Microcosm Holds Mountains and Seas – Abstracts

 

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  1. CHEN Jidong, Aoyamagakuin University
    陳繼東, 青山學院大學
    《禪門日誦》的成立及其展開:漢傳佛教的一個歸結
    The Formation and Transformation of The Daily Recitation of the Chan School: An End Result of the Evolvement of Buddhism in the Sino-sphere

    forthcoming

  2. CHEN Jinhua, University of British Columbia
    陳金華, 英屬哥倫比亞大學
    廟堂之高與山林之深:圍繞八世紀末會善寺戒壇復建的多重社會、政治與宗教網絡運作
    The Operation of Multiple Networks behind the Re-erection of the Huishansi Vinaya-platform toward the End of the Eighth Century

    forthcoming

  3. CHEN Kay, Peking University
    陈可,  北京大學
    追寻戒律的一生——净秀尼与五世纪建康的比丘尼教团
    A Life Pursuit of Precept: Bhikṣuṇī Jingxiu and Bhikṣuṇīsaṃgha in Fifth-Century Jiankang

    五世纪初西域和南海活跃的交通线路使得传法僧尼与佛教经本在一段时间内集中抵达建康,进而催生建康比丘尼的身份焦虑和对合法受戒的需求。在这种戒律意识驱使的重受戒风潮中,净秀尼多次受戒,并推动了尼众教团在床具和衣服上的教制改进。这种改进得益于寺院生活的集体性质。净秀的整个宗教生命均在建康最重要的尼寺中度过。中晚年的她主持经营了禅林寺,并将一部来自广州的新译律论带来建康。这些行动是律典冲击下五世纪建康教制实践变迁的缩影,同时也折射出汉地比丘尼教团成立早期崇奉印度经典的普遍心态。

    Jiankang during the first half of the fifth century witnessed an influx of Buddhist missionaries and Vinaya texts from India via northern land and especially southern sea routes, which stimulated the identity crisis and craving for legitimate ordination in bhikṣuṇīsaṃgha. Among them was Jingxiu, whose consciousness of precept drove her to receive ordination repeatedly as many of her peers and strive to refine monastic regulation in bedding and clothing. For the rest of her life, she presided over Chanlin禪林 convent and facilitated transmitting a newly translated commentary on Vinaya from Guangzhou to Jiankang. Jingxiu spent her entire religious life in the most prominent convents in Jiankang, where the communal nature of cenobitic life made for her religious appeal. Her actions demonstrated how the monastic order in Jiankang transformed under the impact of Vinaya in the 5th century, meanwhile reflecting a common mindset of meticulously complying with Indian canon during the formative era of Chinse saṃgha.

  4. CHEN Suyu, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
    陳粟裕, 中國社會科學院
    從于闐《金光明最勝王經》及相關圖像看漢地與西域的雙向交流
    Bidirectional Exchange between Zhongyuan and the Western Regions through  the Khotan “Golden Light Sutra” and Related Images

    《金光明經》是一部在於闐備受尊崇的經典。目前發現的寫本主要由兩種語言寫成,一類為梵文寫本,其對應的漢譯本為曇無讖譯所《金光明經》,一類為於闐文寫本,其對應的漢譯本為義淨所譯的《金光明最勝王經》。故而段晴教授推測:唐代,實叉難陀在洛陽與義淨共同譯經時,接觸到了義淨從南海帶回的《金光明最勝王經》梵本,甚至可能將其譯成了於闐文,而後704年實叉難陀返回於闐時,將此新版的《金光明最勝王經》在於闐推廣。古老的《金光明經》在於闐流行,使得於闐佛像的雙足間常常可以看到地神的形象。而《金光明最勝王經》的翻譯與傳播,使得於闐的地神出現在了毗沙門天王乃至於闐王的足下。這種現象這正是符合《金光明最勝王經》中記錄的當比丘、比丘尼、優婆塞、優婆夷在內的「四眾說法」時,堅牢地神亦會出現,頂禮他們的雙足。
    The Golden Light Sutra holds a revered status in Khotan. Extant manuscripts are predominantly in two languages: Sanskrit, corresponding to the Chinese translation by Tanwuchen (a disciple of Kumārajīva) known as the “Golden Light Sutra”, and Khotanese, corresponding to the Chinese translation by Yijing known as the Golden Light Sutra. Professor Duan Qing speculates that during the Tang Dynasty, Śikṣānanda, while translating scriptures with Yijing in Luoyang, might have encountered the Sanskrit manuscript of the Golden Light Sutra, brought back by Yijing from the South Sea. There is a possibility that Śikṣānanda translated it into Khotanese. When Śikṣānanda returned to Khotan in 704 CE, he may have propagated this new version of the new Golden Light Supreme Sutra there. The ancient Golden Light Sutra became popular in Khotan, leading to depictions of local deities Bhūmi between the feet of Khotanese Buddha statues. The translation and dissemination of the new Golden Light Sutra resulted in Khotanese local deities appearing under the feet of Viśvakarman and even Khotanese kings. This phenomenon aligns with the records in the new Golden Light Sutra that when the “Fourfold Assembly” of monks, nuns, laymen, and laywomen preaches the Dharma, local deities Bhūmi firmly appear, venerating their feet.
  5. CHEN Zhinan, University of Washington
    華盛頓大學
    Dunhuang Manuscripts and Monasteries —A Study of Material Vestiges of Three Buddhist Monasteries in Medieval Dunhuang

    Buddhist monasteries have always been an enduring presence in the Chinese landscape since Buddhism started to flourish in the early medieval period. The discovery of the Dunhuang grottoes and the artifacts deposited there have greatly enriched our understanding of Buddhist monasteries, both as the spiritual authority and main actor in the religious realm and as a key player in geo-political affairs and economic engagements, around the Dunhuang area from the eighth to twelfth centuries. During this period, Buddhist monasteries figured prominently in the material world of the area in two ways: 1) the way in which their physical presence as architectural complexes demarcating the changing boundary between religious and secular public spheres; 2) the way in which they became deeply involved in the production, transmission, curation, consumption, and disposal of material artifacts. Some isolated aspects of the material footprint left by Dunhuang Buddhist monasteries have been subjected to serious studies. For my part, I propose to examine three Dunhuang Buddhist monasteries, namely Bao’en si, Yongkang si, and Longxing si, as a set, in order 1) to trace out their once imposing, and yet, evanescent external physical imprints in the landscape, as well as their internal compartmentation of different faculties of the monastery system; and 2) to outline their somewhat obscure nevertheless enduring presence in the production and transmission of material artifacts, in particular manuscripts. What initially brought these three monasteries to my attention as a set is manuscript P.2727, which appears to be an inventory of Buddhist canonical texts collectively owned by the monasteries. Using this as a starting point, I plan to comb through Dunhuang manuscripts and other material artifacts bearing known connection to any one of the three monasteries, whether it simply refers to the monastery by name or identifies it in a more specific way. This is to be supplemented by any relevant transmitted texts as well as contemporaneous tomb inscriptions that previous scholars have adumbrated. With this array of textual and material attestations, I will be able to flash out a multi-dimensional picture of manuscripts and their associated monastic scriptoriums in the material world of medieval Dunhuang.

  6. CHEN Zhiyuan, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
    陳志遠, 中國社會科學院
    泰山僧朗事蹟考——兼談《高僧傳》文本形態的變遷
    On the Biographical Accounts of the Monk Senglang at Mount Tai, Re-considering the textual history of GSZ

    forthcoming

  7. CHI Limei, International College for Postgraduate Buddhist Studies
    池麗梅, 国際仏教学大学院大学
    日本古代寫本大藏經的複雜性與特殊性
    The complexity and uniqueness of the ancient Japanese Manuscript Canons

    本文擬於東亞漢文大藏經的體系和背景下討論了日本奈良、平安和鎌倉時期寫本大藏經的文本源流及其特性。首先,日本寫本大藏經與中朝刻本大藏經以及敦煌吐魯番等出土文獻形成互補關係,是東亞佛教的珍貴遺產和研究材料。其次,日本寫本大藏經的文本源流雖在主體上繼承了開元年間以前的唐代寫經,但亦有其自身的形成過程及傳承歷史。奈良時期的日本作為引入佛教文化的終端,在建構其本土藏經之際,因其國內文本資源的局限性而做了一定程度的妥協;平安中期以後,《開寶藏》等刻本大藏經的傳入對於日本寫本大藏經也產生了一定影響。在使用這些域外文本時,需注意其自身的複雜性及特殊性。

  8. Heather CLYDESDALE, Santa Clara University
    柯玉珊

    This paper explores how aesthetic principles in traditional Chinese architecture are preserved and reinvented in contemporary Buddhist institutions. It argues that this is because the attendant architectural aesthetics, although rooted in early Chinese cosmology and Daoism, support the understanding and practice of dharma today.

    When Buddhism entered China, artisans embraced radical approaches to art-making, fashioning icons and painting narratives to catalyze rituals like guanxiang 观像 and circumambulation. Curiously, however, architectural forms remained largely fixed to a foundation of traditional archetypes. Temple compounds were based on siheyuan 四合院 courtyards, pagodas and temples eclipsed stūpa as devotional buildings, and representations of architectural details in cave temples were ornamented with replicas of dougong 斗拱 brackets, fudou 覆斗ceilings, and laternendecke caissons. There are some practical reasons why it was difficult to adopt Indian and Central Asian architecture on a large scale. Yet, the enduring preference for Chinese architectural styles and aesthetics suggests that deeper reasons are at play.

    This paper compares two sites associated with the Dharma Drum World Center for Buddhist Education 法鼓山世界佛教教育园区: its headquarters amid the coastal mountains of New Taipei City 台北新市 and the Nung Chan Monastery 农禅寺 in Beitou 北投 to show how approaches to space and form manifest in modern and avant-garde religious architecture. The headquarters for Dharma Drum opened in 2005, realizing the vision of founder, Sheng-yen 圣严 (1931-2009). Based in part on Tang dynasty architecture and icons found in the Mogao 莫高 Caves, its minimal details, restrained use of color, and emphasis on connection with the landscape align it with global and modern-day Chan Buddhism.  The Nung Chan Monastery, which opened in 2012 and was designed by international “starchitect” Kris Yao 姚仁喜, is unabashedly avant-garde. The architecture does not obviously draw on historical forms, but classical aesthetics are evident in the harmonious proportions, repeated juxtapositions of mass and void, and use of geomancy. Both sites demonstrate how aesthetic principles are adaptable to contemporary forms and doctrine. They suggest that Chinese architectural aesthetics are uniquely efficacious in promoting individual meditation, community rituals, spirituality, and unity between environment and people.

  9. DEEG, Max, Cardiff University
    寧梵夫, 卡迪夫大學
    Projecting India in Chinese Medieval Buddhist Sources: A Case of Sinizication?
    中國中古時期佛教資料中的印度投射:一個中國化的案例?

    Following the “Call for Proposals’” suggestive “‘multi-layered contextualization approach’”, this paper will revisit the concept of Sinicization of Buddhism from a more general and theoretical viewpoint through a comparison with other religious adaptation processes (Buddhist and non-Buddhist). Approaching the concept from the angle of a specific case, the focus will then be on sources which consciously address the cultural other of their religion in its Indianness, and will try to trace the changes  and specific forms of presentation of this cultural otherness in selected sources up to the Tang period.

    依據徵稿中提示的多層次語境化方法,本文將通過對比佛教與其他宗教適應過程(佛教與非佛教的),從更一般和理論的視角重新審視佛教中國化這個概念。文章先以一個具體的案例切入這個概念,然後聚焦於那些有意論及作為佛教文化他者的印度的資料,並追溯直至唐朝時期這些選定的資料中對印度這個文化他者的具體呈現方式和變化。

  10. GALAMBOS, Imre, Zhejiang University / University of Cambridge
    高奕叡, 浙江大學 / 劍橋大學
    The afterlife of a poem from Dunhuang
    一首敦煌詩的後世

    Manuscript S.3698 is a scroll with the Classic of Filial Piety, copied by a student studying in a Buddhist monastery in Dunhuang during the tenth century. The verso of the scroll, amidst a multitude of seemingly random notes, features a quatrain written in a clumsy hand. The handwriting is so difficult to read that the last words of the poem are simply illegible, which may be part of the reason why this poem has received almost no attention in scholarship. Other than this fragmentary copy, it is unattested in written sources from Dunhuang or anywhere else during the pre-modern period. It is all the more surprising then that it reappears nine hundred years later, at the end of the nineteenth century, in a text written by a leader of a Chinese Sufi sect in the southern part of Ningxia. This paper addresses the survival of this poem in the oral tradition for nearly a millennium and the dramatic change of its context, finding its way from a medieval Buddhist monastery to a Muslim community in Ningxia.

    敦煌寫本S.3698是一幅《孝經》卷軸,由十世紀在一座敦煌佛教寺院中的學生書寫。它的背面是許多看起來隨意的記錄,其中有一首書寫笨拙的四行詩。這首詩的字跡難以閱讀,最後幾個字直接無法辨認。這也可能是這首詩沒有受到學術界關注的原因之一。除了這個不完整的版本外,這首詩沒有在前現代時期敦煌以及其他任何地方的文本資料中出現過。然而更令人驚奇的是,在九百年後的十九世紀末,這首詩又出現了。它出現在寧夏南部一位中國蘇非派領袖書寫的文本中。本文探討這首詩如何在近千年的口述傳統中得以倖存以及它的語境從中古時期佛教寺院到寧夏穆斯林群體的劇變。

  11. GOOSSAERT, Vincent, EPHE
    高萬桑, 法國高等研究院
    Chinese Gods as Persons and Subjects
    作為人和主體的中國神

    This paper is based on my ongoing work on Chinese gods and processes of subjectification whereby such gods affirm unique personas and engage humans in person-to-person interactions. It is based on a critical approach to much of the scholarship on gods who merely treat them as projection of human collective values and needs. I propose that the vast array of ritual techniques developed over the very longue durée in China to allow the gods to “talk back” to humans have allowed these gods to affirm themselves as persons and subjects – even though there was also resistance against such developments. I then wish to open a comparison with other religious cultures and explore the reasons why the presence of gods as subjects varies considerably between different cultural contexts: in some places, gods can engage humans as persons in ways comparable to the Chinese case, and in others they do not. My working hypothesis is that the availability and social acceptance of ritual techniques to allow the gods to talk is a crucial factor in such differences.

    本文基於我正在進行的對中國神和藉由主體化過程這些神確認其獨特的人格面貌並使人們與其面對面互動的研究,以批判性的方法考察諸多將神僅僅當作人類集體價值和需求的投射的學術研究。我提出,在中國長期發展而來的一系列儀式技巧讓神可以反過來與人對話,這就使這些神確認了作為人和主體的身份,即使這些發展也面對了一些阻礙。我希望開啟中國宗教文化與其他宗教文化的對比,探究為什麼在不同文化背景下神作為主體的出現是不同的:在一些地方,神可以像中國案例那樣作為人與人類對話,而在其他地方是不行的。我的假設是,這種區別的關鍵因素是讓神說話的儀式技巧的可用性與社會接受度。

  12. HAN Oonjin / Ven. Kyougwan sunim, Dongguk University
    韓雲珍(景完), 東國大學
    佛教的现代化与全球化前景研究-以韩中叙事文学为主

    現代宗教被懷疑其存在意義,可說正處於存亡絕續的關頭。因此各宗教不斷地尋找其存在意義。 人們認為宗教與現代科學文明相去甚遠, 相衝突。不過,另一方面, 佛教表現出與天文學、物理學、腦科學等科學學問相當相符的道理。如此,佛教在現代文明中有其適應的一面。筆者著眼於此,對佛教的現代化和全球化的可能性進行推測。特別是以通過悠久的歷史相互影響的韓國和中國的佛教為對象。只是兩國具有不同的固有特色,因此發展的情況也各異。因此,本論文首先從韓中佛教的受容與變容的互相關係開始討論。 通過這一過程, 來呈現出兩國佛教的現狀。 並尋找佛教現代化與全球化前景。

  13. Genevieve Hauer, University of Colorado, Boulder
    王桂薇, 科羅納多大學

    This research examines a largely overlooked manuscript, written by Daniel Cleveland (although never published, due to a lack of public interest) under the commission of the Central Pacific Railroad Company, which observes the Chinese-American immigration labor-force of the 1860s. From 1865-1869, there is a marked shift in Buddhist ritual, practices, and beliefs in both America and China, as Chinese Buddhist practitioners interacted with the culture of America and were forced to adapt their religious values to be compatible with the physically laborious demands of life working on the US Pacific Transcontinental Railroad. During this time, but especially in the years following the completion of the rail, the Chinese-American workforce returned to China to move their immediate families to the US with them. Relatives were often met with ridicule and contempt upon endeavoring to cross into American soil, which played another key role in the transformation of Buddhist popular religion. This continuous back-and-forth contact led to a transnational phenomenon across Buddhism, which must be examined from a perspective of Manuel Vasquez’s proposed ‘vascular network theory’ (or another comparable model) to pay respect to, and augment the agency of, the oft-overlooked Chinese workers who toiled and died for the US Transcontinental Railroad.

  14. HONG Mianmian, Sun Yat-sen University
    洪綿綿, 中山大學
    晉末宋初的方鎮格局與佛教發展
    The Regional Situation and Buddhist Development in the Late Jin and Early Song Dynasties

    forthcoming

  15. JI Huachuan, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
    紀華傳, 中國社會科學院
    清末民初的社會巨變與佛教現代化

    清末民初是中國歷史上的巨大轉折時期,在政治制度、文化結構、社會生活及價值觀念等各個方面都發生了根本性的變化,中央集權的帝王專制制度由危機重重到最終瓦解。中國佛教在近兩千年的歷史中形成與帝制相適應的佛教制度面臨前所未有的挑戰,在晚清民初的空前社會轉型中,西方文化傳入和基督教傳播的衝擊下,傳統社會中的儒釋道三教融合的格局受到新的打擊,不但在外部歷經太平天國運動以及廟產興學運動的衝擊,而且自身千百年來陳陳相因積弊叢生,中國佛教就在此空前的危機中開啓了艱難曲折的現代化歷程。中國佛教畢竟有著近兩千年源遠流長的深厚底蘊,有著上至知識階層下至平民百姓的廣泛社會影響,所以具有自身反省生存和發展的頑強生命力。近代佛教所面臨的危難,為佛教的轉型和發展帶來了新的契機,本文試圖從佛教制度、佛教組織和佛教教育等方面,探析這一時期中國佛教界在革除歷史積弊、適應時代發展的現代化探索。

  16. KEYWORTH, George, University of Saskatchewan
    紀強, 薩斯喀徹爾大學
    On the Enduring Legacy of Tiantai 天台 Educational Books in Premodern Japan: the [Tendai enshū shikyō goji 天台円宗四教五時] Nishidani myōmoku西谷名目 and Shishi yaolan 釋氏要覽 (Śākyamuni [Buddha’s] Essential Teachings)
    前現代日本天台宗教育書籍持久的遺產:《天台円宗四教五時西谷名目》和《釋氏要覽》

    How did premodern East Asian Buddhist learn about the history and teachings of the Buddha? Although a generation or more of scholarship in western language scholarship (Ch’en 1964) suggests that Chinese, Korean, and Japanese Buddhists have a preference for the study of sūtras, including the Lotus (Fahua jing 法華經), Avataṃsaka (Huayan jing 華厳經), and many more, even if that were something like an historical fact, how did monastics and lay Buddhists learn the tenets of those sūtras? Given its conspicuous self-image as an authentic branch of Chinese Buddhism in Japan, the great Tendai tradition 天台宗 (Ch. Tiantai)—both atop Mt. Hiei 比叡山 and below it at Miidera 三井寺—preserves several educational books that generations of Japanese Buddhists have considered to reflect an educational curriculum from Song China (960-1279). In this paper I introduce and provide an overview of the Tendai enshū shikyō goji 天台円宗四教五時 Nishidani myōmoku西谷名目 (Guide to the Perfect Tendai Tradition’s Four Teachings and Five Periods, according to the Nishidani Approach), which is preserved in multiple editions—with sub-commentaries—from the Edo 江戸 period (1603-1868) and earlier and references an early 11th century Chinese exegetical compendium called the Shishi yaolan 釋氏要覽 (Śākyamuni [Buddha’s] Essential Teachings, T no. 2127). I show how, according to Tendai Buddhists who followed the teachings of many teachers who studied in China across more than 400 years, the essential teachings of Buddhism are best conveyed through what we might call a Tiantai lens of scholarship. Finally, I point out how the Nishidani myōmoku and other Tendai educational manuals were used at monastic training centers in Japan from nearly all traditions (e.g., Shingon 真言宗, Zen 禪宗, Shinshū 真宗, Hokkeshū 法華宗).

    前現代東亞佛教徒如何了解佛陀的歷史和教法?儘管西方學界一代乃至幾代的學者指出中國、朝鮮和日本的佛教徒更傾向於學經,包括《法華經》《華嚴經》和其他許多佛經,即使這個說法好像符合史實,僧眾和在家居士又是如何了解這些佛經的主旨的?鑒於日本天台宗的自我形象是中國佛教的正統分支,在比叡山上以及山下的三井寺,都保存了一些教育書籍,一代又一代的日本佛教徒都認為這些書籍反映了中國宋代(960–1279)的教育課程。在本文中我介紹並概述了《天台円宗四教五時西谷名目》。這本書保存有江戶時代和更早期的多個版本,並且附有註釋。同時我還參考了中國十一世紀早期的一部註釋類書《釋氏要覽》(《大正藏》第2127號)。我揭示了佛教的核心教義,按照那些遵循了四百多年中諸多前往中國學習的老師們的教導的天台宗佛徒的說法,如何通過天台教義的透鏡(我們或許可以稱為),得到了最佳的傳達。最後,我指出《天台円宗四教五時西谷名目》以及其他天台宗教育指南如何在日本幾乎所有宗派(例如,真言宗、禪宗、真宗、法華宗)的僧眾教育中心被使用。

  17. Jahyun Kim, Dongguk University
    The Sinicization of Early Ming Buddhist Art: Acceptance, Transformation, and Spread of Buddhist Iconography
    明代早期佛教藝術的中國化:佛教造像的接受、轉化和傳播

    The purpose of this paper is to explore the process by which Buddhist prints produced in mainland China during the early Ming Dynasty accepted foreign cultures, underwent Sinicization, and spread to other countries. This study begins with an examination of Buddhist prints in Korea. In Korea, a Lotus Sutra featuring a splendid frontispiece illustration print was published by a royal woman of the Joseon dynasty in 1459. And the postscript of this sutra indicates that it is modeled on a Ming dynasty print published by the imperial court of China. Among the Buddhist prints published in the early Ming Dynasty, there exists a print with identical iconography to this one. Upon investigating the origins of this print, it was confirmed that it underwent a process of Sinicization from the Hexizi Canon, originally published in the Hangzhou area during the Yuan Dynasty, and consequently, emerged as a quintessential frontispiece illustration print of the Ming Dynasty. Therefore, this study aims to delve into the historical context surrounding the reception of Western Xia prints during the Yuan Dynasty, the process of Sinicization they underwent, and the subsequent transmission to Joseon, where they influenced the realm of Buddhist art, particularly focusing on prints from the Ming Dynasty. This study is expected to help clarify the exchange patterns and mutual influences among East Asian countries in the domain of Buddhist art.

    本文的目的是探究明代早期中國大陸佛教版畫接受外來文化,中國化,再傳播到其他國家的過程。本文開頭考察了朝鮮的佛教版畫。在1459年,朝鮮王朝的一位王室女性刻印的《法華經》中有一幅精美的卷首插圖版畫。此經的後記表明它以中國宮廷刻印的明代版畫為模板。在明代早期刻印的佛教版畫中,有一幅與這部經中的版畫有相同的造像。通過調查這幅版畫的來源,確認了這幅版畫來自元代刻印於杭州地區的河西字大藏經,並經歷了中國化的過程,從而在明代作為一個典型的卷首版畫出現。因此,本文旨在深入西夏版畫在元代被接受,其中國化的過程以及之後傳入朝鮮的歷史背景,尤其關注明代版畫在朝鮮對佛教藝術領域的影響。本文希望幫助釐清佛教藝術領域東亞國家間的交流模式和相互影響。

  18. LI Jingjing, Leiden University
    李晶晶, 萊頓大學
    Illusory Conventions and The Modernization of Chinese Buddhism
    虛幻世俗與中國佛教的現代化

    In the Madhyamaka theory of twofold truth, sentient beings shall comprehend the illusory and deceptive nature of dependent arising at the conventional level for attaining the ultimate truth of emptiness. As the Sanlun master Jizang once remarked, “for practitioners with skillful means and wisdom, they come to learn the twofold truth to realize that there is nothing to attain.” Given this Madhyamaka commitment, Buddhist reformers are soon presented with the doctrinal question on conventional reality when they strive to modernize Buddhism and make it more socially engaged: if there is eventually nothing to attain, what is the value and worth of the conventionally true society and why does it matter to transform social conventions? In this article, I explore how Buddhist thinkers like Fazun draw from Tibetan Buddhist resources for reaffirming the value and worth of conventional reality, which allows for consolidating the theoretical foundation of their project of modernizing Chinese Buddhism.

    在中觀的二諦理論中,有情眾生應理解世俗層面上的緣起之虛妄性,進而通達勝義諦的空性。正如三論法師吉藏所言,“若有巧方便慧,學此二諦,成無所得”(T no. 1853, 15a18)。然而,當佛教改革者致力於讓他們的傳統更加現代化更加入世的時候,如此立論的中觀思想立刻讓他們面臨到一個關於世俗有的義理難題:如果一切畢竟無所得,那僅是世俗真實的世界有何價值呢?改變世間習俗又有何意義呢?在這篇文章中,我將探討以法尊法師為代表的思想家如何引用藏傳佛教資源來重新承認世俗有的價值。如此觀之,他們的努力為佛教現代化奠定了堅實的理論基礎。

  19. LI Meng, Fudan University
    李猛, 復旦大學
    中古佛教靈驗記中的反佛帝王
    Anti-Buddhist Emperors in Buddhist Devotionals of Medieval China

    forthcoming

  20. MCCOY, Michelle, University of Pittsburgh
    匹茲堡大學
    Divination and Gender in Dunhuang Buddhist Art

    forthcoming

  21. PEI Changchun, Shandong Normal University
    裴長春, 山東師範大學
    智者大師的與仁王會
    The Master Zhiyi and the Renwang Association

    forthcoming

  22. REN Yian, Stanford University
    斯坦佛

    In early medieval Japan, the image of the Mañjuśrī Bodhisattva underwent a transformation as he began to be depicted as a child, which marked a departure from the Chinese predecessors of Mañjuśrī representations as an adult male. This shift in Mañjuśrī’s portrayal coincided with his attribution as the local manifestation 本地仏 of the Kasuga Wakamiya 春日若宮 deity in the early eleventh century, a period characterized by frequent natural disasters and a crisis of trust in the Fujiwara family’s spiritual authority. This paper examines how the Japanese perception of Mount Wutai as Mañjuśrī’s pure land shaped his cult and his identification as the local manifestation of the major Shinto deity, thereby influencing the creation of his images in Japan. Furthermore, the perception of children as liminal figures between this world and the other, along with the special sentiments towards the chigo 稚児 in medieval Japanese Buddhist monasteries, stimulated the emergence of Mañjuśrī’s appearance as a child. By tracing the stylistic and iconographical evolution of Mañjuśrī images from earlier Chinese murals, sculptures, and book illustrations to the Japanese child depictions that emerged in the Kasuga and Esoteric Buddhist contexts, this study aims to contribute to the understanding of the adaptation and transformation of Buddhist iconography as it traversed cultural boundaries from China to Japan.

  23. SONG Donggyu, University of Tokyo
    日本東京大學
    Buddhism in Reverse Flow: A Case Study of Hamon
    (佛教逆向流動:《破文》案例研究)

    This presentation aims to depart from the unidirectional transmission perspective of “China → (Korean Peninsula) → Japan” which is still prevalent in the understanding of East Asian Buddhism, and instead reveal the dynamics of mutual influence and development of ideas among these three regions. A notable document within this context is the text Hamon (『破文』, 997). This document was written in response to a request made by Yuanqing(源清, -995-), a scholar from the Song Dynasty, for a critique of his own work, the Kangyōso-kenyōki(『觀經疏顯要記』), which he sent to Mount Hiei(比叡山) in Japan. Genshin (源信, 942-1017) refuted the first volume of the Kangyōso-kenyōki, while Kakuun(覺運, 953-1007) refuted the second volume, resulting in the creation of the Hamon. The structure of the Hamon consists of eleven sections in the upper volume and ten sections in the lower volume, totaling twenty-one Hamon(confutation).

    Hamon can be considered an important example of Buddhism experiencing reverse flow, as it originated from a request for intellectual exchange from China, rather than solely for texts. Through the study of the Hamon, we can gain insights into how the East Asian regions interacted and developed their respective ideas from the 10th to the 12th centuries.

    本次報告的目的是對“中國→(朝鮮半島)→日本”的單向傳播提出質疑——該觀點在理解東亞佛教時仍然占主導地位,並揭示這三個地區之間相互影響和思想發展的動態。在此問題上最具典型意義的文獻是《破文》(997)。《破文》是應宋代學者源清(-995-)的請求而寫的。源清將其著作《觀經疏顯要記》送到日本的比叡山徵集意見。源信(942-1017)駁斥了《觀無量壽經顯要記》的第一卷,而覺運(953-1007)則駁斥了第二卷,這些駁論最終形成了《破文》。《破文》包括上卷十一節和下卷十節,共計二十一篇破文(駁論)。

    《破文》是證明佛教逆向流動的一個重要案例。因為它源於中國方面對知識交流的訴求,而非對文獻本身的訴求。通過對《破文》進行研究,我們可以瞭解10到12世紀之間東亞各地區是如何相互交流並發展其各自的思想的。

  24. SUN Qi, Shandong University
    孫齊, 山東大學
    《加句靈驗佛頂尊勝陀羅尼記》的文本旅行
    Textual Travels of ‘The Records of the Enlarged and Proved Version of Uṣṇīṣa Vijaya Dhāraṇī

    隨著《佛頂尊勝陀羅尼經》在唐代的譯出和流行,也出現了多種相關的靈驗記,曾經慧琳編輯的《加句靈驗佛頂尊勝陀羅尼記》就是這些靈驗故事的一部彙編。目前公佈的日本石山寺本,顯示出它在9世紀經由渤海國傳入了日本,並因此得以保存。雖然此書目前在中國已經亡佚,但在唐代和遼代的多種經幢、塔銘上,還保留下其中部分篇章。此外,北宋之後,此書又被改編成《勸善書》得以流傳,並被南宋中期的《玉皇本行集經》改造出了道教的版本。《加句靈驗佛頂尊勝陀羅尼記》的傳播不僅是跨載體的,也是跨地域的,同時還是跨宗教的,展示了8世紀以降《佛頂尊勝陀羅尼經》多元多樣的流布和演生。

    With the translation and popularization of Uṣṇīṣa Vijaya Dhāraṇī in the Tang Dynasty came a boom of a variety of spiritual narratives, and The Records of the Enlarged and Proved Version of Uṣṇīṣa Vijaya Dhāraṇī, edited by Huilin, is a compendium of these narratives. Recently published Ishiyama Temple 石山寺manuscripts shows that the Dhāraṇī compendium was introduced to Japan from the Bohai Kingdom in the ninth century, and was thus preserved. Although this compendium has been lost in China, some of its chapters were engraved in the inscriptions of various late Tang and Liao buildings and pagodas. After the North Song Dynasty, the compendium was adapted into a Taoist version. The dissemination of The Records of the Enlarged and Proved Version of Uṣṇīṣa Vijaya Dhāraṇī is not only cross-medium, but also cross-regional and cross-religious, demonstrating the diverse transmission and evolution of the Uṣṇīṣa Vijaya Dhāraṇī since the eighth century.

  25. WANG Lei, Sun Yat-sen University
    王磊, 中山大學
    中古時期《十誦律》的翻譯及文本流變
    The Translation and Transmission of Shi Song Lü 十誦律 in Medieval China

    forthcoming

  26. WANG Qingwei, Stele Forest or Beilin Museum
    王慶衛, 西安碑林
    再論北魏魏文朗造像的刊刻年代及其背景

    forthcoming

  27. WANG Xuemei, Xibei University
    王雪梅, 西北大學
    宗密“會通”思想對佛教現代化的方法論啓示

    forthcoming

  28. WANG Zhaoguo, Shanghai Normal University
    王招國/定源, 上海師大

    入元日僧太初在華的求法與弘法——從一方明代遺存的寺碑說起

    The Japanese Monk Taichu’s Quest and Propagation of the Dharma in Yuan China: A Discussion Based on a Preserved Temple Stele from the Ming Dynasty

    forthcoming

  29. WEI Bin, Wuhan University
    魏斌, 武漢大學
    北齊造像與村落軍人群體
    Buddhist Statues and Military Community from Villages in Northern Qi Dynasty

    forthcoming

  30. WU Hao, Harvard University
    哈佛
    Shiva in a Buddhist Temple: The Transmission and Reception of Hindu Art in 13th -15th Century Quanzhou, China

    “Every year, merchants of diverse ethnicities arrived in Quanzhou by sea, bringing with them a myriad of precious commodities such as ivories, rhinoceros horns, tortoise shells and et cetera.”—This vivid depiction is extracted from Fangyu Shenglan 方輿勝覽, a geography book from the Southern Song period. This historical account illustrates a vibrant picture of Quanzhou as a bustling and culturally diverse port city. By the early Southern Song period, Quanzhou surpassed Guangzhou to become the largest port in China, attracting merchants from Asia, Europe, and Africa, along with their diverse cultures and religions. At the heart of this cosmopolitan city lies the Kaiyuan Temple. Within this Buddhist temple, several artifacts exhibiting unequivocal Hindu features have been found. The presence of these artifacts within the temple serves as a testament to the complex interconnectedness of cultures brought by maritime trade. This paper is structured around three key questions regarding these Hindu artifacts: (1) WHAT are the Hindu artifacts in the temple; (2) WHERE did these artifacts come from; (3) HOW were these artifacts received and incorporated into KaiyuanTemple. By analyzing the iconography and unravelling the origins of these artifacts, this paper seeks to elucidate the reception of these exotic Hindu artifacts within the local Buddhist context.

  31. WU Shaowei, Shandong University
    武紹衛, 山東大學
    敦煌僧團對佛典的搜集與閱讀:以敦煌寺院雜藏為中心
    The Collection and Reading of Buddhist Scriptures by the Dunhuang Sangha: Focus on Non-Canonical Collections

    forthcoming

  32. WU Yu, Sun Yat-sen University
    吳羽, 中山大學
    建築景觀與家國之變:明末清初的峽山飛來寺

    明萬曆三十五年飛來寺被大水沖毀,明末清初屢經興廢,與本地的紳商緊密相關,也與其所處的戰略位置有關,還與明清鼎革之際國家與地方對廣東及清遠的經營有關,直接牽動嶺南禪宗的發展與變遷。而且,峽山飛來寺還是越南使團經廣西、廣東一線入京的必經之地,在越南文學和知識世界中也有值得關注的影響,峽山寺的僧人也曾到越南。本文擬以建築景觀的興廢為線索,對大動蕩期的國家、地方與嶺南禪宗史的發展進行力所能及的探討。

  33. YANG Baoyu, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
    楊寶玉, 中國社會科學院
    敦煌文書中所存赴印或來華僧人行記述要
    Travel Journals in Dunhuang Manuscripts by Monks Travelling between India and China

    forthcoming

  34. YING Lei, Amherst College
    應磊, 安默斯特學院The “Truth” and the “World”: Taixu’s Quest for a Buddhist Universalism
    「真理」與「世界」:太虛對佛教普世主義的追尋

    Taixu’s (1890–1947) world mission has earned the modern Chinese Buddhist reformer glowing accolades as well as searing criticisms. This study presents a reappraisal of Taixu’s insistence on recalibrating the Buddhist “truth” in, to, and for the modern “world.” What does (Chinese) Mahāyāna Buddhism look like, if it is to live up to its own universalistic promise in a real world of competing truth claims, evangelical missions, and power struggles? Taixu’s sustained efforts at worlding the Dharma were anchored in this question, which remains unexplored regardless of whether one approves or not of Taixu’s global ambitions. Situating Taixu in a broader context of successive and overlapping quests for egalitarianism and universalism in modern China, this study underscores a Buddhist horizon of meaning shared by radical thinkers such as Kang Youwei (1858–1927), Tan Sitong (1865–1898), Zhang Taiyan (1869–1936), and Taixu. It rediscovers Taixu’s innovation in forging a global Buddhist fellowship amid surging nationalistic zeal in and beyond China.

    太虛的世界佛教運動爲這位現代漢傳佛教改革家同時贏得了崇高讚譽和尖銳批評。對於太虛堅持以/為現代「世界」重新度量佛教「真理」,本文試圖做出重新評估。倘若(漢傳)大乘佛教要在一個義旨、宣教和權力激烈競爭的世界中實現其普世性的承諾,那麼它應該是何面貌?太虛將佛法世界化的不懈努力正植根於這一問題。縱覽現行研究,無論人們是否認可太虛的寰球弘法抱負,這一問題始終未獲正視。本文將太虛置於現代中國對平等和普世主義的前仆後繼的追求這一更廣闊的歷史語境下,凸顯康有爲、譚嗣同、章太炎和太虛等激進思想家共通的佛教視野。在一個中國內外民族主義高漲的時代,太虛推動全球佛教徒聯誼的努力深具創新精神。

  35. YU Chun, Xibei University
    于春, 西北大學
    玉文化與佛像的融合——以北朝佛像石質變化為考察核心
    The fusion of jade culture and Buddha statues——the changes in the quality of Buddha statues in the Northern Dynasties

    forthcoming

  36. YU Wei, Dongnan University
    于薇, 東南大學
    五代兩宋“阿育王塔”的技術與觀念

    forthcoming

  37. ZHAN Ru, Peking University
    湛如, 北京大學

    閩南佛學院與近代中國佛教

    Buddhist College of Minnan and Buddhism in Modern China

    forthcoming

  38. Zhang Liming, Zhejiang University
    張利明, 浙江大學
    僧人取经与天台中兴——东阳中兴寺塔出土吴越国取经图石函研究

    forthcoming

  39. ZHANG Peng, Central Academy of Fine Arts
    張鵬, 中央美術學院
    世道人心——遼代幽燕家族的佛教信仰與實踐
    Buddhism belief and practice in the You and Yan territories in Liao Dynasty

    forthcoming

  40. ZHANG Wenliang, Renmin University of China
    張文良, 中國人民大學
    太虛大師的如來藏思想述評

    forthcoming