Microcosm Holds Mountains and Seas – Abstracts


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  1. BIAN, Huiyuan, Peking University
    邊慧媛, 北京大學
    Cultural Construction and National Identity in the 20th Century India: The Buddhist Path of “Indian Xuanzang”

    Cultural Construction and National Identity in the 20th Century India: The Buddhist Path of “Indian Xuanzang”Generated against the Western colonialism, Asianism once took Buddhism as a shared value aiming at unifying the whole Asia, and this way of thinking also spread to India and brought out a profound consequence. Based on first-handed documents such as memoirs, Hindi diaries, newspapers, letters, and related documentary materials, this article focuses on pandit Raghu Vira, an influential political-cultural celebrity during Nehru’s time, who took a three-month Buddhist expedition to China, and was given the name as “Indian Xuanzang” by Premier Zhou Enlai (周恩来). By examining his connections with Buddhism taking place across India, Europe, Japan and China, the aim of this article is to delineate the role of Buddhism in the process of constructing common memory and national identity in the 20th Century India, as well as point to the fact sadly that for present the thousand-year-long Buddhism interactions between two countries cannot benefit the current reality-oriented Sino-Indian relation, and vice versa.


  2. CHEN Jidong, Aoyamagakuin University
    陳繼東, 青山學院大學
    The Formation and Transformation of The Daily Recitation of the Chan School: An End Result of the Evolvement of Buddhism in the Sino-sphere


  3. CHEN Jinhua, University of British Columbia
    陳金華, 英屬哥倫比亞大學
    The Operation of Multiple Networks behind the Re-erection of the Huishansi Vinaya-platform toward the End of the Eighth Century


  4. CHEN Kay, Peking University
    陳可,  北京大學
    A Life Pursuit of Precept: Bhikṣuṇī Jingxiu and Bhikṣuṇīsaṃgha in Fifth-Century Jiankang


    Jiankang during the first half of the fifth century witnessed an influx of Buddhist missionaries and Vinaya texts from India via northern land and especially southern sea routes, which stimulated the identity crisis and craving for legitimate ordination in bhikṣuṇīsaṃgha. Among them was Jingxiu, whose consciousness of precept drove her to receive ordination repeatedly as many of her peers and strive to refine monastic regulation in bedding and clothing. For the rest of her life, she presided over Chanlin禪林 convent and facilitated transmitting a newly translated commentary on Vinaya from Guangzhou to Jiankang. Jingxiu spent her entire religious life in the most prominent convents in Jiankang, where the communal nature of cenobitic life made for her religious appeal. Her actions demonstrated how the monastic order in Jiankang transformed under the impact of Vinaya in the 5th century, meanwhile reflecting a common mindset of meticulously complying with Indian canon during the formative era of Chinse saṃgha.

  5. CHEN Suyu, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
    陳粟裕, 中國社會科學院
    Bidirectional Exchange between Zhongyuan and the Western Regions through  the Khotan “Golden Light Sutra” and Related Images


    The Golden Light Sutra holds a revered status in Khotan. Extant manuscripts are predominantly in two languages: Sanskrit, corresponding to the Chinese translation by Tanwuchen (a disciple of Kumārajīva) known as the “Golden Light Sutra”, and Khotanese, corresponding to the Chinese translation by Yijing known as the Golden Light Sutra. Professor Duan Qing speculates that during the Tang Dynasty, Śikṣānanda, while translating scriptures with Yijing in Luoyang, might have encountered the Sanskrit manuscript of the Golden Light Sutra, brought back by Yijing from the South Sea. There is a possibility that Śikṣānanda translated it into Khotanese. When Śikṣānanda returned to Khotan in 704 CE, he may have propagated this new version of the new Golden Light Supreme Sutra there. The ancient Golden Light Sutra became popular in Khotan, leading to depictions of local deities Bhūmi between the feet of Khotanese Buddha statues. The translation and dissemination of the new Golden Light Sutra resulted in Khotanese local deities appearing under the feet of Viśvakarman and even Khotanese kings. This phenomenon aligns with the records in the new Golden Light Sutra that when the “Fourfold Assembly” of monks, nuns, laymen, and laywomen preaches the Dharma, local deities Bhūmi firmly appear, venerating their feet.

  6. CHEN Zhinan, University of Washington
    Dunhuang Manuscripts and Monasteries —A Study of Material Vestiges of Three Buddhist Monasteries in Medieval Dunhuang

    Buddhist monasteries have always been an enduring presence in the Chinese landscape since Buddhism started to flourish in the early medieval period. The discovery of the Dunhuang grottoes and the artifacts deposited there have greatly enriched our understanding of Buddhist monasteries, both as the spiritual authority and main actor in the religious realm and as a key player in geo-political affairs and economic engagements, around the Dunhuang area from the eighth to twelfth centuries. During this period, Buddhist monasteries figured prominently in the material world of the area in two ways: 1) the way in which their physical presence as architectural complexes demarcating the changing boundary between religious and secular public spheres; 2) the way in which they became deeply involved in the production, transmission, curation, consumption, and disposal of material artifacts. Some isolated aspects of the material footprint left by Dunhuang Buddhist monasteries have been subjected to serious studies. For my part, I propose to examine three Dunhuang Buddhist monasteries, namely Bao’en si, Yongkang si, and Longxing si, as a set, in order 1) to trace out their once imposing, and yet, evanescent external physical imprints in the landscape, as well as their internal compartmentation of different faculties of the monastery system; and 2) to outline their somewhat obscure nevertheless enduring presence in the production and transmission of material artifacts, in particular manuscripts. What initially brought these three monasteries to my attention as a set is manuscript P.2727, which appears to be an inventory of Buddhist canonical texts collectively owned by the monasteries. Using this as a starting point, I plan to comb through Dunhuang manuscripts and other material artifacts bearing known connection to any one of the three monasteries, whether it simply refers to the monastery by name or identifies it in a more specific way. This is to be supplemented by any relevant transmitted texts as well as contemporaneous tomb inscriptions that previous scholars have adumbrated. With this array of textual and material attestations, I will be able to flash out a multi-dimensional picture of manuscripts and their associated monastic scriptoriums in the material world of medieval Dunhuang.

  7. CHEN Zhiyuan, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
    陳志遠, 中國社會科學院
    On the Biographical Accounts of the Monk Senglang at Mount Tai, Re-considering the textual history of GSZ


  8. CHI Limei, International College for Postgraduate Buddhist Studies
    池麗梅, 国際仏教学大学院大学
    The complexity and uniqueness of the ancient Japanese Manuscript Canons


  9. Heather CLYDESDALE, Santa Clara University
    柯玉珊, 聖克拉拉大學
    Architectural Aesthetics and the Manifestation of Buddhist Theory and Practice

    This paper explores how aesthetic principles in traditional Chinese architecture are preserved and reinvented in contemporary Buddhist institutions. It argues that this is because the attendant architectural aesthetics, although rooted in early Chinese cosmology and Daoism, support the understanding and practice of dharma today.

    When Buddhism entered China, artisans embraced radical approaches to art-making, fashioning icons and painting narratives to catalyze rituals like guanxiang 观像 and circumambulation. Curiously, however, architectural forms remained largely fixed to a foundation of traditional archetypes. Temple compounds were based on siheyuan 四合院 courtyards, pagodas and temples eclipsed stūpa as devotional buildings, and representations of architectural details in cave temples were ornamented with replicas of dougong 斗拱 brackets, fudou 覆斗ceilings, and laternendecke caissons. There are some practical reasons why it was difficult to adopt Indian and Central Asian architecture on a large scale. Yet, the enduring preference for Chinese architectural styles and aesthetics suggests that deeper reasons are at play.

    This paper compares two sites associated with the Dharma Drum World Center for Buddhist Education 法鼓山世界佛教教育园区: its headquarters amid the coastal mountains of New Taipei City 台北新市 and the Nung Chan Monastery 农禅寺 in Beitou 北投 to show how approaches to space and form manifest in modern and avant-garde religious architecture. The headquarters for Dharma Drum opened in 2005, realizing the vision of founder, Sheng-yen 圣严 (1931-2009). Based in part on Tang dynasty architecture and icons found in the Mogao 莫高 Caves, its minimal details, restrained use of color, and emphasis on connection with the landscape align it with global and modern-day Chan Buddhism.  The Nung Chan Monastery, which opened in 2012 and was designed by international “starchitect” Kris Yao 姚仁喜, is unabashedly avant-garde. The architecture does not obviously draw on historical forms, but classical aesthetics are evident in the harmonious proportions, repeated juxtapositions of mass and void, and use of geomancy. Both sites demonstrate how aesthetic principles are adaptable to contemporary forms and doctrine. They suggest that Chinese architectural aesthetics are uniquely efficacious in promoting individual meditation, community rituals, spirituality, and unity between environment and people.

  10. DEEG, Max, Cardiff University
    寧梵夫, 卡迪夫大學
    Projecting India in Chinese Medieval Buddhist Sources: A Case of Sinizication?

    Following the “Call for Proposals’” suggestive “‘multi-layered contextualization approach’”, this paper will revisit the concept of Sinicization of Buddhism from a more general and theoretical viewpoint through a comparison with other religious adaptation processes (Buddhist and non-Buddhist). Approaching the concept from the angle of a specific case, the focus will then be on sources which consciously address the cultural other of their religion in its Indianness, and will try to trace the changes  and specific forms of presentation of this cultural otherness in selected sources up to the Tang period.


  11. GALAMBOS, Imre, Zhejiang University / University of Cambridge
    高奕叡, 浙江大學 / 劍橋大學
    The afterlife of a poem from Dunhuang

    Manuscript S.3698 is a scroll with the Classic of Filial Piety, copied by a student studying in a Buddhist monastery in Dunhuang during the tenth century. The verso of the scroll, amidst a multitude of seemingly random notes, features a quatrain written in a clumsy hand. The handwriting is so difficult to read that the last words of the poem are simply illegible, which may be part of the reason why this poem has received almost no attention in scholarship. Other than this fragmentary copy, it is unattested in written sources from Dunhuang or anywhere else during the pre-modern period. It is all the more surprising then that it reappears nine hundred years later, at the end of the nineteenth century, in a text written by a leader of a Chinese Sufi sect in the southern part of Ningxia. This paper addresses the survival of this poem in the oral tradition for nearly a millennium and the dramatic change of its context, finding its way from a medieval Buddhist monastery to a Muslim community in Ningxia.


  12. GOOSSAERT, Vincent, EPHE
    高萬桑, 法國高等研究院
    Chinese Gods as Persons and Subjects

    This paper is based on my ongoing work on Chinese gods and processes of subjectification whereby such gods affirm unique personas and engage humans in person-to-person interactions. It is based on a critical approach to much of the scholarship on gods who merely treat them as projection of human collective values and needs. I propose that the vast array of ritual techniques developed over the very longue durée in China to allow the gods to “talk back” to humans have allowed these gods to affirm themselves as persons and subjects – even though there was also resistance against such developments. I then wish to open a comparison with other religious cultures and explore the reasons why the presence of gods as subjects varies considerably between different cultural contexts: in some places, gods can engage humans as persons in ways comparable to the Chinese case, and in others they do not. My working hypothesis is that the availability and social acceptance of ritual techniques to allow the gods to talk is a crucial factor in such differences.


  13. HAN Oonjin / Ven. Kyougwan sunim, Dongguk University
    韓雲珍(景完), 東國大學


  14. Genevieve HAUER, University of Colorado, Boulder
    王桂薇, 科羅納多大學
    Transnational Buddhism and Chinese Workers on the Transcontinental Railroad

    Where do we look for information about the early Chinese adaptation of Buddhism in the US during the nineteenth century? Among the available archives, such as the Stanford Chinese Railroad Workers in North America Project, are accounts by missionaries, oral histories of descendants, photographs, temple records, and Central Pacific Railroad Company documents. Recent scholarship such as The Ghosts of Gold Mountain: The Epic Story of the Chinese Who Built the Transcontinental Railroad by Gordon H. Chang (2019), The Chinese and the Iron Road edited by Gordon H. Chang and Shelly Fisher Fishkin (2019), and The China Question: Gold Rushes and Global Politics by Mae Ngai (2022) reconstruct the history of the Chinese railway workers with little reference to popular religion, let alone Buddhism. This research examines an unpublished manuscript, written by Daniel Cleveland under the commission of the Central Pacific Railroad Company, which observes the Chinese-American immigration labor-force of the 1860s. This manuscript is a problematic testament to the period, given the Orientalist and racist lens through which he assesses Chinese religious practice in general terms, yet in the midst of that there are a few instances of recorded observation that give us glimpses into lived religion among Chinese Americans of the time. From 1865-1869, Chinese Buddhist practitioners adapted to the physically laborious demands of life working on the US Pacific Transcontinental Railroad in the rugged California of the time, and this paper makes an initial foray into what the archives can tell us about what adaptations they made to their religious practice. In the process, I attempt to pay respect to, and augment the agency of, the oft-overlooked Chinese workers who toiled and died along the US Transcontinental Railroad.

  15. HONG Mianmian, Sun Yat-sen University
    洪綿綿, 中山大學
    The Regional Situation and Buddhist Development in the Late Jin and Early Song Dynasties


  16. HONG Xiang, The University of Hong Kong
    An Overview of the Spread of the Five-Tempo Intonation of the Name of the Buddha in the Greater Bay Area and Overseas Regions


    This paper investigates the impact of the spread of the Five-Tempo Intonation of the Name of the Buddha in the Greater Bay Area and overseas regions. In recent years, there has been a renewed global interest in this practice, particularly in mainland China, Hong Kong, and Japan, following the discovery of the Dunhuang Library Cave in the early 21st century. Significantly, variations in the practice of the Five-Tempo Intonation of the Name of the Buddha have been observed in specific locations, such as Kaiyuan Temple in Chaozhou, Tung Lin Kok Yuen in Hong Kong, and the Jodo Shinshu Hongwanji-ha in Japan. These regional differences have resulted in the development of distinct ritual manuals and practices. Therefore, this paper aims to examine and analyze the diverse manifestations of the Five-Tempo Intonation of the Name of the Buddha observed in different geographical contexts.

  17. JI Huachuan, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
    紀華傳, 中國社會科學院


  18. KEYWORTH, George, University of Saskatchewan
    紀強, 薩斯喀徹爾大學
    On the Enduring Legacy of Tiantai 天台 Educational Books in Premodern Japan: the [Tendai enshū shikyō goji 天台円宗四教五時] Nishidani myōmoku 西谷名目 and Shishi yaolan 釋氏要覽 (Śākyamuni [Buddha’s] Essential Teachings)

    How did premodern East Asian Buddhist learn about the history and teachings of the Buddha? Although a generation or more of scholarship in western language scholarship (Ch’en 1964) suggests that Chinese, Korean, and Japanese Buddhists have a preference for the study of sūtras, including the Lotus (Fahua jing 法華經), Avataṃsaka (Huayan jing 華厳經), and many more, even if that were something like an historical fact, how did monastics and lay Buddhists learn the tenets of those sūtras? Given its conspicuous self-image as an authentic branch of Chinese Buddhism in Japan, the great Tendai tradition 天台宗 (Ch. Tiantai)—both atop Mt. Hiei 比叡山 and below it at Miidera 三井寺—preserves several educational books that generations of Japanese Buddhists have considered to reflect an educational curriculum from Song China (960-1279). In this paper I introduce and provide an overview of the Tendai enshū shikyō goji 天台円宗四教五時 Nishidani myōmoku西谷名目 (Guide to the Perfect Tendai Tradition’s Four Teachings and Five Periods, according to the Nishidani Approach), which is preserved in multiple editions—with sub-commentaries—from the Edo 江戸 period (1603-1868) and earlier and references an early 11th century Chinese exegetical compendium called the Shishi yaolan 釋氏要覽 (Śākyamuni [Buddha’s] Essential Teachings, T no. 2127). I show how, according to Tendai Buddhists who followed the teachings of many teachers who studied in China across more than 400 years, the essential teachings of Buddhism are best conveyed through what we might call a Tiantai lens of scholarship. Finally, I point out how the Nishidani myōmoku and other Tendai educational manuals were used at monastic training centers in Japan from nearly all traditions (e.g., Shingon 真言宗, Zen 禪宗, Shinshū 真宗, Hokkeshū 法華宗).


  19. Jahyun KIM, Dongguk University
    The Sinicization of Early Ming Buddhist Art: Acceptance, Transformation, and Spread of Buddhist Iconography

    The purpose of this paper is to explore the process by which Buddhist prints produced in mainland China during the early Ming Dynasty accepted foreign cultures, underwent Sinicization, and spread to other countries. This study begins with an examination of Buddhist prints in Korea. In Korea, a Lotus Sutra featuring a splendid frontispiece illustration print was published by a royal woman of the Joseon dynasty in 1459. And the postscript of this sutra indicates that it is modeled on a Ming dynasty print published by the imperial court of China. Among the Buddhist prints published in the early Ming Dynasty, there exists a print with identical iconography to this one. Upon investigating the origins of this print, it was confirmed that it underwent a process of Sinicization from the Hexizi Canon, originally published in the Hangzhou area during the Yuan Dynasty, and consequently, emerged as a quintessential frontispiece illustration print of the Ming Dynasty. Therefore, this study aims to delve into the historical context surrounding the reception of Western Xia prints during the Yuan Dynasty, the process of Sinicization they underwent, and the subsequent transmission to Joseon, where they influenced the realm of Buddhist art, particularly focusing on prints from the Ming Dynasty. This study is expected to help clarify the exchange patterns and mutual influences among East Asian countries in the domain of Buddhist art.


  20. LI Jingjing, Leiden University
    李晶晶, 萊頓大學
    Illusory Conventions and The Modernization of Chinese Buddhism

    In the Madhyamaka theory of twofold truth, sentient beings shall comprehend the illusory and deceptive nature of dependent arising at the conventional level for attaining the ultimate truth of emptiness. As the Sanlun master Jizang once remarked, “for practitioners with skillful means and wisdom, they come to learn the twofold truth to realize that there is nothing to attain.” Given this Madhyamaka commitment, Buddhist reformers are soon presented with the doctrinal question on conventional reality when they strive to modernize Buddhism and make it more socially engaged: if there is eventually nothing to attain, what is the value and worth of the conventionally true society and why does it matter to transform social conventions? In this article, I explore how Buddhist thinkers like Fazun draw from Tibetan Buddhist resources for reaffirming the value and worth of conventional reality, which allows for consolidating the theoretical foundation of their project of modernizing Chinese Buddhism.

    在中觀的二諦理論中,有情眾生應理解世俗層面上的緣起之虛妄性,進而通達勝義諦的空性。正如三論法師吉藏所言,“若有巧方便慧,學此二諦,成無所得”(T no. 1853, 15a18)。然而,當佛教改革者致力於讓他們的傳統更加現代化更加入世的時候,如此立論的中觀思想立刻讓他們面臨到一個關於世俗有的義理難題:如果一切畢竟無所得,那僅是世俗真實的世界有何價值呢?改變世間習俗又有何意義呢?在這篇文章中,我將探討以法尊法師為代表的思想家如何引用藏傳佛教資源來重新承認世俗有的價值。如此觀之,他們的努力為佛教現代化奠定了堅實的理論基礎。

  21. LI Meng, Fudan University
    李猛, 復旦大學
    Anti-Buddhist Emperors in Buddhist Devotionals of Medieval China


  22. MA Xi, Nankai University
    馬熙, 南開大學


  23. MCCOY, Michelle, University of Pittsburgh
    Michelle McCoy,匹茲堡大學
    Divination and Gender in Dunhuang Buddhist Art


  24. PEI Changchun, Shandong Normal University
    裴長春, 山東師範大學
    The Master Zhiyi and the Renwang Association


  25. REN Yian, Stanford University
    The Emergence of the Mañjuśrī Child Image in Early Medieval Japan: A Study of Iconographical Transformation

    The image of the Mañjuśrī Bodhisattva underwent a significant transformation in early medieval Japan as he began to be portrayed as a child, which marks a departure from the Chinese predecessors of Mañjuśrī representations as an adult male. This shift in Mañjuśrī’s portrayal coincided with the designation of the Kasuga Wakamiya 春日若宮 deity as the local manifestation of Mañjuśrī in the early eleventh century, a period characterized by frequent natural disasters and a crisis of trust in the Fujiwara family’s spiritual authority.This paper examines how the Japanese perception of Mount Wutai as Mañjuśrī’s pure land shaped his cult and his relationship with the Shinto deity, thereby influencing the creation of his images in Japan. Furthermore, the perception of children as liminal figures between this world and the other, along with the special sentiments towards the chigo 稚児 in medieval Japanese Buddhist monasteries, stimulated the emergence of Mañjuśrī’s youthful depiction. By tracing the stylistic and iconographical evolution of Mañjuśrī images from earlier Chinese murals, sculptures, and book illustrations to the Japanese child depictions that emerged in the Kasuga and Esoteric Buddhist contexts, this study aims to contribute to the understanding of the adaptation and transformation of Buddhist iconography as it traversed cultural boundaries from China to Japan.

  26. SHI Daoxing, Minnan Buddhist College
    The First Exploration of the Cultivation of Overseas Saṃgha Students at the Buddhist College of Minnan in Modern Times


    Master Taixu was the initiator of the training of overseas monks at the Minnan Buddhist College in modern times. Since his return to China in 1928 from his travels in Europe and the United States, Master Taixu had the idea of establishing a world Buddhist academy in China to cultivate international Dharma-expanding monks, to promote exchanges between Chinese and foreign Buddhists, to lead Chinese Buddhism into the world, and to achieve the purpose of reviving Chinese Buddhism from the outside to the inside by rescuing the religion in an indirect but expedient way. Therefore, he successively sent a number of students from the Minnan Buddhist College to study in Burma, Ceylon, India, Thailand, Japan and other places. These monks played a role of “One Belt, One Road” for the continuation of Chinese Buddhism and the exchange between Chinese and foreign Buddhism in the 20th century. After the reform and opening up of China, Chinese Buddhism was restored, and the President of the Minnan Buddhist College, Master Zewu, has once again realised the importance of monastic talent, and successively accomplished the study of monks in Japan, South Korea, the United States, Thailand, Sri Lanka, Singapore, and other countries, to broaden the horizons and knowledge of the monks, so as to enable the rapid restoration of Buddhism in China, and to facilitate the communication between Chinese and foreign Buddhists. Although the training of overseas students is still in the exploratory stage, if we can continue to train them, we believe that in the near future, it will become more and more mature and better and better, so that more overseas Chinese and foreigners will know about the Minnan Buddhist College, and become interested in Chinese Buddhism and learn Chinese Buddhism and culture, so that the long and excellent academic tradition of the Minnan Buddhist College can be further developed and expanded, with even more brilliant contribution to the modernization and internationalization of Chinese Buddhism.

  27. SHI Gufu, Minnan Buddhist College
    On the Principle oof “Living in accordance with the Buddha’s Teachings and also in Light of the Social Environment of the Times” in the Modernization of Buddhism

    佛教自印度傳入中國後,為了融入中華大地,中國化是其必然選擇。在佛教中國化的道路上,“契理契機”是其根本原則。“契理”,是上契諸佛無上妙法之理; “契機”,是下契眾生百千根性之機。與佛教中國化相應,“契理”即是堅持佛教的基本信仰和核心教義,“契機”就是要在立足中國國情的基礎上適應時代變化、滿足現實需求,不斷做出自我調整和改變。當下時代,佛教在現代化過程中,依然要遵循“契理契機”的原則。

    After Buddhism was introduced into China from India, in order to be integrated into the land of China, Sinification was its inevitable choice. In the course of Sinification of Buddhism, “abiding by the Buddha’s Teachings and tallying with the roots [of the sentient beings]” has been its fundamental principle. Whereas “abiding by the Buddha’s Teachings” is to observe the supreme dharma of all Buddhas, “tallying with the roots” is in tune with the roots of all the sentient beings. Corresponding to the Sinification of Buddhism, ” abiding by the Buddha’s Teachings” means to adhere to the basic beliefs and core teachings of Buddhism, and “tallying with the roots ” means to adapt to the changes of the times and to meet the needs of the reality on the basis of China’s national conditions, and to make self-adjustment and changes continuously. In the modernisation process of Buddhism in the present age, it is still necessary to follow the principle of “abiding by the Buddha’s Teachings and tallying with the roots [of the sentient beings].”

  28. SHI Minghan, Minnan Buddhist College
    The Background and Opportunities of the Modernization and Transformation of Modern Buddhism





    In modern Chinese Buddhism, there were two major revolutionary movements, one in the late Qing Dynasty and the other in the Republic period. By examining the realities and public opinion of these two revolutionary movements, this paper argues that the Buddhist revolutionary movement led by Venerable Master Taixu during the Republic period was a symbol of the modernization and transformation of Buddhism.

    During the late Qing and early Republic periods, modern Buddhism was in a critical period of repositioning itself in the coordinate system of the great change in the history of the millennium and the fusion of Eastern and Western cultures. In the era of great social changes, Buddhism, as the representative and epitome of the old civilization, faced a severe existential crisis, and the escalation of the crisis was accompanied by the push and pull of public opinion. In modern times, Buddhism has become an object of attack by mainstream public opinion. In this regard, the basic goal of the modern Buddhist renewal movement is to integrate into the trend of modernization and to complete the transformation from counter-mainstream public opinion to mainstream public opinion.

    This goal could not be realized by the intellectual elites of the late Qing Dynasty, represented by Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao, because they led the revival of thinking by using traditional Buddhism as a weapon to resist the spiritual crisis, that is to say, repositioning Buddhism in the traditional spectrum of public opinion. But the transformation of modern Buddhism is to integrate Buddhism into the new field of public opinion. In fact, this revival movement was initiated by Master Taixu and marked by the founding of Haichaoyin. This revival of Buddhism was “an extension of the New Culture Movement in the field of Buddhism” and “epitomized the great social and cultural changes”.

    Master Taixu took the initiative to conform to the prevailing concepts of the time, and to break away from the old system, setting up a banner for the creation of a new culture. He presented a new image of Buddhism that still leads the direction of contemporary Chinese Buddhism. From this it can be seen that Master Taixu successfully devised a path to integrate Buddhism into mainstream public opinion, pointing out the core of Buddhism’s modern transformation.

  29. Nengren SHI, Buddhist Academy of China
    釋能仁, 中国佛学院
    A Lone Boat in the Midst of Monstrous Waves: Dharma Master Fafang in 1950


    In 1949, with the founding of the new China, Chinese society stepped into a new junction of unprecedented history. Venerable Dafang, who was far away in Ceylon (present-day Sri Lanka), was keenly aware of the great historical changes facing Buddhism in China, and believed that the wide-ranging social and economic changes taking place in China had a fundamental impact on the lives of the people, and that Buddhists, monks, and the Buddhist community should of course perceive the power of these changes, and that far-reaching and corresponding changes were bound to arise. Venerable Dafang was full of confidence in the coming of the new era, actively participated in the founding of the World Fellowship of Buddhists, publicized to the world on the international stage the protection of Buddhist monasteries, Buddhist colleges, and Buddhist scriptures by the newborn People’s Government, and believed that Chinese Buddhists had enough reasons to look forward to the future with confidence, and was really the first person who was brave enough to stand on the head of the tide of the era at that time. This article takes Venerable Fafang’s activities before and after 1950 as a clue to examine his outstanding ideological choices and practice of propagating Buddhism at the time of the magnificent history.

  30. SHI Shang, Capital Normal University
    石尚, 首都師範大學
    Re-reading the Multiple Painting Styles of Cave 285 in Mogao Grottoes and the Narrative Painting “Five Hundred Robbers” on its South Wall



    Cave 285 in the Mogao Grottoes was created and renovated in the fourth year of the Datong era of the Western Wei Dynasty (538 AD)西魏大統四年. The novelty of this cave in terms of cave , painting style, and subject matter has always been highly regarded by academia. The first part of this paper will examine the relationship between the first painting style of this cave and the art of the late Northern Wei Dynasty in Dunhuang, and use newly unearthed materials to argue for the close relationship between the second painting style and the painting styles of Luoyang and even the Southern Dynasties. The second part of this paper will focus on the narrative painting “Five Hundred Robbers” on the south wall, pointing out that details such as the fallen eyes, the lotus footstool, and the basin of flowers reflect the painter’s unique understanding, and interpreting it from the perspectives inside Buddhism understanding.

    This study aims to reflect on the form-stylistic樣式 methods of mural art in caves. Firstly, painting techniques and patterns have a broader commonality beyond religious attributes, and comparisons can be made with Buddhist murals, tomb art, and other works, which also reflect the transformation of Buddhism painting in East Aisa. Secondly, artistic works have their own “Kunst-wollen “, and under the research method of form-stylistic analysis, attention should also be paid to the individuality of each work, and priority should be given to the significance of religious art within its context.

  31. Xingpu SHI, Minnan Buddhist College
    A Study on Master Changkai’s Thoughts of Buddhist Medical Prevention and Treatment


    Venerable Chang Kai has been practicing Dharma and medicine overseas for more than 50 years, and has been listed by scholars as one of the famous monks and doctors in Southern Fujian. According to the evidence, Venerable Changkai’s lifetime of Buddhist practice is divided into “domestic accumulation period” and “overseas Dharma propagation period”. This paper explores the origins of the Venerable Master’s Buddhist medical thinking by combing through the literature of his study of the Confucian canon, his inheritance of the Chongfu Vinaya tradition, and his study at famous mountain monasteries. It then focuses on the fact that he went to Singapore to develop Buddhist charities, culture, and education to prove that the Venerable Master used medical prescription as a means of practicing the Bodhisattva Way. From this, it can be deduced that the Venerable Master has taken the prevention and treatment theories of Buddhist medicine as the cornerstone, and applied the concepts of integrating Chinese and Western medicine to clinical treatment and preventive health care. In addition, by analyzing the Venerable Master’s participation in the “Shanghai Monks’ Ambulance Corps” and his concern for the construction of the Buddhist cause in his hometown even when he went overseas, his strong patriotic feelings for the protection of Buddhism are evident. In conclusion, through the research of this topic, we hope to add a little theoretical reference to the research field of Venerable Changkai’s Buddhist medical and preventive thinking, and also to provide a historical value to the exploration of the Buddhist medical and cultural exchanges between Southern Fujian and Singapore.

  32. SONG Donggyu, University of Tokyo
    Buddhism in Reverse Flow: A Case Study of Hamon

    This presentation aims to depart from the unidirectional transmission perspective of “China → (Korean Peninsula) → Japan” which is still prevalent in the understanding of East Asian Buddhism, and instead reveal the dynamics of mutual influence and development of ideas among these three regions. A notable document within this context is the text Hamon (『破文』, 997). This document was written in response to a request made by Yuanqing(源清, -995-), a scholar from the Song Dynasty, for a critique of his own work, the Kangyōso-kenyōki(『觀經疏顯要記』), which he sent to Mount Hiei(比叡山) in Japan. Genshin (源信, 942-1017) refuted the first volume of the Kangyōso-kenyōki, while Kakuun(覺運, 953-1007) refuted the second volume, resulting in the creation of the Hamon. The structure of the Hamon consists of eleven sections in the upper volume and ten sections in the lower volume, totaling twenty-one Hamon(confutation).

    Hamon can be considered an important example of Buddhism experiencing reverse flow, as it originated from a request for intellectual exchange from China, rather than solely for texts. Through the study of the Hamon, we can gain insights into how the East Asian regions interacted and developed their respective ideas from the 10th to the 12th centuries.



  33. SUN Qi, Shandong University
    孫齊, 山東大學
    Textual Travels of ‘The Records of the Enlarged and Proved Version of Uṣṇīṣa Vijaya Dhāraṇī

    With the translation and popularization of Uṣṇīṣa Vijaya Dhāraṇī in the Tang Dynasty came a boom of a variety of spiritual narratives, and The Records of the Enlarged and Proved Version of Uṣṇīṣa Vijaya Dhāraṇī, edited by Huilin, is a compendium of these narratives. Recently published Ishiyama Temple 石山寺manuscripts shows that the Dhāraṇī compendium was introduced to Japan from the Bohai Kingdom in the ninth century, and was thus preserved. Although this compendium has been lost in China, some of its chapters were engraved in the inscriptions of various late Tang and Liao buildings and pagodas. After the North Song Dynasty, the compendium was adapted into a Taoist version. The dissemination of The Records of the Enlarged and Proved Version of Uṣṇīṣa Vijaya Dhāraṇī is not only cross-medium, but also cross-regional and cross-religious, demonstrating the diverse transmission and evolution of the Uṣṇīṣa Vijaya Dhāraṇī since the eighth century.

  34. WANG Lei, Sun Yat-sen University
    王磊, 中山大學
    The Translation and Transmission of Shi Song Lü 十誦律 in Medieval China


  35. WANG Qingwei, Stele Forest or Beilin Museum
    王慶衛, 西安碑林


  36. WANG Xuemei, Xibei University
    王雪梅, 西北大學


  37. WANG Zhaoguo, Shanghai Normal University
    王招國/定源, 上海師大
    The Japanese Monk Taichu’s Quest and Propagation of the Dharma in Yuan China: A Discussion Based on a Preserved Temple Stele from the Ming Dynasty


  38. WEI Bin, Wuhan University
    魏斌, 武漢大學
    Buddhist Statues and Military Community from Villages in Northern Qi Dynasty


  39. WU Hao, Harvard University
    Shiva in a Buddhist Temple: The Transmission and Reception of Hindu Art in 13th -15th Century Quanzhou, China

    “Every year, merchants of diverse ethnicities arrived in Quanzhou by sea, bringing with them a myriad of precious commodities such as ivories, rhinoceros horns, tortoise shells and et cetera.”—This vivid depiction is extracted from Fangyu Shenglan (方輿勝覽), a geography book from the Southern Song period. This historical account illustrates a vibrant picture of Quanzhou as a bustling and culturally diverse port city. By the early Southern Song period, Quanzhou surpassed Guangzhou and became the largest port in China, attracting merchants from Asia, Europe, and Africa, along with their diverse cultures and religions. At the heart of this cosmopolitan city lies the Kaiyuan Temple. Within this Buddhist temple, several artifacts exhibiting unequivocal Hindu features have been found. The presence of these artifacts within the temple serves as a testament to the complex interconnectedness of cultures brought by maritime trade. This paper is structured around three key questions regarding these Hindu artifacts: (1) WHAT are the Hindu artifacts in the temple; (2) WHERE did these artifacts come from; (3) HOW were these artifacts received and ritually incorporated into Kaiyuan Temple. By analyzing the iconography and unravelling the origins of these artifacts, this paper seeks to elucidate the ritualized reuse of these exotic Hindu artifacts within the local Buddhist landscape.

    “諸蕃有黒白二種,皆居泉州,號蕃人巷。每嵗以大舶浮海徃來,致象犀玳瑁珠璣玻璃瑪瑙異香胡椒之屬。” 這幅生動的描繪取自南宋時期的地理著作《方輿勝覽》,記載了泉州作為一個熱鬧而文化多元的港口城市的景象。在南宋早期,泉州超越了廣州,成為中國最大的港口,吸引了來自亞洲、歐洲和非洲的商人,隨之而來的是多樣的文化和宗教。開元寺就處於這座國際城市的中心。在這座佛教寺廟裡,發現了一些帶有印度教特徵的文物。這些文物在佛寺內的存在,反映了海上貿易中複雜的文化交流。本文擬从三個相關問題展開:(1) 辨識開元寺內的印度教文物;(2) 還原這些文物的來源;(3) 探討這些文物是如何被接受並被儀式性地融入開元寺的。通過分析圖像和揭示這些文物的來源,本文旨在闡明這些異教文物如何在泉州當地佛教景觀中被儀式化再利用的問題。

  40. WU Shaowei, Shandong University
    武紹衛, 山東大學
    The Collection and Reading of Buddhist Scriptures by the Dunhuang Sangha: Focus on Non-Canonical Collections


  41. WU Yu, South China Normal University
    吳羽, 華南師范大學


  42. YANG Baoyu, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
    楊寶玉, 中國社會科學院
    Travel Journals in Dunhuang Manuscripts by Monks Travelling between India and China


  43. YING Lei, Amherst College
    應磊, 安默斯特學院                                                                                                                                                                                                                 The “Truth” and the “World”: Taixu’s Quest for a Buddhist Universalism

    Taixu’s (1890–1947) world mission has earned the modern Chinese Buddhist reformer glowing accolades as well as searing criticisms. This study presents a reappraisal of Taixu’s insistence on recalibrating the Buddhist “truth” in, to, and for the modern “world.” What does (Chinese) Mahāyāna Buddhism look like, if it is to live up to its own universalistic promise in a real world of competing truth claims, evangelical missions, and power struggles? Taixu’s sustained efforts at worlding the Dharma were anchored in this question, which remains unexplored regardless of whether one approves or not of Taixu’s global ambitions. Situating Taixu in a broader context of successive and overlapping quests for egalitarianism and universalism in modern China, this study underscores a Buddhist horizon of meaning shared by radical thinkers such as Kang Youwei (1858–1927), Tan Sitong (1865–1898), Zhang Taiyan (1869–1936), and Taixu. It rediscovers Taixu’s innovation in forging a global Buddhist fellowship amid surging nationalistic zeal in and beyond China.


  44. YU Chun, Xibei University
    于春, 西北大學
    The fusion of jade culture and Buddha statues——the changes in the quality of Buddha statues in the Northern Dynasties


  45. YU Wei, Dongnan University
    于薇, 東南大學


  46. ZHAN Ru, Peking University
    湛如, 北京大學
    Minnan Buddhist College and Buddhism in Modern China


  47. Zhang Liming, Zhejiang University
    張利明, 浙江大學


  48. ZHANG Peng, Central Academy of Fine Arts
    張鵬, 中央美術學院
    Buddhism belief and practice in the You and Yan territories in Liao Dynasty


  49. ZHANG Wenliang, Renmin University of China
    張文良, 中國人民大學