morning recitation” and “evening recitation”, as well as rituals, mantras, chants, Buddhist rituals, etc., including sutras, precepts, verses, recitation of Buddhist vows, and quotations from Chan (Zen) masters in a variety of forms, which reflects the tendency of the integrating various schools, and the compatibility of Chan and Pureland Buddhism. This text is not only an important text for examining the ritual system of Chinese Buddhism, but also a document that cannot be ignored in grasping the intellectual background of the Buddhist monks of the Qing Dynasty and even modern times, as well as their comprehensive understanding of Buddhism.
There are more than a dozen extant texts of Chanmen risong, and there are significant differences in the date of publication, the region, and the content. This suggests that this text has undergone changes in the course of its circulation, or has been added or deleted out of necessity. Therefore, it is necessary to organize the trajectory of this change to clarify the similarities and differences among the texts.
In addition, there is also the book, Rike bianmeng lüejie 日課便蒙略解 [A Brief Explanation of the Daily Recitation] and Chanmen Foshi 禪門佛事 [All the Buddhist Affairs of the Chan School], which can be regarded as the same kind of text when compared with the existing “Daily Recitation of the Chan School” texts. The date of publication of the book Chanmen risong can be dated back to the year of Yongzheng, and the date of publication of the book “All the Things of the Zen Door” can be dated back to the second year of Daoguang 道光 (1822), which adds new materials to solve the problem of the establishment and transmission of The Daily Recitation of Chan School, and it must be compared with all the extant books. Further, Yunqi Zhuhong 雲棲袾宏 (1535-1615), one of the Four Great Masters of the late Ming Dynasty, compiled the Zhujing risong jiyao 諸經日誦集要 [The Collection of Essentials for Daily Recitation of Sutras], which can be regarded as the original form of the Daily Recitations, the Complete Works of Chanmen risong, Rike bianmeng lüejie, and the Chanmen Foshi, and it is necessary to examine them together.
In this paper, as a part of revealing the whole picture of the versions and contents of Chanmen risong, we will only discuss the books of the Qing Dynasty, examining the similarities and differences of the texts, their genealogy, and their original forms.
- CHEN Jinhua, University of British Columbia
陳金華, 英屬哥倫比亞大學
“稱緣而動，宰官共商主同歸；虛己而遊，廟堂與山林一致”——圍繞八世紀末會善寺戒壇復建的多重社會、政治與宗教網絡運作
The Operation of Multiple Networks behind the Re-Erection of the Huishansi Vinaya-Platform toward the End of the Eighth Centuryforthcoming
- CHEN Kay, Peking University
陳可, 北京大學
追尋戒律的一生——淨秀尼與五世紀建康的比丘尼教團
A Life Pursuit of Precept: Bhikṣuṇī Jingxiu and Bhikṣuṇīsaṃgha in Fifth-Century Jiankang五世紀初西域和南海活躍的交通線路使得傳法僧尼與佛教經本在一段時間內集中抵達建康，進而催生建康比丘尼的身份焦慮和對合法受戒的需求。在這種戒律意識驅使的重受戒風潮中，淨秀尼多次受戒，並推動了尼眾教團在床具和衣服上的教制改進。這種改進得益於寺院生活的集體性質。淨秀的整個宗教生命均在建康最重要的尼寺中度過。中晚年的她主持經營了禪林寺，並將一部來自廣州的新譯律論帶來建康。這些行動是律典衝擊下五世紀建康教制實踐變遷的縮影，同時也折射出漢地比丘尼教團成立早期崇奉印度經典的普遍心態。
Jiankang during the first half of the fifth century witnessed an influx of Buddhist missionaries and Vinaya texts from India via northern land and especially southern sea routes, which stimulated the identity crisis and craving for legitimate ordination in bhikṣuṇīsaṃgha. Among them was Jingxiu, whose consciousness of precept drove her to receive ordination repeatedly as many of her peers and strive to refine monastic regulation in bedding and clothing. For the rest of her life, she presided over Chanlin禪林 convent and facilitated transmitting a newly translated commentary on Vinaya from Guangzhou to Jiankang. Jingxiu spent her entire religious life in the most prominent convents in Jiankang, where the communal nature of cenobitic life made for her religious appeal. Her actions demonstrated how the monastic order in Jiankang transformed under the impact of Vinaya in the 5th century, meanwhile reflecting a common mindset of meticulously complying with Indian canon during the formative era of Chinse saṃgha.
- CHEN Zhinan, University of Washington
陳芷南, 華盛頓大學
Intellectual Scene at the Longxing Monastery: A tentative reconstruction
敦煌寫本的場景再現——以龍興寺為例With a large corpus of Dunhuang manuscripts becoming available these days, one ought to be surprised by how long we still have to go to fully understand the production, preservation, curation, and transmission of written knowledge in medieval Dunhuang. This is because the majority of the Dunhuang manuscripts were found in fragmentary state and only a fraction of the corpus bear some clues about the origin and usage of manuscripts as physical artifacts. In general terms, there is little doubt that Buddhist monasteries in the area figured prominently in at least some portion of, if not the entire, life span of a typical Dunhuang manuscript. Still, for the most part, we are often left in the dark about where the manuscripts came from and how they ended up stashed away and sealed in the cave and all the years in between these two points.
This study brings together all the Dunhuang manuscripts known to be associated with one specific monastery and piece out the intellectual scene of knowledge production, preservation, curation, and transmission that took place in that particular monastery between the eighth and eleventh centuries. The study is intended to be a small-scale test run to see whether it is possible to contextualize a heap of loose leaves of frail sheets of manuscripts in a medieval monastery complex that once stood solemnly in Dunhuang. The intellectual scene that this study manages to piece together may very well be desultory and sketchy, but even piecemeal progress in our understanding of the intellectual realm of medieval Dunhuang would justify such a trial.
經過幾代敦煌學家卓絕的努力，敦煌寫本研究在各個領域都取得了重大的進步。然而，相對而言，我們對於敦煌寫本作為物質財產的生產，應用，和流通尚有進步空間。本文將以沙洲龍興寺為例，從與龍興寺有關的一系列敦煌殘卷入手，嘗試重建以敦煌佛寺為中心的文獻生產、保存、 管理、流傳的場景。
- CHEN Zhiyuan, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
陳志遠, 中國社會科學院
隋代譯場的建置及其影響
The Establishment of the Translation Bureau During the Sui Dynasty and Its Legacy隋文帝開皇之初，由宇文愷營造大興城，在中軸綫東側的靖善坊造立了大興善寺，根據張學鋒的研究，這一布局承襲了南北朝以來都城規劃的傳統。隋煬帝時期，著手營建東都洛陽，煬帝在洛陽規劃了一個新的翻譯機構——翻經館，位于承福門南洛水之濱的惠訓坊。之前在大興善寺主持翻經事業的闍那崛多因捲入政治鬥爭，被發配到東越地區。此後在翻經館工作的僧人是達摩笈多以及其他僧人。
南北朝到隋代譯場的興衰，有一個特別重要的因素值得注意，即北方草原民族對中原王朝的影響。那連提黎耶舍從柔然來到北齊都城鄴城，闍那崛多遲至開皇五年才抵達長安，在突厥興起、柔然滅亡，以及東突厥沙鉢略可汗向隋稱臣的背景下可以得到解釋。就在開皇五年，那連提黎耶舍被遷至其他寺院單獨譯經，北齊系譯師被邊緣化。
At the beginning of the Kaihuang era under Emperor Wen of the Sui Dynasty, Yuwen Kai was commissioned with the construction of the Great Capital, and the Daxingshansi was located in Jingshan quarter on the eastern side of the central axis. According to professor Zhang Xuefeng, this layout inherited the tradition of urban planning since the Northern and Southern Dynasties. When Emperor Yang ascended to the throne, the political pivot was transferred to the Eastern Capital—Luoyang, and a new translation institution emerged—the Translation Pavilion, situated in Huixun quarter, to south of Chengfu Gate by the river of Luoshui. The Indian monk Jinagupta, who previously presided over the translation team at the Daxingshansi, was involved in political struggles and was exiled to the south-east border. Subsequently, the translation at the Translation Pavilion was conducted by other Indian monks such as Dharmagupta and so on.
From the period of Division to the Sui Dynasty, the rise and fall of the steppe tribes had crucial influence in the fate of the translation institutions. The Continued Biographies of Eminent Monks testified that Narendrayaśas fled to the capital of the Northern Qi, while Jinagupta did not arrive in Chang’an until the fifth year of Kaihuang. These facts should be viewed against the backdrop of the downfall of the Rouran by the Turks, and the surrender of the Eastern Turkic Khagan to the Sui empire. It was in the same year of Jinagupta’s arrival, Narêndrayaśas was dispatched to a small temple in the capital. In consequence the translation team of the Northern Qi were marginalized.
- CHI Limei, International College for Postgraduate Buddhist Studies
池麗梅, 国際仏教学大学院大学
日本古代寫本大藏經的複雜性與特殊性
The complexity and uniqueness of the ancient Japanese Manuscript Canons本文擬於東亞漢文大藏經的體系和背景下討論了日本奈良、平安和鎌倉時期寫本大藏經的文本源流及其特性。首先，日本寫本大藏經與中朝刻本大藏經以及敦煌吐魯番等出土文獻形成互補關係，是東亞佛教的珍貴遺產和研究材料。其次，日本寫本大藏經的文本源流雖在主體上繼承了開元年間以前的唐代寫經，但亦有其自身的形成過程及傳承歷史。奈良時期的日本作為引入佛教文化的終端，在建構其本土藏經之際，因其國內文本資源的局限性而做了一定程度的妥協；平安中期以後，《開寶藏》等刻本大藏經的傳入對於日本寫本大藏經也產生了一定影響。在使用這些域外文本時，需注意其自身的複雜性及特殊性。
This article aims to discuss the textual origins and characteristics of Japanese manuscript Canons from the Nara, Heian, and Kamakura periods within the framework and context of the East Asian Chinese Canon. Firstly, Japanese manuscript Canons, in conjunction with printed Canons from China and Korea and manuscripts from Dunhuang and Turfan, form a complementary relationship, representing valuable heritage and research material for East Asian Buddhism. Secondly, while the textual origins of Japanese manuscript Canons mainly inherit the Tang Dynasty manuscripts from before the Kaiyuan era, they also have their own formation process and transmission history. During the Nara period, as Japan was at the terminal point of introducing Buddhist culture, there were certain compromises made in constructing its local Canon due to the limitations of domestic textual resources. After the mid-Heian period, the introduction of printed Canons, such as the Kaibao Canon, also influenced Japanese manuscript Canons to some extent. When using these external texts, it is important to be aware of their inherent complexity and uniqueness.
- Heather CLYDESDALE, Santa Clara University
柯玉珊, 聖克拉拉大學
Architectural Aesthetics and the Manifestation of Buddhist Theory and Practice
建築美學與佛教理論與實踐的體現This paper explores how aesthetic principles in traditional Chinese architecture are preserved and reinvented in contemporary Buddhist institutions. It argues that this is because the attendant architectural aesthetics, although rooted in early Chinese cosmology and Daoism, support the understanding and practice of dharma today.
When Buddhism entered China, artisans embraced radical approaches to art-making, fashioning icons and painting narratives to catalyze rituals like guanxiang 觀像 and circumambulation. Curiously, however, architectural forms remained largely fixed to a foundation of traditional archetypes. Temple compounds were based on siheyuan 四合院 courtyards, pagodas and temples eclipsed stūpa as devotional buildings, and representations of architectural details in cave temples were ornamented with replicas of dougong 斗拱 brackets, fudou 覆斗 ceilings, and laternendecke caissons. There are some practical reasons why it was difficult to adopt Indian and Central Asian architecture on a large scale. Yet, the enduring preference for Chinese architectural styles and aesthetics suggests that deeper reasons are at play.
This paper compares two sites associated with the Dharma Drum World Center for Buddhist Education 法鼓山世界佛教教育園區: its headquarters amid the coastal mountains of New Taipei City 台北新市 and the Nung Chan Monastery 农禅寺 in Beitou 北投 to show how approaches to space and form manifest in modern and avant-garde religious architecture. The headquarters for Dharma Drum opened in 2005, realizing the vision of founder, Sheng-yen 聖嚴 (1931-2009). Based in part on Tang dynasty architecture and icons found in the Mogao 莫高 Caves, its minimal details, restrained use of color, and emphasis on connection with the landscape align it with global and modern-day Chan Buddhism. The Nung Chan Monastery, which opened in 2012 and was designed by international “starchitect” Kris Yao 姚仁喜, is unabashedly avant-garde. The architecture does not obviously draw on historical forms, but classical aesthetics are evident in the harmonious proportions, repeated juxtapositions of mass and void, and use of geomancy. Both sites demonstrate how aesthetic principles are adaptable to contemporary forms and doctrine. They suggest that Chinese architectural aesthetics are uniquely efficacious in promoting individual meditation, community rituals, spirituality, and unity between environment and people.
本文探討了中國傳統建築的美學原則如何在當代佛教寺廟與寺院中保存和重塑。 這是因為隨之而來的美學雖然植根於早期中國宇宙論和道教，但本質上支持當代對佛教的理解和實踐。
當佛教進入中國時，工匠們採用了激進的藝術創作方法，塑造佛像和繪畫本生敘事和傳記，以促進觀像和繞行等儀式。 然而，奇怪的是，建築形式很大程度上仍然固定在傳統原型的基礎上。 寺廟建築以四合院，佛塔以高闕為原型，成為虔誠的建築，石窟寺廟的建築細節則以鬥拱、復斗天花板和藻井的複製品裝飾。古代時 有一些實際原因使得大規模採用印度和中亞建築非常困難。 然而，中國建築風格和美學的持久偏好表明，有更深層的原因在起作用。
本文比較了法鼓山世界佛教教育園區的兩個相關地點：第一位於新北市沿海山區的總部， 第二位於北投的農禪寺，為了展示如何用空間和形式的方法體現在現代和前衛的佛廟院中。 法鼓總部建始於2005 年，實現了創始人聖嚴（1931-2009）的願景。總部佛寺的建築是部分基於莫高窟中發現的唐代建築和佛像，其極簡的細節、克制的色彩使用以及對與周圍環境的聯繫的強調與全球和現代的禪宗佛教相一致。 2012年開幕的農禪寺，由國際「明星建築師」姚仁喜設計，毫不掩飾前衛的風格。 其建築並沒有明顯借鑒歷史形式，但用和諧的比例、體量與虛空的反覆並置以風水的運用中, 古典美學顯而易見。 這兩個佛院都展示了美學原則如何適應當代形式和學說。 他們認為，中國建築美學在促進個人冥想、社區儀式、靈性以及環境與人之間的團結方面具有獨特的功效
- DEEG, Max, Cardiff University
寧梵夫, 卡迪夫大學
Projecting India in Chinese Medieval Buddhist Sources: A Case of Sinizication?
中國中古時期佛教資料中的印度投射—— 一個中國化的案例？Following the “Call for Proposals’” suggestive “‘multi-layered contextualization approach’”, this paper will revisit the concept of Sinicization of Buddhism from a more general and theoretical viewpoint through a comparison with other religious adaptation processes (Buddhist and non-Buddhist). Approaching the concept from the angle of a specific case, the focus will then be on sources which consciously address the cultural other of their religion in its Indianness, and will try to trace the changes and specific forms of presentation of this cultural otherness in selected sources up to the Tang period.
依據徵稿中提示的多層次語境化方法，本文將通過對比佛教與其他宗教適應過程（佛教與非佛教的），從更一般和理論的視角重新審視佛教中國化這個概念。文章先以一個具體的案例切入這個概念，然後聚焦於那些有意論及作為佛教文化他者的印度的資料，並追溯直至唐朝時期這些選定的資料中對印度這個文化他者的具體呈現方式和變化。
- GALAMBOS, Imre, Zhejiang University / University of Cambridge
高奕叡, 浙江大學 / 劍橋大學
The afterlife of a poem from Dunhuang
一首敦煌詩的後世Manuscript S.3698 is a scroll with the Classic of Filial Piety, copied by a student studying in a Buddhist monastery in Dunhuang during the tenth century. The verso of the scroll, amidst a multitude of seemingly random notes, features a quatrain written in a clumsy hand. The handwriting is so difficult to read that the last words of the poem are simply illegible, which may be part of the reason why this poem has received almost no attention in scholarship. Other than this fragmentary copy, it is unattested in written sources from Dunhuang or anywhere else during the pre-modern period. It is all the more surprising then that it reappears nine hundred years later, at the end of the nineteenth century, in a text written by a leader of a Chinese Sufi sect in the southern part of Ningxia. This paper addresses the survival of this poem in the oral tradition for nearly a millennium and the dramatic change of its context, finding its way from a medieval Buddhist monastery to a Muslim community in Ningxia.
敦煌寫本S.3698是一幅《孝經》卷軸，由十世紀在一座敦煌佛教寺院中的學生書寫。它的背面是許多看起來隨意的記錄，其中有一首書寫笨拙的四行詩。這首詩的字跡難以閱讀，最後幾個字直接無法辨認。這也可能是這首詩沒有受到學術界關注的原因之一。除了這個不完整的版本外，這首詩沒有在前現代時期敦煌以及其他任何地方的文本資料中出現過。然而更令人驚奇的是，在九百年後的十九世紀末，這首詩又出現了。它出現在寧夏南部一位中國蘇非派領袖書寫的文本中。本文探討這首詩如何在近千年的口述傳統中得以倖存以及它的語境從中古時期佛教寺院到寧夏穆斯林群體的劇變。
- GOOSSAERT, Vincent, EPHE
高萬桑, 法國高等研究院
Chinese Gods as Persons and Subjects
作為人和主體的中國神This paper is based on my ongoing work on Chinese gods and processes of subjectification whereby such gods affirm unique personas and engage humans in person-to-person interactions. It is based on a critical approach to much of the scholarship on gods who merely treat them as projection of human collective values and needs. I propose that the vast array of ritual techniques developed over the very longue durée in China to allow the gods to “talk back” to humans have allowed these gods to affirm themselves as persons and subjects – even though there was also resistance against such developments. I then wish to open a comparison with other religious cultures and explore the reasons why the presence of gods as subjects varies considerably between different cultural contexts: in some places, gods can engage humans as persons in ways comparable to the Chinese case, and in others they do not. My working hypothesis is that the availability and social acceptance of ritual techniques to allow the gods to talk is a crucial factor in such differences.
本文基於我正在進行的對中國神和藉由主體化過程這些神確認其獨特的人格面貌並使人們與其面對面互動的研究，以批判性的方法考察諸多將神僅僅當作人類集體價值和需求的投射的學術研究。我提出，在中國長期發展而來的一系列儀式技巧讓神可以反過來與人對話，這就使這些神確認了作為人和主體的身份，即使這些發展也面對了一些阻礙。我希望開啟中國宗教文化與其他宗教文化的對比，探究為什麼在不同文化背景下神作為主體的出現是不同的：在一些地方，神可以像中國案例那樣作為人與人類對話，而在其他地方是不行的。我的假設是，這種區別的關鍵因素是讓神說話的儀式技巧的可用性與社會接受度。
- HAN Oonjin / Ven. Kyougwan sunim, Dongguk University
韓雲珍(景完), 東國大學
佛教的現代化與全球化前景研究——以韓國中敘事文學爲主
A Study of the Modernization and Globalization Prospects of Buddhism with a Focus on Narrative Literature in Korea現代宗教的意義受到懷疑，可說正處於存亡絕續的關頭。各宗教因此不斷地尋找其存在意義。 雖然普遍認爲宗教與現代科學文明相去甚遠, 相互衝突， 佛教卻也表現出與天文學、物理學、腦科學等科學相契合之處。如此，佛教在現代文明中表現出適應的一面。著眼於此，筆者對佛教的現代化和全球化的可能性進行推測。本論特別以在歷史長河中相互影響的韓、中佛教為討論對象。因為兩國具有不同的特色，其發展情形不同。本論首先討論韓中佛教的受容與變容的互相關係。 通過這一過程來呈現出兩國佛教的現狀， 並尋找佛教現代化與全球化前景。通過此過程歸納，以期得出本主題總結的目標。
- Genevieve HAUER, University of Colorado, Boulder
王桂薇, 科羅納多大學
Transnational Buddhism and Chinese Workers on the Transcontinental Railroad
跨國佛教與橫貫美洲大陸鐵路上的中國工人Where do we look for information about the early Chinese adaptation of Buddhism in the US during the nineteenth century? Among the available archives, such as the Stanford Chinese Railroad Workers in North America Project, are accounts by missionaries, oral histories of descendants, photographs, temple records, and Central Pacific Railroad Company documents. Recent scholarship such as The Ghosts of Gold Mountain: The Epic Story of the Chinese Who Built the Transcontinental Railroad by Gordon H. Chang (2019), The Chinese and the Iron Road edited by Gordon H. Chang and Shelly Fisher Fishkin (2019), and The China Question: Gold Rushes and Global Politics by Mae Ngai (2022) reconstruct the history of the Chinese railway workers with little reference to popular religion, let alone Buddhism. This research examines an unpublished manuscript, written by Daniel Cleveland under the commission of the Central Pacific Railroad Company, which observes the Chinese-American immigration labor-force of the 1860s. This manuscript is a problematic testament to the period, given the Orientalist and racist lens through which he assesses Chinese religious practice in general terms, yet in the midst of that there are a few instances of recorded observation that give us glimpses into lived religion among Chinese Americans of the time. From 1865-1869, Chinese Buddhist practitioners adapted to the physically laborious demands of life working on the US Pacific Transcontinental Railroad in the rugged California of the time, and this paper makes an initial foray into what the archives can tell us about what adaptations they made to their religious practice. In the process, I attempt to pay respect to, and augment the agency of, the oft-overlooked Chinese workers who toiled and died along the US Transcontinental Railroad.
我們在哪裡可以找到有關19世紀佛教在美國的中國人對佛教的早期改造？就在現有的檔案，例如斯坦福北美華人鐵路工人項目，包括傳教士的敘述、後代的口述歷史、照片、寺廟記錄和中央太平洋鐵路公司文件中！最近的學術成果，如張少書 (Gordon H. Chang) 的《金山幽靈：建造橫貫美洲大陸鐵路的中國人的史詩級故事》(2019年)、張少書與Shelly Fisher Fishkin編輯的《中國人與鋼鐵之路》（2019 年）、以及 艾明如的《中國問題：淘金熱和全球政治》（2022年）重構了中國鐵路工人的歷史，但它們都幾乎沒有提及大眾宗教，更不用說佛教了。本研究考察了丹尼爾·克利夫蘭受中央太平洋鐵路公司委託撰寫的一份未發表的手稿，該手稿觀察了1860年代的華裔美國移民勞工。鑑於作者用東方主義和種族主義的視角來一般性地評估中國的宗教實踐，這份手稿是一個有問題的見證。儘管如此，其中有一些記錄下來的觀察實例，讓我們得以一睹美國中國人的生活宗教。從1865年到1869年,中國佛教修行者適應了當時在崎嶇的加利福尼亞州的美國太平洋橫貫鐵路上工作的體力勞動生活要求，本文初步探討了檔案可以告訴我們他們做了哪些調整他們的宗教實踐。在此過程中，我試圖向那些在美國橫貫鐵路沿線勞作並死亡的, 經常被忽視的中國工人表示敬意，並突出他們曾经所起到的作用。
- HONG Mianmian, Sun Yat-sen University
洪綿綿, 中山大學
金陵王氣與赤畿佛光——南渡政權與南方僧眾的正統性意欲
Auspicious Sign of Jiankang and Buddha’s Light of Capital: The Will to Orthodoxy of the Southern Governments and Sangha在佛鉢信仰與本土符瑞思想的啓發下，南朝僧俗二界所撰文本出現了「聖物重出」、「祥瑞南渡」的共有敘述母題。慧義隨劉裕北伐，得三十二璧作為代晉祥瑞，從《西徵記》、《宋書》與《高僧傳》的對比中，可以看到《宋書》巧妙捏合史料以呈現祥瑞由北至南之轉移的意圖，佛牙在宋末齊初的由北渡南、在梁陳二代的晦跡重出，南方典籍記求《涅槃經》事有意淡化曇無讖而突出智猛、雲《法華經》之《提婆達多品》曾淹留長安終至建康、述劉薩訶由北向南尋阿育王塔事，背後皆蘊含著南北對峙背景下，王權與僧眾以建康為天下中心的正統性意欲。
Inspired by the belief on Buddhist bowl and the local auspicious sign thought, the common narrative motifs of “the reemergence of sacred objects” and “auspicious cross to the South” appeared in the writings of monks and scholar officials in the Southern Dynasties. Huiyi followed Liu Yu’s northern expedition and acquired 32 pieces of jade as the auspicious of Song Dynasty. From the comparison of Records of the Western Expedition, the Song History Book and the Eminent Monk Biography, we can see that the Song History Book cleverly compiled the historical materials to show the auspicious movement from north to south. The historical records narrated the appearance and disappearance of Tooth Relic, the record of searching for Nirvana Sutra downplayed Tanwuchen and highlighted Zhimeng, the record narrated that the Devadatta of the Saddharmapuṇḍarīka Sutra had stayed in Chang ‘an and reached on Jian Kang at last, and the story told about Liu Sahe’s search for the Ashoka Tower from north to south, all of which contained the will to orthodoxy of the royal power and monks to take Jiankang as the center of the world under the background of north-south confrontation.
- HONG Xiang, The University of Hong Kong
宏祥, 香港大學
五會念佛在大灣區及海外傳播概述
An Overview of the Spread of the Five-Tempo Intonation of the Name of the Buddha in the Greater Bay Area and Overseas Regions五會念佛是唐代淨土宗祖師法照大師根據《無量壽經》所創立的一種念佛法門，並在五台山、太原、長安等地相繼流傳，一直延續至宋代。本世紀初期，隨著敦煌藏經洞的發現，五會念佛再次引起世人的關注，尤其在中國大陸、香港和日本等地掀起了修學熱潮。研究發現，五會念佛在潮州開元寺、香港東蓮覺苑和日本浄土真宗本願寺派等地的修學儀軌因地域差異而有所變化，形成了各自獨特的念佛儀軌。因此，本文通過文獻梳理和田野調查，將逐一考察這一念佛法門在不同地區的傳播和修學情況，旨在分析和探討五會念佛在大灣區及海外的傳播影響。
This paper investigates the impact of the spread of the Five-Tempo Intonation of the Name of the Buddha in the Greater Bay Area and overseas regions. In recent years, there has been a renewed global interest in this practice, particularly in mainland China, Hong Kong, and Japan, following the discovery of the Dunhuang Library Cave in the early 21st century. Significantly, variations in the practice of the Five-Tempo Intonation of the Name of the Buddha have been observed in specific locations, such as Kaiyuan Temple in Chaozhou, Tung Lin Kok Yuen in Hong Kong, and the Jodo Shinshu Hongwanji-ha in Japan. These regional differences have resulted in the development of distinct ritual manuals and practices. Therefore, this paper aims to examine and analyze the diverse manifestations of the Five-Tempo Intonation of the Name of the Buddha observed in different geographical contexts.
- JI Huachuan, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
紀華傳, 中國社會科學院
清末民初的社會巨變與佛教現代化
Dramatic Social Changes and Modernization of Buddhism in the Late Qing and Early Republican Periods清末民初是中國歷史上的巨大轉折時期，在政治制度、文化結構、社會生活及價值觀念等各個方面都發生了根本性的變化，中央集權的帝王專制制度由危機重重到最終瓦解。中國佛教在近兩千年的歷史中形成與帝制相適應的佛教制度面臨前所未有的挑戰，在晚清民初的空前社會轉型中，西方文化傳入和基督教傳播的衝擊下，傳統社會中的儒釋道三教融合的格局受到新的打擊，不但在外部歷經太平天國運動以及廟產興學運動的衝擊，而且自身千百年來陳陳相因積弊叢生，中國佛教就在此空前的危機中開啓了艱難曲折的現代化歷程。中國佛教畢竟有著近兩千年源遠流長的深厚底蘊，有著上至知識階層下至平民百姓的廣泛社會影響，所以具有自身反省生存和發展的頑強生命力。近代佛教所面臨的危難，為佛教的轉型和發展帶來了新的契機，本文試圖從佛教制度、佛教組織和佛教教育等方面，探析這一時期中國佛教界在革除歷史積弊、適應時代發展的現代化探索。本文試圖探析這一時期中國佛教界在革除歷史積弊、適應時代發展的做出的探索。
The late Qing and early Republican period marked a significant turning point in Chinese history, witnessing fundamental changes in political institutions, cultural structures, social life, and value systems. The centralized imperial autocracy, which had faced numerous crises, ultimately disintegrated. Chinese Buddhism, having evolved over nearly two millennia in symbiosis with imperial governance, confronted unprecedented challenges. Amidst this societal transformation, the influx of Western culture and the spread of Christianity exerted pressure on the traditional amalgamation of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism. Not only did it endure upheavals such as the Taiping Rebellion and the movement of revitalizing temple assets for education, but it also grappled with endemic issues accumulated over centuries. Chinese Buddhism embarked on a difficult and convoluted path towards modernization. However, owing to its rich and extensive heritage and its widespread societal influence from the intellectual elite to the common populace, Chinese Buddhism possessed a resilient vitality for self-reflection, survival, and development. These challenges presented new opportunities for its transformation and advancement. This paper aims to investigate the initiatives undertaken by the Chinese Buddhist community during this period to address historical issues and adapt to contemporary developments, focusing on Buddhist institutions, organizations, and education.
- KEYWORTH, George, University of Saskatchewan
紀強, 薩斯喀徹爾大學
On the Enduring Legacy of Tiantai 天台 Educational Books in Premodern Japan: the [Tendai enshū shikyō goji 天台円宗四教五時] Nishidani myōmoku 西谷名目 and Shishi yaolan 釋氏要覽 (Śākyamuni [Buddha’s] Essential Teachings)
前現代日本天台宗教育書籍持久的遺產——《天台円宗四教五時西谷名目》和《釋氏要覽》How did premodern East Asian Buddhist learn about the history and teachings of the Buddha? Although a generation or more of scholarship in western language scholarship (Ch’en 1964) suggests that Chinese, Korean, and Japanese Buddhists have a preference for the study of sūtras, including the Lotus (Fahua jing 法華經), Avataṃsaka (Huayan jing 華厳經), and many more, even if that were something like an historical fact, how did monastics and lay Buddhists learn the tenets of those sūtras? Given its conspicuous self-image as an authentic branch of Chinese Buddhism in Japan, the great Tendai tradition 天台宗 (Ch. Tiantai)—both atop Mt. Hiei 比叡山 and below it at Miidera 三井寺—preserves several educational books that generations of Japanese Buddhists have considered to reflect an educational curriculum from Song China (960-1279). In this paper I introduce and provide an overview of the Tendai enshū shikyō goji 天台円宗四教五時 Nishidani myōmoku 西谷名目 (Guide to the Perfect Tendai Tradition’s Four Teachings and Five Periods, according to the Nishidani Approach), which is preserved in multiple editions—with sub-commentaries—from the Edo 江戸 period (1603-1868) and earlier and references an early 11th century Chinese exegetical compendium called the Shishi yaolan 釋氏要覽 (Śākyamuni [Buddha’s] Essential Teachings, T no. 2127). I show how, according to Tendai Buddhists who followed the teachings of many teachers who studied in China across more than 400 years, the essential teachings of Buddhism are best conveyed through what we might call a Tiantai lens of scholarship. Finally, I point out how the Nishidani myōmoku and other Tendai educational manuals were used at monastic training centers in Japan from nearly all traditions (e.g., Shingon 真言宗, Zen 禪宗, Shinshū 真宗, Hokkeshū 法華宗).
前現代東亞佛教徒如何了解佛陀的歷史和教法？儘管西方學界一代乃至幾代的學者指出中國、朝鮮和日本的佛教徒更傾向於學經，包括《法華經》《華嚴經》和其他許多佛經，即使這個說法好像符合史實，僧眾和在家居士又是如何了解這些佛經的主旨的？鑒於日本天台宗的自我形象是中國佛教的正統分支，在比叡山上以及山下的三井寺，都保存了一些教育書籍，一代又一代的日本佛教徒都認為這些書籍反映了中國宋代（960–1279）的教育課程。在本文中我介紹並概述了《天台円宗四教五時西谷名目》。這本書保存有江戶時代和更早期的多個版本，並且附有註釋。同時我還參考了中國十一世紀早期的一部註釋類書《釋氏要覽》（《大正藏》第2127號）。我揭示了佛教的核心教義，按照那些遵循了四百多年中諸多前往中國學習的老師們的教導的天台宗佛徒的說法，如何通過天台教義的透鏡（我們或許可以稱為），得到了最佳的傳達。最後，我指出《天台円宗四教五時西谷名目》以及其他天台宗教育指南如何在日本幾乎所有宗派（例如，真言宗、禪宗、真宗、法華宗）的僧眾教育中心被使用。
- Jahyun KIM, Dongguk University
金慈玄，東國大學
The Sinicization of Early Ming Buddhist Art: Acceptance, Transformation, and Spread of Buddhist Iconography
明代早期佛教藝術的中國化——佛教造像的接受、轉化和傳播The purpose of this paper is to explore the process by which Buddhist prints produced in mainland China during the early Ming Dynasty accepted foreign cultures, underwent Sinicization, and spread to other countries. This study begins with an examination of Buddhist prints in Korea. In Korea, a Lotus Sutra featuring a splendid frontispiece illustration print was published by a royal woman of the Joseon dynasty in 1459. And the postscript of this sutra indicates that it is modeled on a Ming dynasty print published by the imperial court of China. Among the Buddhist prints published in the early Ming Dynasty, there exists a print with identical iconography to this one. Upon investigating the origins of this print, it was confirmed that it underwent a process of Sinicization from the Hexizi Canon, originally published in the Hangzhou area during the Yuan Dynasty, and consequently, emerged as a quintessential frontispiece illustration print of the Ming Dynasty. Therefore, this study aims to delve into the historical context surrounding the reception of Western Xia prints during the Yuan Dynasty, the process of Sinicization they underwent, and the subsequent transmission to Joseon, where they influenced the realm of Buddhist art, particularly focusing on prints from the Ming Dynasty. This study is expected to help clarify the exchange patterns and mutual influences among East Asian countries in the domain of Buddhist art.
本文的目的是探究明代早期中國大陸佛教版畫接受外來文化，中國化，再傳播到其他國家的過程。本文開頭考察了朝鮮的佛教版畫。在1459年，朝鮮王朝的一位王室女性刻印的《法華經》中有一幅精美的卷首插圖版畫。此經的後記表明它以中國宮廷刻印的明代版畫為模板。在明代早期刻印的佛教版畫中，有一幅與這部經中的版畫有相同的造像。通過調查這幅版畫的來源，確認了這幅版畫來自元代刻印於杭州地區的河西字大藏經，並經歷了中國化的過程，從而在明代作為一個典型的卷首版畫出現。因此，本文旨在深入西夏版畫在元代被接受，其中國化的過程以及之後傳入朝鮮的歷史背景，尤其關注明代版畫在朝鮮對佛教藝術領域的影響。本文希望幫助釐清佛教藝術領域東亞國家間的交流模式和相互影響。
- LI Jingjing, Leiden University
李晶晶, 萊頓大學
Illusory Conventions and The Modernization of Chinese Buddhism
虛幻世俗與中國佛教的現代化In the Madhyamaka theory of twofold truth, sentient beings shall comprehend the illusory and deceptive nature of dependent arising at the conventional level for attaining the ultimate truth of emptiness. As the Sanlun master Jizang once remarked, “for practitioners with skillful means and wisdom, they come to learn the twofold truth to realize that there is nothing to attain.” Given this Madhyamaka commitment, Buddhist reformers are soon presented with the doctrinal question on conventional reality when they strive to modernize Buddhism and make it more socially engaged: if there is eventually nothing to attain, what is the value and worth of the conventionally true society and why does it matter to transform social conventions? In this article, I explore how Buddhist thinkers like Fazun draw from Tibetan Buddhist resources for reaffirming the value and worth of conventional reality, which allows for consolidating the theoretical foundation of their project of modernizing Chinese Buddhism.
在中觀的二諦理論中，有情眾生應理解世俗層面上的緣起之虛妄性，進而通達勝義諦的空性。正如三論法師吉藏所言，“若有巧方便慧，學此二諦，成無所得” (T no. 1853, 15a18)。然而，當佛教改革者致力於讓他們的傳統更加現代化更加入世的時候，如此立論的中觀思想立刻讓他們面臨到一個關於世俗有的義理難題：如果一切畢竟無所得，那僅是世俗真實的世界有何價值呢？改變世間習俗又有何意義呢？在這篇文章中，我將探討以法尊法師為代表的思想家如何引用藏傳佛教資源來重新承認世俗有的價值。如此觀之，他們的努力為佛教現代化奠定了堅實的理論基礎。
- LI Meng, Fudan University
李猛, 復旦大學
中古佛教靈驗記中的反佛帝王公卿
Anti-Buddhist Emperors and Ministers in Medieval Buddhist Devotionals隋唐時期，佛教靈驗記大量出現，不僅有因信奉、護持三寶而得到感應的正向敘述，也不乏反佛帝王、公卿因其反佛言行而遭到報應乃至下地獄的敘述。後者以北周武帝宇文邕因廢佛而下地獄最具代表性，近十餘種文獻記載此靈驗，可梳理出三種版本，可見時人對此一主題的關注。
此外，曾廢佛或反佛的赫連勃勃、北魏太武帝拓拔燾、吳主孫皓等帝王，曾提議或採取廢/反/批佛措施的衛元嵩、傅奕、謝晦等公卿，因而也在這些靈驗記中得到相應的“懲罰”。以此視角，還可以審視《朝野僉載》所載唐太宗入冥故事以及敦煌本《唐太宗入冥記》，對唐太宗入冥及其故事流變，會有新的認識。
唐初“護法菩薩”法琳最早系統編集整理靈驗記，並盛讚其可以“傳之典謨，懸諸日月”。這些工作和理念，爲道宣、道世、唐臨、郎餘令等僧俗所繼承。借用靈驗記這種形式來懲罰這些反佛帝王、公卿，是對反佛人士尤其是廢佛帝王的一種反抗，當然這種反抗是滯後的。對於佛教僧俗而言，這些靈驗記體現了他們樸素的宗教感情，也是一種心理寄託，畢竟現實中很難對他們的反佛言行予以懲罰。
對於當世以及後世的公卿帝王而言，這種主題的靈驗記也是一種勸誡和警示。這種主題靈驗記與靈驗記集的出現，與護法文獻一樣，是護法僧俗對其時廢佛、抑佛政策做出的回應。今人將這些佛教靈驗記稱爲“釋氏輔教書”，顯然不夠全面。
During the Sui and Tang dynasties (581AD-907AD), a large number of Buddhist Themed Devotionals appeared.Apart from those who gained rewards for their Buddhist believing, there are also accounts of anti-Buddhist emperors and ministers who were penalized for their anti-Buddhist words and actions, including sending these nobilities to hell. The most representative example was the Emperor Wu of the Northern Zhou Dynasty (543AD-578AD). Stories about his imprisonment for abolishing the Buddha varies more than a dozen, forming three major version.
In addition, emperors such as Helian Bohu, Emperor Taiwu of the Northern Wei Dynasty, and Lord Sun Hao of the Wu Dynasty, who abolished or opposed Buddhism, and ministers such as Wei Yuansong, Fu Yi, and Xie Xi, who proposed or took measures to abolish/oppose/approve Buddhism, were also punished accordingly in these apocryphal accounts. Different versions of Tang Taizong ruming ji 唐太宗入冥記 in Chaoye qianzai 朝野僉載 and in Dunhuang Documents can also be seen as series apocryphal accounts in this theme.
Falin was the first eminent monk to systematically compile and organize Buddhist Devotionals, and commended them highly. These works and philosophies were inherited by monks and ministers such as Dao Xuan, Dao Shi, Tang Ling, and Lang Yu Ling. This form of punishment for these anti-Buddhist emperors and ministers was a form of resistance, following the religious policy at that time. These Buddhist devotionals were a manifestation of their simple religious feelings and a kind of psychological support. After all, it was very difficult to penalize Emperors and powerful Ministers for their anti-Buddhist words and actions in reality. To the emperors and later generations in Medieval period, the existence of theme of the devotionals was also a kind of admonition and warning. The emergence of Buddhist apocryphal journals and collections of apocryphal journals on this theme was the response of the Dharma-protecting monks and folk of the time to the policy of abolishing Buddhism. People nowadays saw these records as Buddhist doctrine tutoring was neither profound nor accurate.
- MA Xi, Nankai University
馬熙，南開大學
「歷史權力」的建構與一座唐宋北方佛寺的轉興之理
The Structuring of the “Power” of History：A case study in a Northern Chinese Buddhist temple in the Tang-Song Transition
山西晉城青蓮寺，保有北朝以來眾多佛教文物，今存世多件《開寶藏》即為此寺住持沙門鑒巒所刻。其影響雖遠不能比之西明、慈恩這樣的巨寺，但歷代相續不絕，折射出了佛教在華北歷史變遷的若干重要軌跡。本文旨在論證：青蓮寺在唐宋時期的轉興，有其時代的內在之理。它的復興，首先與唐後期訪古、懷古的時代風氣直接相關，百餘年間來自外地的僧侶與本地社邑互相合作，他們借用國家制度的語言——文章碑誌，不斷將自身置於國家-地方文化的議程中，從而將其作為「歷史權力」的文化權益，轉化為敕額、藏經、土地、差科減免等現實的經濟與政治權益。可以說，在青蓮寺的轉興過程中，歷史與現實，二者互相發生影響。這一過程，尤當從唐宋「文」的轉變這一流動中加以觀察。
The Qinglian Temple 青蓮寺 in Jincheng, Shanxi Province, preserves numerous artifacts from the Tang and Song dynasties. Although its influence may not match that of grand temples like Ximing 西明 and Cien 慈恩, it witnessed the social changes of Buddhism in the southeastern region of Shanxi throughout the ages. The revival of Qinglian Temple during the Tang and Song periods could be attributed to the prevailing trend of visiting and cherishing ancient relics in the late Tang Dynasty. Over the span of a hundred years, visiting monks from other regions collaborated with the local community, using the language of the state system to transform “historical benefits” into tangible economic benefits. In the process of revival, history and reality mutually influenced each other, and this article attempts to summarize this process as the “the Structuring of the Power of History.”
- PAN, Sherry, University of Michigan
潘清悅, 密歇根大學
Buddhist Mortuary Rituals for Pets as Cultural Practices in Contemporary China
當代中國佛教式的寵物喪葬習俗This paper investigates the incorporation of Buddhist rituals in pet mortuary services in present-day China, highlighting a burgeoning industry that began taking shape in the late 2010s. This examination centers on a case study of Tianpet, a well-established national brand, and its operations in Nanjing. In modern times, Chinese Buddhism has experienced substantial transformations, responding to rapidly evolving socio-political, cultural, and economic conditions. These changes have fostered the development of new industries that incorporate Buddhist services, often positioning Buddhism as an integral part of Chinese cultural heritage, rather than merely religious practices. Contemporary applications of this recontextualization of Buddhism are evident in industries like pet memorial services, which is the focus of this paper. Through a comparative lens with the more established markets in Japan, Korea, Taiwan, and Hong Kong, this study highlights the practical application of Buddhism in the context of pet mortuary services, illustrating one way through which Buddhist practices have been adapted to meet local market preferences in mainland China. By doing so, this research aims to serve as a preliminary inquiry into these practices, setting the groundwork for further scholarly investigation into animal mortuary customs in contemporary China and their cultural implications.
本文探討了佛教儀式在當代中國寵物殯葬服務中的融入，關注了一個在2010年代後興起的行業。本研究以全國品牌天寵的南京分店為案例進行分析。現代中國佛教經歷了顯著的轉型，以應對快速變化的社會、政治、文化和經濟環境。這些變化促進了涉及佛教禮儀的新興行業的發展。這些行業往往強調佛教禮儀為傳統文化遺產的重要組成部分，而不宣傳為宗教活動。這種對於佛教禮儀的重新定義在當代的寵物殯葬行業中得到了應用，也是本文的研究重點。通過與日本、韓國、台灣和香港等更為成熟的市場進行對比，本文展示了佛教在寵物殯葬服務中的實際應用，以及如何適應中國大陸本地市場的偏好。通過這項研究，本文旨在做為對寵物殯葬習俗的初步探討，為進一步研究當代中國動物喪儀習俗以及其文化意義奠定基礎。
- PEI Changchun, Shandong Normal University
裴長春, 山東師範大學
吐蕃統治下漢人如何學習藏文——法藏敦煌藏文文獻P. T. 1257《蕃漢雙語詞彙表》再探
A Re-Examination of Pelliot tibétain 1257: A Workbook for Chinese Learning Tibetan?保存在法國國家圖書館的敦煌藏文文献P. T. 1257中抄寫有一份藏漢雙語詞匯表，其中匯總了一些最基本的佛教術語，以及從《解深密经》中摘抄的詞彙。這件詞匯表中的藏文詞彙率先由一個人完成，而漢語詞匯則在之後由三個人完成。這件詞匯表可能是一件由藏文教師製作的供漢族學生學習藏文詞匯的作業本。這個作業本，由漢族學生填寫漢語詞匯，並且此後仍歸漢族學生佔有和使用。這些敦煌本地的漢人學習藏文應該和當時由西藏國王發起的佛教抄經事業密切相關。
P.T. 1257, a manuscript found in Dunhuang housed in the Bibliothèque Nationale de France, contains a Bilingual Tibetan-Chinese Vocabulary List that compiles some of the most fundamental Buddhist terminology and vocabulary excerpted from the Saṃdhi-nirmocana-sūtra. The Tibetan terms in this glossary were initially written by a single individual, while the Chinese terms were subsequently filled in by three individuals. This vocabulary list may have been a workbook created by a Tibetan teacher for Chinese students learning Tibetan vocabulary. The workbook was filled with Chinese vocabulary by Chinese students and remained in their possession and use thereafter. The learning of Tibetan by these Chinese individuals in Dunhuang was likely closely related to the Buddhist sutra copying project initiated by the Tibetan king at that time
- REN Yian, Stanford University
任易安，斯坦佛大學
The Emergence of the Mañjuśrī Child Image in Early Medieval Japan: A Study of Iconographical Transformation
中世紀早期日本文殊菩薩兒童形象的出現及文殊菩薩的形象轉變The image of the Mañjuśrī Bodhisattva underwent a significant transformation in early medieval Japan as he began to be portrayed as a child, which marks a departure from the Chinese predecessors of Mañjuśrī representations as an adult male. This shift in Mañjuśrī’s portrayal coincided with the designation of the Kasuga Wakamiya 春日若宮 deity as the local manifestation of Mañjuśrī in the early eleventh century, a period characterized by frequent natural disasters and a crisis of trust in the Fujiwara family’s spiritual authority.This paper examines how the Japanese perception of Mount Wutai as Mañjuśrī’s pure land shaped his cult and his relationship with the Shinto deity, thereby influencing the creation of his images in Japan. Furthermore, the perception of children as liminal figures between this world and the other, along with the special sentiments towards the chigo 稚児 in medieval Japanese Buddhist monasteries, stimulated the emergence of Mañjuśrī’s youthful depiction. By tracing the stylistic and iconographical evolution of Mañjuśrī images from earlier Chinese murals, sculptures, and book illustrations to the Japanese child depictions that emerged in the Kasuga and Esoteric Buddhist contexts, this study aims to contribute to the understanding of the adaptation and transformation of Buddhist iconography as it traversed cultural boundaries from China to Japan.
與中國佛教藝術中文殊菩薩的成年男子形像不同，在日本中世紀早期，文殊菩薩開始以兒童形像出現在藝術作品中。平安時代末期自然災害頻繁，當時的執政貴族藤原家族的宗教權威面臨前所未有的信任危機。為了因應這一危機，十一世紀初，常以兒童形像出現的若宮神作為春日大神新的眷屬神祇被設立於藤原家氏社春日大社中。在日本神佛習合的過程中，受到本地垂蹟說的影響，春日若宮神被視為文殊菩薩的本地化身，促使文殊的兒童形象開始在春日信仰的藝術作品中出現。本文探討了佛教典籍中的文殊形像以及五臺山作為文殊聖地的觀念如何影響了日本的文殊崇拜，從而促成了文殊菩薩和春日若宮神的獨特聯繫。此外，日本自古以來對兒童這一群體的特殊觀念，即把他們視作能在此世與彼世之間的自由移動的使者，以及在中世紀寺院中對”稚兒”這一群體的特殊認知，也刺激了文殊兒童形象的出現與流行。本文追溯了文殊菩薩從成年男子到兒童的形象變化過程，旨在加深人們對佛教藝術風格和圖像學跨文化適應和轉變的理解。
- SHI Daoxin, Minnan Buddhist College
釋道心，閩南佛學院
近現代閩南佛學院留學僧的培養初探
The First Exploration of the Cultivation of Overseas Saṃgha Students at the Buddhist College of Minnan in Modern Times太虛大師是近現代閩南佛學院留學僧培養的發起人。大師自1928年旅洋歐美回國後，就有了想在中國成立世界佛學院，培養國際性弘法僧才，促進中外佛教交流，引領中國佛教走向世界，由外而內，曲線救教，達到復興中國佛教之目的。因此，他先後派出多名閩院學僧到緬甸、錫蘭、印度、泰國、日本等地留學。這些留學僧為20世紀中國佛教的延續和中外佛教交流起到了“一帶一路”的作用。改革開放後，中國佛教得以恢復，閩院院長則悟大和尚再次意識到僧才的重要性，又陸續成就學僧到日本、韓國、美國、泰國、斯里蘭卡、新加坡等國留學，擴寬學僧的眼界和學識，從而使中國佛教得以快速恢復，溝通中外佛教交流。雖然在留學僧的培養方面，閩院現在還屬於摸索階段，如果能夠持續培養，相信不久的將來，定會越來越成熟，越辦越好，讓更多海外華僑華人和外國人知道閩院，從而對中國佛教產生興趣並且學習中國佛教和文化，使閩院的悠久與優秀的學術傳統進一步發揚光大，為漢傳佛教的現代化與國際化再建輝煌。
Master Taixu was the initiator of the training of overseas monks at the Minnan Buddhist College in modern times. Since his return to China in 1928 from his travels in Europe and the United States, Master Taixu had the idea of establishing a world Buddhist academy in China to cultivate international Dharma-expanding monks, to promote exchanges between Chinese and foreign Buddhists, to lead Chinese Buddhism into the world, and to achieve the purpose of reviving Chinese Buddhism from the outside to the inside by rescuing the religion in an indirect but expedient way. Therefore, he successively sent a number of students from the Minnan Buddhist College to study in Burma, Ceylon, India, Thailand, Japan and other places. These monks played a role of “One Belt, One Road” for the continuation of Chinese Buddhism and the exchange between Chinese and foreign Buddhism in the 20th century. After the reform and opening up of China, Chinese Buddhism was restored, and the President of the Minnan Buddhist College, Master Zewu, has once again realised the importance of monastic talent, and successively accomplished the study of monks in Japan, South Korea, the United States, Thailand, Sri Lanka, Singapore, and other countries, to broaden the horizons and knowledge of the monks, so as to enable the rapid restoration of Buddhism in China, and to facilitate the communication between Chinese and foreign Buddhists. Although the training of overseas students is still in the exploratory stage, if we can continue to train them, we believe that in the near future, it will become more and more mature and better and better, so that more overseas Chinese and foreigners will know about the Minnan Buddhist College, and become interested in Chinese Buddhism and learn Chinese Buddhism and culture, so that the long and excellent academic tradition of the Minnan Buddhist College can be further developed and expanded, with even more brilliant contribution to the modernization and internationalization of Chinese Buddhism.
- SHI Gufu, Minnan Buddhist College
釋古福，閩南佛學院
“契理契機”在新時代佛教弘法中的理論指導——以閩南佛學院“慈善義賣”為視角
On the Principle of “Living in accordance with the Buddha’s Teachings and also in Light of the Social Environment of the Times” in the Modernization of Buddhism佛教自印度傳入中國後，為了融入中華大地，中國化是其必然選擇。在佛教中國化的道路上，“契理契機”是其根本原則。“契理”，是上契諸佛無上妙法之理； “契機”，是下契眾生百千根性之機。與佛教中國化相應，“契理”即是堅持佛教的基本信仰和核心教義，“契機”就是要在立足中國國情的基礎上適應時代變化、滿足現實需求，不斷做出自我調整和改變。當下時代，佛教在現代化過程中，依然要遵循“契理契機”的原則。
After Buddhism was introduced into China from India, in order to be integrated into the land of China, Sinification was its inevitable choice. In the course of Sinification of Buddhism, “abiding by the Buddha’s Teachings and tallying with the roots [of the sentient beings]” has been its fundamental principle. Whereas “abiding by the Buddha’s Teachings” is to observe the supreme dharma of all Buddhas, “tallying with the roots” is in tune with the roots of all the sentient beings. Corresponding to the Sinification of Buddhism, ” abiding by the Buddha’s Teachings” means to adhere to the basic beliefs and core teachings of Buddhism, and “tallying with the roots ” means to adapt to the changes of the times and to meet the needs of the reality on the basis of China’s national conditions, and to make self-adjustment and changes continuously. In the modernisation process of Buddhism in the present age, it is still necessary to follow the principle of “abiding by the Buddha’s Teachings and tallying with the roots [of the sentient beings].”
- SHI Minghan, Minnan Buddhist College
釋明航，閩南佛學院
近代佛教現代化轉型的時代背景及機緣
The Background and Opportunities of the Modernization and Transformation of Modern Buddhism近代的中國佛教發生了兩次重大的革新運動，一次在晚清時期，一次在民國時期，通過考察兩次革新運動所處的現實狀況與輿論環境，本文認為民國時期，太虛法師主導的佛教革新運動是佛教現代化轉型的標誌。
清末民初時期，近代佛教處於由千年歷史大變局與東西方文化交融的坐標體系中重新定位的關鍵時期。在社會大變革時代，佛教作為舊文明的代表和縮影，面臨嚴峻的生存危機，而危機的升級伴則隨著輿論的推波助瀾。佛教在近代淪為主流輿論攻擊的對象，就此而言，近代佛教革新運動的基本目標便是融入現代化潮流，完成從逆主流輿論到主流輿論的轉變。
而這一目標無法通過晚清時期以康有為、梁啓超為代表的知識精英而實現，因為他們引導的復興思潮是以傳統佛教為武器而抵御精神危機，也就是在傳統輿論譜系中重新定位佛教。但是近代佛教的轉型是使佛教融入於新的輿論場中。事實上，這一復興運動是由太虛大師發起，以《海潮音》的創刊為標誌。此次佛教復興運動是“新文化運動在佛教領域的延伸”，是“社會文化大變革的縮影”。
太虛大師主動順應當時崇新的主流觀念，並且與舊蔽制割裂，樹立起鑄造新文化的旗幟。他展示了佛教的新形象，至今仍引領著當代漢傳佛教發展的方向。由此可知，太虛大師成功設計了使佛教融入主流輿論的路徑，指明佛教現代轉型的核心內容。
In modern Chinese Buddhism, there were two major revolutionary movements, one in the late Qing Dynasty and the other in the Republic period. By examining the realities and public opinion of these two revolutionary movements, this paper argues that the Buddhist revolutionary movement led by Venerable Master Taixu during the Republic period was a symbol of the modernization and transformation of Buddhism.
During the late Qing and early Republic periods, modern Buddhism was in a critical period of repositioning itself in the coordinate system of the great change in the history of the millennium and the fusion of Eastern and Western cultures. In the era of great social changes, Buddhism, as the representative and epitome of the old civilization, faced a severe existential crisis, and the escalation of the crisis was accompanied by the push and pull of public opinion. In modern times, Buddhism has become an object of attack by mainstream public opinion. In this regard, the basic goal of the modern Buddhist renewal movement is to integrate into the trend of modernization and to complete the transformation from counter-mainstream public opinion to mainstream public opinion.
This goal could not be realized by the intellectual elites of the late Qing Dynasty, represented by Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao, because they led the revival of thinking by using traditional Buddhism as a weapon to resist the spiritual crisis, that is to say, repositioning Buddhism in the traditional spectrum of public opinion. But the transformation of modern Buddhism is to integrate Buddhism into the new field of public opinion. In fact, this revival movement was initiated by Master Taixu and marked by the founding of Haichaoyin. This revival of Buddhism was “an extension of the New Culture Movement in the field of Buddhism” and “epitomized the great social and cultural changes”.
Master Taixu took the initiative to conform to the prevailing concepts of the time, and to break away from the old system, setting up a banner for the creation of a new culture. He presented a new image of Buddhism that still leads the direction of contemporary Chinese Buddhism. From this it can be seen that Master Taixu successfully devised a path to integrate Buddhism into mainstream public opinion, pointing out the core of Buddhism’s modern transformation.
- Nengren SHI, Buddhist Academy of China
釋能仁, 中國佛學院
巨瀾孤舟——法舫法師1950
A Lone Boat in the Midst of Monstrous Waves: Dharma Master Fafang in 19501949年，新中國成立，中國社會邁入前所未有的歷史新路口。遠在錫蘭（今斯里蘭卡）的法舫法師敏銳地意識到中國佛教所面臨的巨大歷史變革，認為中國所發生的廣泛的社會和經濟變革，對人民生活有著根本性的影響，佛教徒、僧眾和佛教團體當然也應感知到這些變革的力量，影響深遠的相應變化必然產生。法舫法師對新時代的到來充滿信心，積極投入世界佛教徒聯誼會的創建，在國際舞台上向世界宣傳新生的人民政府對佛教寺院、佛學院、藏經的保護，認為中國佛教徒有足夠的理由滿懷信心地瞻望將來，實為彼時勇立時代潮頭之第一人。本文以法舫法師在1950年前後的相關活動為線索，考察其在波瀾壯闊的歷史時刻卓越的思想抉擇和弘教實踐。
In 1949, with the founding of the new China, Chinese society stepped into a new junction of unprecedented history. Venerable Dafang, who was far away in Ceylon (present-day Sri Lanka), was keenly aware of the great historical changes facing Buddhism in China, and believed that the wide-ranging social and economic changes taking place in China had a fundamental impact on the lives of the people, and that Buddhists, monks, and the Buddhist community should of course perceive the power of these changes, and that far-reaching and corresponding changes were bound to arise. Venerable Dafang was full of confidence in the coming of the new era, actively participated in the founding of the World Fellowship of Buddhists, publicized to the world on the international stage the protection of Buddhist monasteries, Buddhist colleges, and Buddhist scriptures by the newborn People’s Government, and believed that Chinese Buddhists had enough reasons to look forward to the future with confidence, and was really the first person who was brave enough to stand on the head of the tide of the era at that time. This article takes Venerable Fafang’s activities before and after 1950 as a clue to examine his outstanding ideological choices and practice of propagating Buddhism at the time of the magnificent history.
- SHI Shang, Capital Normal University
石尚, 首都師範大學
莫高窟第285窟新舊畫風反思與南壁《五百盲賊得眼》故事畫重讀
Re-reading the Multiple Painting Styles of Cave 285 in Mogao Grottoes and the Narrative Painting “Five Hundred Robbers” on its South Wall莫高窟第285窟創修於西魏大統四年（538）前，此窟在石窟性質、繪畫風格和題材上的新意一向為學界所重。本文第一部分將梳理該窟第一種畫風與敦煌北魏晚期藝術間的關係，並以新出土材料論證第二種畫風與洛陽乃至南朝繪畫的密切關係。本文第二部分將聚焦南壁《五百盲賊得眼》故事畫，指出中落目、蓮台、盆花等細節體現了畫師的獨特理解，從法眼、漸頓、定慧等角度加以詮釋。
本研究希望對石窟壁畫藝術的樣式風格方法進行反思。首先，畫法和圖式具有比宗教屬性更廣泛的共性，佛教壁畫、墓葬美術等作品皆可相通比較，這也是佛教中國化在繪畫方面的體現。其次，繪畫作品具有自身的“藝術意志”，在樣式風格的研究方法下尤需關注每件作品的個性，並優先考慮宗教藝術在自身語境之下的意涵。
Cave 285 in the Mogao Grottoes was created and renovated in the fourth year of the Datong era of the Western Wei Dynasty (538 AD)西魏大統四年. The novelty of this cave in terms of cave , painting style, and subject matter has always been highly regarded by academia. The first part of this paper will examine the relationship between the first painting style of this cave and the art of the late Northern Wei Dynasty in Dunhuang, and use newly unearthed materials to argue for the close relationship between the second painting style and the painting styles of Luoyang and even the Southern Dynasties. The second part of this paper will focus on the narrative painting “Five Hundred Robbers” on the south wall, pointing out that details such as the fallen eyes, the lotus footstool, and the basin of flowers reflect the painter’s unique understanding, and interpreting it from the perspectives inside Buddhism understanding.
This study aims to reflect on the form-stylistic樣式 methods of mural art in caves. Firstly, painting techniques and patterns have a broader commonality beyond religious attributes, and comparisons can be made with Buddhist murals, tomb art, and other works, which also reflect the transformation of Buddhism painting in East Aisa. Secondly, artistic works have their own “Kunst-wollen “, and under the research method of form-stylistic analysis, attention should also be paid to the individuality of each work, and priority should be given to the significance of religious art within its context.
- Xingpu SHI, Minnan Buddhist College
釋性普，閩南佛學院
常凱法師的佛教醫學防治思想研究：中古時期漢地宗教實踐與佛教疑偽經
A Study on Master Changkai’s Thoughts of Buddhist Medical Prevention and Treatment常凱法師於海外弘法、行醫濟世50余載，被學者列入閩南著名僧醫之中。據考證，法師一生的佛門行誼大分為“國內積澱期”和“海外弘法期”。本文通過梳理法師在國內受學儒典、紹承崇福家風、參學名山禪院等文獻，探究其佛教醫學思想的淵源。進而，著重從他赴新加坡發展佛教慈善、文化、教育等事業，力證法師是以醫方明作為踐行菩薩道的一種權巧方便。由此推論，法師是以佛教醫學的防治理論為基石，並將匯通中西醫學的理念，應用到臨床診療以及預防保健當中。此外，透過分析法師參加“上海僧侶救護隊”、赴海外仍關心鄉梓佛教事業建設等，彰顯其強烈的愛國護教情懷。總之，通過本課題的研究，以期能為常凱法師之佛教醫學防治思想的研究領域，增添一點理論上的借鑒意義；也對探索閩南與新加坡的佛教醫療、文化交流方面，提供一分史料價值。
Venerable Chang Kai has been practicing Dharma and medicine overseas for more than 50 years, and has been listed by scholars as one of the famous monks and doctors in Southern Fujian. According to the evidence, Venerable Changkai’s lifetime of Buddhist practice is divided into “domestic accumulation period” and “overseas Dharma propagation period”. This paper explores the origins of the Venerable Master’s Buddhist medical thinking by combing through the literature of his study of the Confucian canon, his inheritance of the Chongfu Vinaya tradition, and his study at famous mountain monasteries. It then focuses on the fact that he went to Singapore to develop Buddhist charities, culture, and education to prove that the Venerable Master used medical prescription as a means of practicing the Bodhisattva Way. From this, it can be deduced that the Venerable Master has taken the prevention and treatment theories of Buddhist medicine as the cornerstone, and applied the concepts of integrating Chinese and Western medicine to clinical treatment and preventive health care. In addition, by analyzing the Venerable Master’s participation in the “Shanghai Monks’ Ambulance Corps” and his concern for the construction of the Buddhist cause in his hometown even when he went overseas, his strong patriotic feelings for the protection of Buddhism are evident. In conclusion, through the research of this topic, we hope to add a little theoretical reference to the research field of Venerable Changkai’s Buddhist medical and preventive thinking, and also to provide a historical value to the exploration of the Buddhist medical and cultural exchanges between Southern Fujian and Singapore.
- SONG Donggyu, University of Tokyo
宋東奎，東京大學
Buddhism in Reverse Flow: A Case Study of Hamon
佛教逆向流動——《破文》案例研究This presentation aims to depart from the unidirectional transmission perspective of “China → (Korean Peninsula) → Japan” which is still prevalent in the understanding of East Asian Buddhism, and instead reveal the dynamics of mutual influence and development of ideas among these three regions. A notable document within this context is the text Hamon (『破文』, 997). This document was written in response to a request made by Yuanqing 源清 (-995-), a scholar from the Song Dynasty, for a critique of his own work, the Kangyōso-kenyōki (『觀經疏顯要記』), which he sent to Mount Hiei 比叡山 in Japan. Genshin 源信 (942-1017) refuted the first volume of the Kangyōso-kenyōki, while Kakuun 覺運 (953-1007) refuted the second volume, resulting in the creation of the Hamon. The structure of the Hamon consists of eleven sections in the upper volume and ten sections in the lower volume, totaling twenty-one Hamon(confutation). Hamon can be considered an important example of Buddhism experiencing reverse flow, as it originated from a request for intellectual exchange from China, rather than solely for texts. Through the study of the Hamon, we can gain insights into how the East Asian regions interacted and developed their respective ideas from the 10th to the 12th centuries.
本次報告的目的是對“中國→（朝鮮半島）→日本”的單向傳播提出質疑——該觀點在理解東亞佛教時仍然占主導地位，並揭示這三個地區之間相互影響和思想發展的動態。在此問題上最具典型意義的文獻是《破文》（997）。《破文》是應宋代學者源清（-995-）的請求而寫的。源清將其著作《觀經疏顯要記》送到日本的比叡山徵集意見。源信（942-1017）駁斥了《觀無量壽經顯要記》的第一卷，而覺運（953-1007）則駁斥了第二卷，這些駁論最終形成了《破文》。《破文》包括上卷十一節和下卷十節，共計二十一篇破文（駁論）。《破文》是證明佛教逆向流動的一個重要案例。因為它源於中國方面對知識交流的訴求，而非對文獻本身的訴求。通過對《破文》進行研究，我們可以瞭解10到12世紀之間東亞各地區是如何相互交流並發展其各自的思想的。
- SUN Qi, Shandong University
孫齊, 山東大學
《加句靈驗佛頂尊勝陀羅尼記》的文本旅行
Textual Travels of ‘The Records of the Enlarged and Proved Version of Uṣṇīṣa Vijaya Dhāraṇī’隨著《佛頂尊勝陀羅尼經》在唐代的譯出和流行，也出現了多種相關的靈驗記，曾經慧琳編輯的《加句靈驗佛頂尊勝陀羅尼記》就是這些靈驗故事的一部彙編。目前公佈的日本石山寺本，顯示出它在9世紀經由渤海國傳入了日本，並因此得以保存。雖然此書目前在中國已經亡佚，但在唐代和遼代的多種經幢、塔銘上，還保留下其中部分篇章。此外，北宋之後，此書又被改編成《勸善書》得以流傳，並被南宋中期的《玉皇本行集經》改造出了道教的版本。《加句靈驗佛頂尊勝陀羅尼記》的傳播不僅是跨載體的，也是跨地域的，同時還是跨宗教的，展示了8世紀以降《佛頂尊勝陀羅尼經》多元多樣的流布和演生。
With the translation and popularization of Uṣṇīṣa Vijaya Dhāraṇī in the Tang Dynasty came a boom of a variety of spiritual narratives, and The Records of the Enlarged and Proved Version of Uṣṇīṣa Vijaya Dhāraṇī, edited by Huilin, is a compendium of these narratives. Recently published Ishiyama Temple 石山寺manuscripts shows that the Dhāraṇī compendium was introduced to Japan from the Bohai Kingdom in the ninth century, and was thus preserved. Although this compendium has been lost in China, some of its chapters were engraved in the inscriptions of various late Tang and Liao buildings and pagodas. After the North Song Dynasty, the compendium was adapted into a Taoist version. The dissemination of The Records of the Enlarged and Proved Version of Uṣṇīṣa Vijaya Dhāraṇī is not only cross-medium, but also cross-regional and cross-religious, demonstrating the diverse transmission and evolution of the Uṣṇīṣa Vijaya Dhāraṇī since the eighth century.
- WANG Lei, Sun Yat-sen University
王磊, 中山大學
中古時期《十誦律》的翻譯及文本流變
The Translation and Transmission of Shisong Lü 十誦律 in Medieval China公元五世紀初《十誦律》的譯出，對中國佛教戒律史的發展有空前意義。然此律之翻譯經歷頗爲曲折。根據《出三藏記集》《高僧傳》等文獻，《十誦律》由弗若多羅和曇摩流支先後與鳩摩羅什合作，譯出初稿，後又經卑摩羅叉校改，經多人之手先後十餘年方告完成。對於此律之譯出，傳統上主要强調鳩摩羅什的功績，而S.797等幾件六朝敦煌寫本的發現，使我們對于卑摩羅叉在《十誦律》文本形成過程中的重要性有了新的認識。卑摩羅叉對羅什等人所譯之初稿做了非常大的改動，現今之《十誦律》文本，主體正是經卑摩羅叉校改之文本。卑摩羅叉本人在《十誦律》的傳播上也發揮了重要作用。而從現存宋代以後不同刊本藏經收錄的《十誦律》文本及經錄等資料可知，在宋代刊本藏經出現之前的中古寫本時代，《十誦律》文本結構在不斷發生變化，不同的寫本分卷有參差，卷數多寡有不同，“毗尼序”在文本中的位置也不斷游移。這也成爲我們觀察寫本時代文本流動性及當時書籍史發展的絕佳例證。
The translation of the Shisong lü 十誦律 in the early 5th century had unprecedented significance for the development of the history of Buddhist Vinaya in China. However, the translation process of this Vinaya was quite complicated. According to texts such as the Chu sanzang jiji 出三藏記集 and the Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳, the Shisong lü was initially translated by Puṇyatāra and Dharmaruciin collaboration with Kumārajīva, producing a first draft. This draft was later revised by Vimalakṣa, and it took more than ten years and the efforts of many individuals to complete the translation.
Traditionally, the main emphasis has been placed on Kumārajīva’s contributions to the translation of this Vinaya. However, the discovery of several Six Dynasties manuscripts from Dunhuang, such as S.797, has given us new insights into the significant role of Vimalakṣa in the formation of the Shisong lü text. Vimalakṣa made substantial changes to the initial draft translated by Kumārajīva and others. The present text of the Shisong lü is primarily based on the version revised by Vimalakṣa. Vimalakṣa himself also played an important role in the dissemination of the Shisong lü.
Furthermore, from the texts of the Shisong lü included in various Song Dynasty and later printed editions of the Buddhist canon, as well as from bibliographic records, it is evident that during the manuscript period before the appearance of the Song printed canon, the structure of the Shisong lü text was continuously changing. Different manuscripts had variations in the number of volumes, the division of the text, and the placement of the “Pini xü” 毗尼序 within the text. This serves as an excellent example for observing the fluidity of texts during the manuscript era and the development of book history at that time.
- WANG Qingwei, Stele Forest or Beilin Museum
王慶衛, 西安碑林
再論北魏魏文朗造像的刊刻年代及其背景
The Date and Background of the Engraving of the Wei Wenlang 魏文朗 Statue in the Northern Wei Dynasty關於北魏魏文朗造像的刊刻年代，學界主要有兩種意見，一種觀點以為其年代在始光元年（424），另一種觀點認為其年代在公元500—514年之間。本文通過分析魏文朗造像的藝術風格和銘文的文字書寫，指出其刊刻年代為「始道元年」，「 始道」並不是傳統意義上的帝王年號，而是具有道教思想的特殊紀年，實際年代為景明元年（500）。造像銘文中的「始道」年號，是北魏時期政治觀念和佛道關係的直接呈現。
Regarding the date of the engraving of the Wei Wenlang 魏文朗 statue in the Northern Wei Dynasty, there are two main opinions in the academic circles, one of which is that it was engraved in the first year of Shiguang 始光 (424), and the other is that it was engraved in the period between 500 and 514 AD. By analyzing the artistic style of the Wei Wenlang statue and the writing of the inscription, this paper points out that the date of its carving is the first year of Shidao 始光, which is not an imperial year in the traditional sense, but a special year with the idea of Daoism, and the actual date is the first year of Jingming 景明 era (500). The Shidao year number in the inscription of the statue is a direct representation of the political concepts and the relationship between Buddhism and Daoism in the Northern Wei Dynasty.
- WANG Xuemei, Xibei University
王雪梅, 西北大學
宗密「會通」思想對佛教現代化的方法論啓示
The methodological enlightenment of Zongmi’s Huitong thought to Buddhism modernization宗密是禪宗菏澤神會的四傳弟子，又是華嚴宗五祖，是中國佛教史上少有的禪、教兼任的祖師，也是中國哲學思想史上有數的思想家之一，「會通」是其思想和方法特出之處。宗密對儒道二家以及佛教內部的宗派均提出批評指摘，並以「真心」會通世間出世間的各派宗教、各派哲學、各派佛教的差異。宗密提出的「會通」，其內容不僅以佛融儒道，也有佛教內部各宗派的融合，是「全揀全收」式的「會通」。宗密之前及他的時代也多有主張融合、和會之說，唯宗密的「會通」之論更具哲學思辨的基底，有著高度的理論與方法自覺。宗密「會通」的具體方法即宗密「會通」「三段式」，總是先一一「敘」（敘述、記敘）之，然後進行「判」（評判/辨明）各家深淺得失，最後「會歸」正義。宗密的「會通」思想，不僅概念明晰，而且邏輯自洽，其「統攝諸宗，融合內外」「消融性及包容性的示範功能」，不僅推動佛教中國化也對今天的佛教現代化有著方法論的啓示。
Zongmi is the fourth disciple of the Heze Shenhui of Chan Buddhism, and the fifth ancestor of Huayan Buddhism in the history of Chinese Buddhism. Zongmi’s Yuanren lun is an introduction to Buddhism with a large pattern and structure. In this essay he criticized Confucianism and Daoism, Buddhism’s ren–tian–chen etc, and finally attributing it to the Perfect Teaching. Zongmi had integrated the differences between the various schools in Yuanren lun. Zongmi had advocated integration, and take the zhenxin as the origin of the universe, society, and human beings (beings). Zongmi believed that zhenxin is the true essence of the universe and society. The exploration of the original human being is truly completed only when it reaches the zhenxin. Yuanren lun refuted Confucianism, Daoism and the non-perfect teachings within Buddhism (Rentian Teaching, Hinayana Teaching, etc.). Zongmi’s theory of Huitong was more based on philosophical speculation and had a high degree of theoretical and methodological consciousness. The specific method of “xu 叙” is always to “describe” (narration, narration) one by one, and then to “pan 判” (judge/distinguish) the gains and losses of each family, and finally to huigui 會歸, that is, huitong 會通 and “three-stage form”. Zongmi’s huitong thought, which “overcomes all religions and integrates inside and outside” and its “disintegrating and inclusive demonstration function”, has methodological implications for promoting the Sinicization and modernization of Buddhism.
- WANG Zhaoguo / Ven. Dingyuan, Shanghai Normal University
王招國 / 定源, 上海師範大學
元末明初日本僧太初在華行跡考——從一方明代遺存的寺碑說起
Examination of Japanese monk Taisho’s Experiences in China in the Turn of the Yuan and Ming Dynasty: On the Basis a Temple Stele Surviving from the Ming Dynasty太初是元末至正二十六年（1366）入華，明永樂五年（1407）圓寂於泰順山交寺，其在華時間之久，非一般入華日本僧所能相比。太初入華後，廣參善知識，與宗泐等許多僧人和當時一些名人有所來往，足跡涉及蘇、浙地區，經歷過明初山寇葉丁香及吳達三作亂，其所到之處努力創寺安僧，廣收門徒，積極參與明代區域佛教建設，且著有《太初語錄》三卷。太初的在華活動，不僅促進了明代佛教在地方的發展，也推動了明日佛教文化交流。本文從一方明代遺存至今的《山交寺開田記》碑石說起，結合相關史料，對太初的在華行跡進行考述。因太初一生主要活動是在中國，故其事跡幾乎不聞於故土日本。利用中國史料對其在華行跡進行勾沈索隱，可以為中日佛教交流史增添一段佳話。
Taisho entered into the China during the period of the Yuan Dynasty in 1366 and died in the Shanjiao Temple of Shuntai in 1407, during the Ming Dynasty. The length of time he stayed in China has definitely exceeded most of other Japanese monks. At the beginning of his time in China, Taisho extensively researched for and studied with “good Buddhist friends” (Kalyāṇamittatā) and contacted with a large number of monks and celebrities such as Zongle. His tracks can be traced in Jiangsu and Zhejiang provinces. Having experienced chaos and conflicts led by Kou Dinxiang and Wu Dasan, Taisho has devoted to setting up temples anywhere has been to, as well as providing safe places for monks. Additionally, he accepted numerous believers and actively took part in the construction of Buddhism and wrote Taichu yulu [The Collection of Words by Taisho], which consists of three juans. During his stay in China, Taisho promoted both development of Buddhism and communication of Buddhist culture of the Ming Dynasty .
This paper describes Taisho’s activities in China from a stone tablet entitled “Shanjiao si Kaitianji” 山交寺開田記, which survived from the Ming Dynasty, and combines it with related historical materials. Given that Taisho’s life activities were mainly in China, he was hardly heard of in his home country Japan. Utilizing the Chinese historical materials to explore his deeds in China can add a good story to the history of Buddhist exchanges between China and Japan.
- WEI Bin, Wuhan University
魏斌, 武漢大學
北朝家族與村落軍人群體
Buddhist Military Community from Villages in Northern Qi Dynasty永嘉之亂以後的華北，地方軍事化和豪強武裝的興起是一個突出現象。由此帶來的重視軍事技能的風氣，一直延續到北朝後期。這種風氣的背後，是“武藝”作為一種社會生存技能意義的凸顯。本文打算以造像記為中心，梳理一個小區域空間的史料群，對生活於其中的村落家族、“武藝之士”和軍人群體進行探討，在此基礎上嘗試進一步從總體視野中觀察北朝時代地方家族的延續、軍事參與和榮耀記憶等問題。
After the disaster of Yongjia, the rise of local militarization and the emergence of armed forces of local bullies in North China was prominent. This led to a culture that valued military skills, which continued until the late Northern Dynasties. Behind this culture was the prominence of “martial arts” as a social survival skill. Focusing on inscriptions, this paper intends to organize a group of historical materials in a small region and to discuss the rural families, “martial artists”, and military groups living in it. On this basis, it attempts to further observe the continuation of northern local families, military participation, and the memory of glory during the Northern Dynasties period from an overall perspective.
- WU Hao, Harvard University
吳昊, 哈佛大學
Shiva in a Buddhist Temple: The Transmission and Reception of Hindu Art in 13th-15th Century Quanzhou, China
濕婆立於佛寺——13至15世紀印度教藝術在泉州的傳播與儀式化再利用“Every year, merchants of diverse ethnicities arrived in Quanzhou by sea, bringing with them a myriad of precious commodities such as ivories, rhinoceros horns, tortoise shells and et cetera.”—This vivid depiction is extracted from Fangyu Shenglan 方輿勝覽, a geography book from the Southern Song period. This historical account illustrates a vibrant picture of Quanzhou as a bustling and culturally diverse port city. By the early Southern Song period, Quanzhou surpassed Guangzhou and became the largest port in China, attracting merchants from Asia, Europe, and Africa, along with their diverse cultures and religions. At the heart of this cosmopolitan city lies the Kaiyuan Temple. Within this Buddhist temple, several artifacts exhibiting unequivocal Hindu features have been found. The presence of these artifacts within the temple serves as a testament to the complex interconnectedness of cultures brought by maritime trade. This paper is structured around three key questions regarding these Hindu artifacts: (1) WHAT are the Hindu artifacts in the temple; (2) WHERE did these artifacts come from; (3) HOW were these artifacts received and ritually incorporated into Kaiyuan Temple. By analyzing the iconography and unravelling the origins of these artifacts, this paper seeks to elucidate the ritualized reuse of these exotic Hindu artifacts within the local Buddhist landscape.
“諸蕃有黒白二種，皆居泉州，號蕃人巷。每嵗以大舶浮海徃來，致象犀玳瑁珠璣玻璃瑪瑙異香胡椒之屬。” 這幅生動的描繪取自南宋時期的地理著作《方輿勝覽》，記載了泉州作為一個熱鬧而文化多元的港口城市的景象。在南宋早期，泉州超越了廣州，成為中國最大的港口，吸引了來自亞洲、歐洲和非洲的商人，隨之而來的是多樣的文化和宗教。開元寺就處於這座國際城市的中心。在這座佛教寺廟裡，發現了一些帶有印度教特徵的文物。這些文物在佛寺內的存在，反映了海上貿易中複雜的文化交流。本文擬从三個相關問題展開：(1) 辨識開元寺內的印度教文物；(2) 還原這些文物的來源；(3) 探討這些文物是如何被接受並被儀式性地融入開元寺的。通過分析圖像和揭示這些文物的來源，本文旨在闡明這些異教文物如何在泉州當地佛教景觀中被儀式化再利用的問題。
- WU Shaowei, Shandong University
武紹衛, 山東大學
敦煌僧團對佛典的搜集與閱讀——以敦煌寺院雜藏為中心
The Collection and Reading of Buddhist Scriptures by the Dunhuang Sangha: Focus on Non-Canonical Collections敦煌寺院藏經可分為兩類，一是依照經律論體系組織的常規藏經，二是無體系的雜藏。 前者大體是依中原藏經組織機構而來，但時常也會有所突破，體現出經藏體系的地方特色。 就了解敦煌僧人的知識構成和時代風尚而言，這種常規藏經其實很難說明問題，而無體系的雜藏則恰恰相反，因為這種逸出常規體系的收藏的原動力正是當地僧人的 個性化需求。
The Dunhuang Buddhist scriptures can be categorized into two distinct types: the first type is the conventionally organized scriptures that follow the traditional Tripitaka system, and the second type is the Non-Canonical Collections that lack a structured system. The former is largely organized based on the structure of the Central Plains’ Tripitaka organization, yet it occasionally transcends these boundaries, reflecting the regional characteristics of the scripture system. In terms of understanding the knowledge composition and the spirit of the times of the Dunhuang monks, this conventionally organized scripture may not provide a clear picture, whereas the Non-Canonical Collections offer a contrasting perspective. This is because the primary driving force behind these collections that deviate from the conventional system is the individualized needs of the local monks.
- WU Yu, South China Normal University
吳羽, 華南師范大學
建築景觀與家國之變——明末清初的峽山飛來寺
Architectural Landscapes and Changes in Families and Country：Xieshan 峡山 Feilai Temple 飛來寺 in the late Ming and Early Qing Dynasties飛來寺在清遠北禺山下江畔，距清遠縣城三十里，是官、民、商、使北上韶關、南下廣州、西通廣西的必經之地，多名人題詠，有諸多傳說，人文景觀獨特。明中期以來，清遠本地豪族進入禺峽山居，著意營造各種景觀，使飛來寺成為本地士紳、寺僧與外交往的中心之一。萬曆三十五年（1607），山洪爆發，建築盡毀。鄉紳朱學熙承父、叔舊業，與寺僧聯繫官紳商民，復舊建新，刻石題詠，廣邀名流，來往唱和，人文建築景觀尤勝往昔。清初佟養甲、李成棟入粵，朱學熙等呼應其師陳邦彥抗清，兵敗自縊，闔家罹難，飛來寺僧人死逃略盡。平南王尚可喜入廣，在飛來寺駐兵以扼要衝，兵丁拆寺院以賣木取財，景觀蕩然。之後尚可喜父子為穩定廣東局勢，安撫本地遺民，大規模興復佛寺，変飛來寺為廣州長壽寺下院，命釋真修等重建了飛來寺的一些建築及其周邊的道路，飛來寺進入廣州長壽寺下院時代。康熙十七年（1678）頃，從越南載貨歸來，與陳邦彥的後人、學生交好的名僧石濂大汕入主長壽寺，著力經營飛來寺，漸復舊觀，甚至恢復了一些朱學熙所建景觀，飛來寺成為曹洞宗覺浪道盛——石濂大汕一系法脈傳承重地。康熙五十二年（1713），沈陽人孫繩祖為清遠知縣，與石濂大汕的法嗣興顯等又重新修建了一些建築景觀，有意清除了朱学熙的影響。飛來寺是越南使節經廣東、湖南入京的必經之路，故在越南使臣文學和越南文人形象的營造中具有較大影響；大汕又與越南禪宗關係密切，飛來寺隨之與澳門普濟禪院及越南的禪宗關係密切。明末清初峽山飛來寺建築景觀的興廢，集中反映了明清大变時國家、地方、佛教的互動與變遷，也是此时廣東與東南亞佛教交往的重要一角。
Feilai Temple 飛來寺 was located fifteen kilometers away from Qingyuan 清遠 county town, Guangdong Province, on the riverside at the foot of North Yu Mountain 北禺山. It was at the crossroad for people travelling north to Shaoguan 韶關, south to Guangzhou, and westward to Guangxi. The temple was a unique cultural landscape, and was the subject of many local legends and famous individuals’ inscriptions. Beginning in the mid-Ming Dynasty, powerful local families in Qingyuan began to build various architectural landscapes around Feilai Temple. This made Feilai Temple one of the centers for local gentry and monks to make contact with the outside world.
A torrential flood destroyed Feilai Temple and the buildings around it in 1607. Zhu Xuexi 朱學熙, a famous member of the gentry in Qingyuan, had inherited his father and uncle’s career. Along with the monks in Feilai Temple, he contacted officials, nobles, and merchants, and they rebuilt the buildings of Feilai Temple. Zhu Xuexi constructed many new artistic landscapes too. Tong Yangjia 佟養甲 and Li Chengdong 李成棟, Qing military generals, entered Guangdong in the early Qing Dynasty. Zhu Xuexi and his teacher Chen Bangyan 陳邦彥 died resisting the Qing army, and all Zhu Xuexi‘s family members perished. Almost all the monks of Feilai Temple escaped or died. Shang Kexi 尚可喜 later entered Guangdong. He stationed troops in Feilai Temple to occupy the strategic transportation hub. Those soldiers demolished the buildings of Feilai Temple in order to sell the wood. Almost all its architectural landscapes had been destroyed. Later on, in order to stabilize the social order and comfort the local people, Shang Kexi ordered Shi Zhenxiu 釋真修 to rebuild some buildings and the surrounding roads of Feilai Temple. However, the temple still looked shabby, and later became a subordinate temple of Changshou Temple長壽寺 in Guangzhou. The famous monk Shilian Dazhan 石濂大汕, who was friendly with Chen Bangyan’s descendants and students, took charge of Changshou Temple. He restored Feilai Temple and some of the architectural landscapes built by Zhu Xuexi around 1678. In 1713, Sun Shengzu 孫繩祖 served as the county magistrate of Qingyuan and rebuilt some of the architectural landscapes with Xingxian 興顯, who was a disciple of Shilian Dazhan, while intentionally removing some of Zhu Xuexi’s influence.
Shilian Dashan and his disciples were connected to Chan/Thiền Buddhism in Vietnam. Feilai Temple was an important location for Vietnamese envoys to go to Beijing through Guangdong and Hunan, and therefore had a great influence on the literature of Vietnamese envoys and the creation of the image of Vietnamese literati. The rise and fall of architectural landscapes of Feilai Temple reflected the interaction and changes of the state, local communities, and Buddhism during the great changes of the Ming and Qing Dynasties, and it was also an important part of Buddhist exchange between Guangdong and Southeast Asia at that time.
- YANG Baoyu, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
楊寶玉, 中國社會科學院
敦煌文書中所存赴印或來華僧人行記述要
Travel Journals in Dunhuang Manuscripts by Monks Travelling between India and China1900年開啓的敦煌藏經洞中保存有數萬件形成於公元4-11世紀的各類文書，其中數量尚稱可觀的赴印或來華僧人行記、狀牒對於研究中古時期的佛教傳播史、中印交往史等課題具有相當重要的意義。本文主要以敍録形式集中揭示相關文書的現存狀況及其整理與研究現狀。略分“赴印或來華僧人行記”、“與僧人往來有關的狀牒願文等”两大部類。行記既涉及傳世文獻中留有傳本的《大唐西域記》、《南海寄歸内法傳》，也包括僅見於敦煌文書的《慧超往五天竺國傳》、《西天路竟》、《聖地遊記》、《印度行記》、《中印度普化大師巡禮五臺山日誌》等。狀牒願文的數量與名目多而駁雜，内容牽涉更廣。文末亦簡要探討了相關文書的史料價值與研究意義等。作者期待本文能爲感興趣的學者提供資料便利，並吁請同好展開進一步探究。
The Dunhuang Library Cave, discovered in 1900, preserves tens of thousands of various documents formed between the 4th and 11th century AD. Among them, a considerable number of travel notes and memorial notes of monks who went to India or came to China are of great significance for studying the history of Buddhist missionary and Sino Indian communication in the Middle Ages. This article focuses on revealing the preservation status and research status of the above mentioned documents. These documents can roughly be classified into two categories: “Travel Notes of Monks Going to India or Coming to China” and “Petitions and Vows Related to Monk Tour “. The travel notes involve not only Report of the regions west of Great Tang and A Record of the Buddhist Religion as Practiced in India and the Malay Archipelago left in the handed down literature, but also Biography of Hui Chao to Five Tianzhu Countries, Journey to the Holy Land, Travel Notes to India, and Log of the Indian Puhua Masters’ Tour of Mount Wutai, which are exclusively found in Dunhuang manuscripts. The quantity and types of the petition and vow texts are even more diverse and massive. The article ends with a brief discussion of the historical value and research significance of these documents. The author sincerely hopes that this article can provide reference and convenience for similarly interested scholars and calls on further explorations.
- YING Lei, Amherst College
應磊, 安默斯特學院
The “Truth” and the “World”: Taixu’s Quest for a Buddhist Universalism
「真理」與「世界」——太虛對佛教普世主義的追尋Taixu’s (1890–1947) world mission has earned the modern Chinese Buddhist reformer glowing accolades as well as searing criticisms. This study presents a reappraisal of Taixu’s insistence on recalibrating the Buddhist “truth” in, to, and for the modern “world.” What does (Chinese) Mahāyāna Buddhism look like, if it is to live up to its own universalistic promise in a real world of competing truth claims, evangelical missions, and power struggles? Taixu’s sustained efforts at worlding the Dharma were anchored in this question, which remains unexplored regardless of whether one approves or not of Taixu’s global ambitions. Situating Taixu in a broader context of successive and overlapping quests for egalitarianism and universalism in modern China, this study underscores a Buddhist horizon of meaning shared by radical thinkers such as Kang Youwei (1858–1927), Tan Sitong (1865–1898), Zhang Taiyan (1869–1936), and Taixu. It rediscovers Taixu’s innovation in forging a global Buddhist fellowship amid surging nationalistic zeal in and beyond China.
太虛的世界佛教運動爲這位現代漢傳佛教改革家同時贏得了崇高讚譽和尖銳批評。對於太虛堅持以/為現代「世界」重新度量佛教「真理」，本文試圖做出重新評估。倘若（漢傳）大乘佛教要在一個義旨、宣教和權力激烈競爭的世界中實現其普世性的承諾，那麼它應該是何面貌？太虛將佛法世界化的不懈努力正植根於這一問題。縱覽現行研究，無論人們是否認可太虛的寰球弘法抱負，這一問題始終未獲正視。本文將太虛置於現代中國對平等和普世主義的前仆後繼的追求這一更廣闊的歷史語境下，凸顯康有爲、譚嗣同、章太炎和太虛等激進思想家共通的佛教視野。在一個中國內外民族主義高漲的時代，太虛推動全球佛教徒聯誼的努力深具創新精神。
- YU Chun, Northwest University
于春, 西北大學
玉文化與佛像的融合——以北朝佛像石質變化為考察核心
The fusion of jade culture and Buddha statues——the changes in the quality of Buddha statues in the Northern Dynasties北魏單體造像中砂岩的比例極大，與“雲岡模式”的傳播有密切關係。雲岡石窟所在山體為砂岩，易於雕刻，壁面繁縟。北魏遷洛後，開始在龍門營建石窟，其所在山體為石灰岩，俗稱“青石”或者“墨玉”，各地單體石灰岩造像逐步增多，與北魏洛陽石灰岩葬具技術一脈相承；至遲至510年代，已有蛇紋石、透閃石等中國傳統玉料運用到佛教造像中，暗示玉文化與佛教的互溶；從東、西魏開始，白色大理石逐漸被用於佛教造像，自銘為“玉像”或“白玉像”，替代了中國傳統玉料，開後世流行之先河。
A significant proportion of the free standing sculptures from the Northern Wei period are made of sandstone. This preference for sandstone is believed to be closely related to the spread of the “Yungang model” Since the cliff into which the Yungang Grottoes are carved is made of sandstone. Such stone is easy to carve and allows for intricate decorations to be carved directly from the living rock. After the Northern Wei Dynasty moved to Luoyang, they began to build the Longmen Grottoes. The cliff into which these caves are carved is formed of limestone, which is also referred to in Chinese as “blue stone” or “black jade”. The number of individual limestone statues in various regions gradually increases during this period, which was in line with the technology of limestone burial goods in Luoyang during the Northern Wei Dynasty; By the 510s at the latest, traditional Chinese jade materials such as serpentine and tremolite started to be used to carve Buddhist statues, implying the integration of jade culture and Buddhism; Starting from the Eastern and Western Wei dynasties, white marble was gradually used for Buddhist statues, as “jade statues” or “white jade statues”, replacing traditional Chinese jade materials and pioneering the trend in later generations.
- YU Wei, Southeast University
于薇, 東南大學
五代兩宋“阿育王塔”的技術與觀念
Technology and Thoughts Related to the Aśokan Pagodas during the Five Dynasties Period and Song Dynasty從五代吳越境內的寶篋印經塔到宋代兩浙及江南東路地區流行的鎏金銀阿育王塔，“阿育王塔”的技術及觀念已發生諸多改變。本項研究嘗試從中古佛教物質文化脈絡及五代兩宋時期江南地區的經濟發展兩條線索，探討所謂“阿育王塔”的技術溯源及其觀念演變。五代兩宋時期阿育王塔的定名、製作及傳播不僅是中國古代佛教藝術的經典案例，更顯示出佛教物質文化及其視覺呈現與時代、社會及區域的密切關係。
The “Stūpa of the Precious Chest Mudrā” of the Wuyue Kingdom in Five Dynasties and the gilded Silver Aśoka pagodas appeared in Liangzhe Lu and Jiangnan Dong Lu in the Song Dynasty, even they were called the same name Aśoka pagoda by contemporary scholarship, but in fact, from the technology to the concepts, they have changed in various field. Based on the material culture of Buddhism in the medieval period and the economic development of the Jingnan region during the Five Dynasties and the Song Dynasty, this study attempts to explore the technical origin of the so-called “Aśoka pagoda” and its conceptual evolution. The naming, production, and dissemination of the Aśoka pagodas during the Five Dynasties and the Song Dynasty were not only a classic example of ancient Buddhist art in China, but also demonstrated the close relationship between Buddhist material culture and its visual representation with the era, society and region.
- ZHAN Ru, Peking University
湛如, 北京大學
閩南佛學院與近代中國佛教
Minnan Buddhist College and Buddhism in Modern Chinaforthcoming
- Zhang Liming, Zhejiang University
張利明, 浙江大學
僧人取經與天台中興——東陽中興寺塔出土吳越國取經圖石函研究
A Study on the Stone Reliquary with Images of Monk’s Pilgrimage of Wuyue Kingdom Unearthed from the Pagoda of Zhongxing Temple in Dongyang天台宗的重要寺院東陽中興寺出土了一件建隆二年（961）天台德韶國師分舍利建塔時瘞藏的貼金彩繪石函，該函形制特殊，內盛《妙法蓮華經》七卷，具有經函和舍利函的雙重屬性。函身四面雕繪極為罕見的僧人取經和白象馱經圖像，意涵豐富。作為佛塔的核心瘞藏物之一，該函是吳越國分舍利建塔、海外求經、高麗諦觀奉經吳越和“天臺中興”等重大事件的直接產物和歷史見證，為認識這一時期吳越國的政治、宗教狀況以及中國與高麗之間的書籍、宗教交流提供了珍貴的考古實證。函身的取經圖曾在五代宋初江南地區廣泛流行，並影響了北宋至西夏晚期玄奘取經圖像的具體樣式,極有可能是現存最早的玄奘取經圖像。
A gilded and painted stone reliquary was unearthed from Dongyang Zhongxing Temple, an important temple of the Tiantai Sect, in the second year of the Jianlong era (961) by Master Deshao. The reliquary, which has a unique shape, contains seven volumes of the Lotus Sutra and serves a dual purpose as both a sutra and sarira reliquary. The reliquary’s four sides are carved and painted with images of monk’s pilgrimage and the six-tooth white elephants bearing sutras, each image imbued with profound symbolism. As one of the core depositories of the pagoda, the reliquary is a direct product and historical witness of the major events including the Wuyue Kingdom’s overseas search for sutras, the event in which the Koryo monk Diguan sent sutras to the Wuyue Kingdom, and the Revival of the Tiantai Sect, providing valuable archaeological evidence for understanding the political and religious landscape of the Wuyue Kingdom and the cultural and religious exchanges between China and Koryo. The images of monk’s pilgrimage were popular in the lower reaches of the Yangtze River from the Five Dynasties to the early Northern Song Dynasty, and influenced the image’s specific style of Xuanzang’s pilgrimage from the Northern Song Dynasty to the late Western Xia Dynasty, which is probably the earliest extant image of Xuanzang’s pilgrimage.
- ZHANG Wenliang, Renmin University of China
張文良, 中國人民大學
太虛大師的如來藏思想述評
An Analysis of Taixu’s Thoughts on the Tathāgatagarbha太虛的如來藏思想，集中於《大乘與人間兩般文化》、《起信論唯識釋》等論文中。其基本立場是融通如來藏思想與唯識思想，認為如來藏與阿賴耶識兩個概念是不一不異的關係。太虛從這一基本立場出發，對《楞伽經》、《勝鬘經》、《大乘起信論》、《寶性論》等經論的如來藏思想做了全新的詮釋。太虛的如來藏說是在與歐陽競無、王恩洋等圍繞如來藏思想的論爭中展開，太虛的立場與歐陽競無、王恩洋對如來藏思想的批判形成鮮明對照。從如來藏思想譜系看，太虛的如來藏說既是對唐代華嚴宗的法性宗、法相宗別立說的批判和超越，也是對明末蕅益智旭倡導的法性、法相融通思想的繼承和發展。
Taixu’s interpretation of the idea of Tathāgatagarbha is largely included in articles such as the “Dacheng yu renjian liang ban wenhua” [Two Cultures of the Mahayana Buddhism and Humanistic Buddhism] and the “Qixin lun weishi shi” [Interpretation on the Awakening of Faith from a Weishi Perspective]. His fundamental standpoint is to reconcile the thoughts of Tathāgatagarbha and Weishi, suggesting that the two are neither identical nor contradictory. Based on this viewpoint, Taixu reinterprets how the idea of Tathāgatagarbha is depicted in the Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra, the Śrīmālādevī Siṃhanāda Sūtra, the Awakening of Faith in Mahayana and the Ratnagotravibhāga. Taixu’s approach forms a clear contrast to the criticism of Ouyang Jingwu, Wang Enyang on Tathāgatagarbha thoughts. From the historical transmission of Tathāgatagarbha thoughts, Taixu’s thoughts on the Tathāgatagarbha not only criticised and surpassed the theory of dharma nature upheld by the Huayan School in the Tang Dynasty and the distinction in natures made by the Faxiang School, but also carried on the reconcile of the dharma nature and dharma characteristics, advocated by Ouyi Zhixu in the late Mind Dynasty.
