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Nonviolence is adopted as a personal and political practice by advocates of many different systems of religious and secular thought. It finds its natural home in Buddhism as an expression of the First Precept or as a sibling of compassion and generosity. As a psychological approach to ideas and concepts, it is the other-directed, flip side of the project of overcoming attachment to one’s own views. To the extent that nonviolence takes in the big picture, seeking to replace short-term victories with actions that might bring an end to cycles of conflict, it resembles a Buddhist approach to dependent origination. This paper explores these Buddhist resonances within the conceptual basis of modern political nonviolence, and argues that some of its main advocates—Tolstoy, Gandhi and Martin Luther King, Jr.—inadvertently rediscovered some well-known Buddhist principles. Tolstoy’s famous argument against free will in the Second Epilogue to War and Peace resembles a nascent theory of social karma. Gandhi’s ahimsa purports to be a Hindu principle, but it is centrally an expression of the yogic hero’s virtue of heedfulness (apramāda), which greatly impressed Gandhi in the philosophy of the Bhagavad Gīta, and which he would have encountered in the Buddha’s biography. King emphasized that nonviolence is not merely a refusal of violence, but an acceptance of the present opponent as a rightful member of a future “beloved community.” This refusal of the construction of the “other” and commitment to transforming our “inescapable network of mutuality” is very close to the heart of the bodhisattva path.
許多不同宗教和世俗思想體系的倡導者都將非暴力作為一種個人和政治實踐。在佛教中，非暴力是第一大戒的一種表現形式，也是慈悲和慷慨的同胞。作為對思想和概念的一種心理學方法，非暴力是克服對自身觀點的執著的反面。非暴力著眼於全局，採取行動以取代短期的勝利，從而結束衝突的惡性循環，這與佛教的依他起性相似。本文探討了現代政治非暴力概念基礎中佛教的共鳴，並認為其主要倡導者——托爾斯泰、甘地、和馬丁・路德・金——無意中重新發現了一些眾所周知的佛教原理。托爾斯泰在《戰爭與和平》後記中反對自由意志的著名論點，類似於一種新生的社會因果報應理論。甘地的 “無我”（ahimsa）自稱是印度教的原則，但其核心是瑜伽英雄們的 “不放逸”（apramāda）美德的表達，《薄伽梵歌》的哲學思想給甘地留下了深刻印象，他在佛陀的傳記中也會遇到這種美德。金強調，非暴力不僅僅是拒絕暴力，而是接受現在的對手為未來 “親愛的社區 “的合法成員。這種拒絕構建 “他者 “並致力於改變我們的 “不可避免的相互性網絡 “的做法非常接近菩薩道的核心。
This paper mainly explores Taixu’s discussion on the relationship between Buddhism and politics in the context of “modernity” in modern Chinese society. Based on the Taixu Complete Book and the newly discovered archives of Taixu, this paper will re-discuss the changes and connotations of Taixu’s issues concerning the relationship between Buddhism and politics. At the same time, this paper will also discuss Ouyang Jingwu represented by the Inner College from the standpoint of Buddhist scripture to Taixu social and political ideas of criticism, in order to explore the modern history of Chinese Buddhist thought about the complexity of political discourse.
Life Education as a subject and field of knowledge is thriving across East and South East Asia. Emerging over the past twenty years, it appears in the educational sector as a reflection on pedagogical objectives, at school level, it includes various forms of activities including classes on the subject, but also universities build research centers and offer education in Life Education. Its discussions address central issues of life orientation and includes questions of a philosophical and religious character, but also matters of health, career, and other related fields. Engaged Buddhist communities actively participate in the emergence of Life Education and the paper explores the ongoing efforts.
人間佛教是1912年中華民國成立後由太虛大師發起和引領的中國佛教現代化運動，在教理、教制和社會事業等諸多方面都一改此前中國佛教的明清傳統，從太虛大師提倡”人成即佛成” 和”建立人間淨土”, 到星雲大師”四給”、從趙樸初”莊嚴國土，利樂有情”，再到淨慧長老的”覺悟人生，奉獻人生“，海峽兩岸佛教雖然有現實背景上的不同，但都表現出鮮明的契理契機的現時代特色。近百年的人間佛教運動與中國佛教的現代形態之形成構成了同一歷史過程的不同現實面向。一方面，人間佛教運動促使中國佛教不斷走向現代形態；另一方面，多面向的佛教現代化探索使人間佛教運動不僅成為主體，更成為現代佛教的引領者。中國佛教的現代形態之形成，在佛教現代化和國際化方面都與人間佛教運動緊密相聯，相互促進。中國佛教的現代形態之形成，表現在歷史形態、社會形態和文化形態上，既是對明清傳統的革新，也是對中華傳統的弘揚，還是對佛陀傳統的回歸，更鮮明地體現出對現代文明的調適。不過，這種調適由於海峽兩岸的社會發展差異而呈現出明顯的形態上的差異。
Humanistic Buddhism is a movement of modernization of Chinese Buddhism initiated and led by Venerable Taishu after the establishment of the Republic of China (ROC) in 1912. In many aspects, such as doctrines, teaching systems and social affairs, it has changed from the previous Chinese Buddhist traditions of the Ming and Qing dynasties, from Venerable Taishu’s advocating that ” human establishment is Buddha’s establishment” and “the establishment of a Pure Land of Humanity,” to Venerable Xingyun’s “Four Gives,” to Venerable Zhao Puchu’s “Beautifying the land and benefiting the sentient beings,” to Venerable Jinghui’s “life of enlightenment and life of dedication,” cross-Straits Buddhism, though different in their realistic backgrounds, has shown distinctive characteristics of the present generation that match the reasoning and opportunities. The humanistic Buddhist movement and the formation of the modern form of Chinese Buddhism in the past hundred years constitute different realistic aspects of the same historical process. On the one hand, the Humanistic Buddhist movement has pushed Chinese Buddhism to move towards a modern form, and on the other hand, the multi-faceted exploration of the modernization of Buddhism has made the Humanistic Buddhist movement not only the main body, but also the leader of modern Buddhism. The formation of the modern form of Chinese Buddhism is closely related to the Humanistic Buddhist Movement in terms of modernization and internationalization of Buddhism, and they promote each other. The formation of the modern form of Chinese Buddhism is manifested in its historical, social and cultural forms, which are not only a renewal of the Ming and Qing traditions, but also a promotion of the Chinese traditions, a return to the Buddha’s traditions, and a clear manifestation of the adaptation to modern civilization. However, this adaptation shows obvious morphological differences due to the differences in social development between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait.
During the Japanese occupation of Taiwan, the exchange between Taiwanese and Fujianese Buddhism remained uninterrupted. Following its establishment in Xiamen in 1925, the Minnan Buddhist Institute (閩南佛學院) attracted numerous young Taiwanese Buddhist monks seeking to pursue their studies. Initially centered around ancestral temples and the mentor-disciple relationship, the interactions between Taiwanese and Fujianese Buddhism were further enriched by scholarly connections. This exchange during the Japanese occupation period neither directly resisted the Japanese colonial government, nor was it prompted by the Japanese government; instead, it existed independently between the two.
Ven. Yin Shun was a great Buddhist thinker and outstanding monk who achieved remarkable success in Buddhist academic research, which attracted the attention of the world. Previous studies on Ven. Yin Shun mainly focused on the exposition and promotion of “humanistic Buddhist thought,” but there seem to be few discussions about his contributions to Buddhist academic research. However, when we read Ven. Yin Shun’s works, especially “The Essentials of Buddhist Meditation,” it is not difficult to feel his profound wisdom. Ven. Yin Shun’s significant contributions to Buddhist academic research require us to explore and discover carefully. I believe that if “humanistic Buddhist thought” is a kind of Buddhist thought with significant social practice implications discovered by the Chinese Buddhist community on both sides of the Taiwan Strait to reconcile Buddhism with “modernity,” Ven. Yin Shun’s Chan Buddhism research, which is mainly focused on “A History of Chinese Chan Buddhism,” can be said to be “discovered” as “academic” in the academic trend of “early Chan Buddhist history research,” which prevailed in the international Chan Buddhist community in the early 20th century due to the discovery of Chan Buddhist literature in Dunhuang. It occupies an important position in the entire field of Chan Buddhism research.In 1973, Ven. Yin Shun’s “A History of Chinese Chan Buddhism” was awarded a doctoral degree in literature by Taisho University in Japan, which marked the beginning of Japanese scholars “discovering” Ven. Yin Shun’s Chan Buddhism research. In the 1990s, Ven. Yin Shun’s “A History of Chinese Chan Buddhism” was translated into Japanese and published in Japan. Many of its viewpoints are frequently cited and studied by some elite scholars. This is a “rediscovery” of Ven. Yin Shun’s “A History of Chinese Chan Buddhism” after about 30 years of academic precipitation of Chan Buddhism research in Japan, which reflects many issues that Japan has faced in the process of researching Chan Buddhism in China over the past 30 years, containing important academic veins. It also reflects that Ven. Yin Shun’s “A History of Chinese Chan Buddhism” has entered the stage of “being studied” in the Japanese academic community in recent years after being “discovered” initially.This article intends to explore Ven. Yin Shun’s contributions to Chan Buddhism research through the studies of Japanese scholars, especially the position of his representative work “A History of Chinese Chan Buddhism” in the academic trend of “early Chan Buddhist history research” centered on Japan in the 20th century.
Ever since Thích Nhất Hạnh moved to France and established Plum Village in the 1980s, his modernist movement under the banner of “Engaged Buddhism” has been combined with a movement for the localization of Buddhism in the West, because Plum Village’s dharma endeavors have been advanced primarily in a cross-cultural context. This study examines three major issues that Plum Village had to deal with in order to take root in Western society. One is the problem of translation, i.e., how to articulate the basic concepts and requirements of Buddhism to contemporary Western people. The second is the issue of organization, i.e., how to accomplish effective mobilization, organize collective activities, and build a sustainable group. The third is the question of practice, i.e., how to design and teach Buddhist deliverance techniques that are adapted to the needs of contemporary individuals. In all three areas, Thích Nhất Hạnh has elaborated creative strategies, thus forming a unique paradigm of contemporary Buddhist transationalization.
The study of Chinese Buddhism of the Republican period requires a global historical outlook. This period witnessed intensive exchanges between Chinese Buddhism and its international counterparts. Western religions, from regions such as Europe and North America, made their way into China under the sway of imperial powers, leading to significant clashes with indigenous religions, including Buddhism. In response, indigenous religions demonstrated remarkable adaptability and underwent transformative adjustments. Moreover, this period marked an important stage for China’s indigenous religions, particularly Buddhism, as they sought to extend their reach beyond national borders. Eminent Buddhist monastics began broadening their intellectual horizons, engaging with diverse civilizations worldwide and enriching their understanding through the assimilation of varied experiences. Noteworthy among these influential figures is Master Taixu, who boldly stepped out of the comfort zone of traditional Buddhism and dedicated himself to missionary work in uncharted territories. As a result, Chinese Buddhism became a member of the global religious community, transcending the traditional circle of Chinese Buddhist culture. Throughout this process, a substantial body of literature concerning the dissemination of Chinese Buddhism was produced overseas. Therefore, in order to comprehensively and profoundly understand Buddhism in the Republican era, it is essential to consider this crucial perspective shaped by the influences of globalization and international dynamics.
This paper explores the understanding and discourse surrounding “Humanistic Buddhism” in early post-war Taiwan, a period leading up to the passing of Monk Cihang, a self-proclaimed disciple of Taixu, in 1954. It provides a review of themes and individuals associated with “Humanistic Buddhism” during this eight-year span. Throughout the Japanese colonial rule over Taiwan (1895-1945), the relationship between Buddhist communities of Mainland China and the island can be divided into two periods. The first period, characterized by normal interactions, lasted from 1895 to 1930. During this time, Buddhist practitioners and monks frequently travelled between both regions, facing minimal restrictions on visits and religious activities. The second period, from 1931 to 1945, witnessed tightened regulations due to anti-Japanese sentiments stemming from the “September 18th Incident” and the establishment of the puppet state of Manchukuo. The Japanese colonial authorities closely monitored the reactions of the Taiwanese population and imposed restrictions on cross-strait Buddhist exchanges, and Buddhist monks approved to visit Taiwan were subjected to constant surveillance. Notably, during this period, Master Huiyun (Lin Ziqing, 1910-2002) was arrested after his role as the Preceptor at the Four-Order Precepts Ceremony held at Tainan’s Kaiyuan Monastery in 1934. Upon his return to Fujian, he was detained on charges of being a “spy”. Throughout the colonial rule, Buddhists from each region frequently made visits to the other. Thus, Taiwanese Buddhists remained informed about the developments and trends in mainland Chinese Buddhism, particularly the “Humanistic Buddhism” and reform initiatives advocated by Taixu. With Taiwan’s reintegration in 1945, Taiwanese Buddhism began aligning its efforts with the Buddhist Association of China. In 1947, Taiwan representatives attended the first post-war general assembly held in Nanjing. At the same time, the monthly publication, Taiwan Buddhism, was launched in Taipei. Against the backdrop of various governmental policies, the passing of Master Taixu sparked a surge in discussions on the topic of “Humanistic Buddhism.”
Combining literature records and oral materials, this paper elaborates on the history and influence of Fajie Seminary, its contemporary reconstruction and development. The reconstruction of Fajie Seminary is an important part of the development of Xingfu Monastery. This paper elaborates how this county-level Buddhist temple fully utilizes its historical and external resources to create the brand of “Center Mountain of Huayan Tradition” amidst fierce competition among famous temples in the region south to Yangtse River by restoring Fajie Seminary and following the Huayan teachings in study and practice. The cooperation with Huayen Lotus Association is beneficial to establish orthodoxy, helps Xingfu Monastery gain experience and assistance in Buddhist Monastic Education, strengthen overseas communication and enhance influence. The revival of the Fajie Seminary is not only a continuation of history, but also a reconstruction of tradition. Different forces intertwine with and benefit each other, promoting the development of this construction with different motivations. Reconstructing the Fajie Seminary is a way for Xingfu Temple to attract talented monks, enhance its reputation, and establish connections with academia and overseas Buddhist organizations. It is also a new way to distribute monastic estate and interact with local society, and the state. The reconstruction of the Fajie Seminary is deeply influenced by the government and the academia which is an attempt of modernization for Buddhism. How to meet the requirements of the state, respond to the needs of the times, and preserve the feature of Buddhism at the same time in the process of modernization? It is still a major challenge to be faced in the future.
The two modern concepts, “Engaged Buddhism” and “Humanistic Buddhism”, were developed and discussed with and without reference to each other, to a certain degree more in Eastern than Western languages, with regard to their Chinese equivalents. For the development of “new perspectives on Humanistic Buddhism” in the sense of an “Engaged Buddhism”, much depends on the analysis of two research fields that are in this presentation’s focus.
The first research question analyzes how proponents of “Humanistic Buddhism” itself, mainly based in mainland China and Taiwan, as well as Chinese-speaking scholars, were defining and discussing, up to this day, the original Chinese term – and concept – renjian fojiao 人間佛教 and the variety of its English translations, the most prominent of which has become “Humanistic Buddhism”.
As will be shown, Taiwan has a more than 70-year history of discourse, culminating in the 1990s and 2000s. In comparison, mainland China’s related debates began in the 1980s under entirely different circumstances – but increasingly interacting with cross-strait inspiration – and are far from over. In both cases, similar points of reference are a certain legitimization seen in the Republican era (1911-1949), an unprecedented reflection on early Buddhism and at the same time a critical examination of the traditions of Han Chinese Buddhism, all motivating reform and modernization – including a rich spectrum of Buddhist engagement.
Against this background, the second research question deals with the changing understanding(s) of the movement of a so-called “Engaged Buddhism” and its various Chinese translations in mainland China and Taiwan, e.g. rushi fojiao 入世佛教, canyu fojiao 參與佛教, zuoying fojiao 左翼佛教. Its discussion by Chinese-speaking Buddhists and scholars is strongly characterized by comparisons with the renjian fojiao that can lead to demarcation, inspiration, or integration.
Based on a rich pool of sources, the presentation thoroughly examines the conceptual history of “Engaged Buddhism” and “Humanistic Buddhism” in Chinese. Both concepts are analyzed from a comparative perspective concerning mainland China and Taiwan, focusing on their increasing interrelatedness, as seen by Chinese-speaking Buddhists and scholars. This approach helps to show the limits and the enormous potential of “new perspectives on Humanistic Buddhism”.
“Engaged Buddhism”和“人間佛教”這兩個現代概念，在互動和非互動的情況下得到發展和探討。在一定程度上，使用中文術語的東方語言討論多過於使用西方語言。 對於“Engaged Buddhism”視角下的“有關人間佛教的新視野” （“new perspectives on Humanistic Buddhism”），很大程度上取決於對本次論文重點關注的兩個研究領域的分析。
在此背景下，第二個研究問題涉及中國大陸和台灣地區對所謂“Engaged Buddhism”運動及其各種中文譯文（如“入世佛教”、“參與佛教”、“左翼佛教”）的理解改變過程。 華語佛教界和學術界的相關討論具有強烈的與“人間佛教”對比的特徵。這樣的討論可能導致兩個概念之間的劃分、相互啓發，抑或是融合。
正如本文將要展示的，台灣擁有超過 70 年的話語歷史，並在 1990年代和 2000 年代達到頂峰。 相比之下，中國大陸的相關辯論始於1980 年代，且辯論的環境完全不同。在近二三十年兩岸靈感的互動日益增多，並且遠未結束。 兩岸相似的參照點有民國時期（1911-1949）的合法化、對早期佛教前所未有的反思、以及有對傳統中國佛教的批判性審視。所有這些都推動了改革和現代化，包括廣泛的佛教的社會參與積極性。
此次論文以豐富的資料為基礎，深入探討了中文“入世佛教”和“人間佛教”的概念史。 關於這兩個概念的分析都是從中國大陸和台灣地區相比較的角度進行的，著重於華語佛教界和學術界認為的兩個概念之間日益增強的關聯性。 期待這種方法有助於展示“Engaged Buddhism”視角下的“有關人間佛教的新視野”（ “new perspectives on Humanistic Buddhism”）的局限性和巨大潛力。
In the study of Buddhist modernism, Longlian 隆蓮 (1909-2006) has been acknowledged for revitalizing monastic education and discipline (vinaya) (especially for Buddhist women) in modern and contemporary China (Bianci 2022; 2017; 2001). Complementing the findings in social history, I re-read Longlian’s work on morality to investigate her philosophical thought that supports her monastic reform. Specifically, I foreground her accomplishment as a philosopher, in the hope of recognizing the diversity of voices in Buddhist scholasticism. I argue for interpreting her moral theory as meta-ethical pluralism: it is a theory that takes its root in the appreciation of a multiplicity of lived realities for sentient beings who are preoccupied with this-worldly life, or aspiring for other-worldly liberation, or re-engaging with this-worldly reality for guiding others onto the Bodhisattvas’ path. Instead of presuming a unitary and universal standard of moral objectivity, Longlian encourages each person to derive moral values suitable to their lived reality as a preparatory step towards universal awakening. Like many contemporary proponents of meta-ethical pluralism, Longlian is mindful of the issue of moral ambivalence where a plurality of moral values can come into clash. As expounded by Longlian, those on the Bodhisattvas’ path do experience moral ambivalence, but they can still arrive at a judgment on what they should do, through a collaborative effort. In doing so, Longlian not only makes a case for her monastic reform in a secular world, but also manages to respond to the (neo-)Confucian critique of Buddhism as a socially disengaged teaching. More importantly, she envisions humanistic Buddhism as an effort to promote mutual flourishing.
在佛教現代性的研究中，隆蓮法師（1909-2006）一直被視為漢傳佛教（特別是對佛教女性而言）的教育和戒律革新者（Bianci 2022; 2017; 2001）。為了補充和擴展社會生活史的研究成果，我將通過重新閱讀隆蓮法師的道德論著，來探討那些支撐她革新實踐的哲學觀點。就此而言，我特別希望突出她作為哲學家的成就，進而彰顯佛教義理中多樣化的聲音。我主張將她的道德理論解讀為元倫理的多元論。這個理論根源於對眾生不同心境的理解和包容。由於眾生心境不同——有的為了俗世生活而操勞，有的則以超脫出世為願望，也有的以救度他人為念出世又入世——他們便有了相異的道德觀。因此，隆蓮法師並沒有預設一套整齊劃一、放之四海皆准的道德客觀性標準。恰恰相反，她鼓勵生活在不同心境的眾生根據自己的世界觀和人生觀來尋找合適當下的道德價值，並將現在的道德行為作為通向眾生成佛的準備。與不少當代的元倫理多元論者類似，隆蓮法師也意識到了道德的模糊性。這即是說各種自洽的道德價值仍可能在同一場景中產生衝突。在隆蓮法師看來，修行菩薩道的眾生確實會經歷道德的模糊性，但他們仍然可以在共同的努力下做出合理的道德判斷。這樣一來，隆蓮法師不僅為她的革新實踐提供了理論支持，也回應了長期以來儒家對於佛教只能治心不能治世的批評，更將人間佛教視為一種實現生命繁盛的努力。
In the late Qing and early Republic of China, education in China underwent a transformation from traditional Shuyuan 書院 to modern schools. Chinese Buddhism has also been influenced and attempts to establish Buddhist schools to teach monks. This new mode of Buddhist education and the concept of “Humanistic Buddhism” advocated by Taixu form the relationship between new wine and new bottle. Contemporary Buddhist schools in China are generally organized with the concept of “promoting eight Buddhist sects simultaneously” in their curriculum. A few want to specialize in one Buddhist sect, but it is rarely effective. The current curriculum system of the Buddhist schools has also accepted the concept of liberal education in universities and opened a series of public compulsory courses, including the courses of Chinese traditional culture and Religious studies. These public courses are often called “cultural courses”, which are actually “general courses of liberal education” and are easy to implement the concept of “Humanistic Buddhism”. The balance between general courses and Buddhist professional courses is a common problem in contemporary Buddhist schools. The trouble behind it is not from the biased educational philosophy, but the dilemma of the quality of students in Buddhist schools. This dilemma reflects the difficulty in positioning the goals of contemporary Buddhist practice and the social functions of contemporary Buddhism.
Humanistic Buddhism has now become the mainstream of the Mahayana Buddhist circles in Mainland China, Hong Kong, Macau and Taiwan. But there is no unified understanding of how to practice it on earth. Venerable Master Xingyun advocated the “Life-oriented Buddhism” and attached importance to the use of culture and education to promote Buddhism. The Foguangshan Order under his leadership has made remarkable achievements in both theory and practice, providing a very successful case for how to develop Buddhism on earth. On the basis of reviewing the existing research results on Venerable Master Xingyun and Foguangshan Order, this article discusses the author’s overall understanding of the Foguangshan Order, and then draws the conclusion that “Cultural Buddhism is an effective way to promote Humanistic Buddhism”.
This paper will explore the adaptations Buddhism made to digital payment methods in the context of the Chinese mainland. To give the audience a relatively comprehensive understanding of the general context in which the new method of donation is applied, it will first introduce the development and particular qualities of the Internet and third-party payment 第三方支付 in the Chinese mainland. Then, it will incorporate statistical analysis to make large-scale claims by analysing 1328 donation records made to Donglin Monastery in Mount Lu 廬山東林寺 with the statistical software SPSS to check whether the digital donation method is linked with the purpose of donations or the amount of money being donated, and to what extent does it substitute traditional donation methods.
Guanyin/Avalokiteśvara is the most popular Bodhisattva in Chinese Buddhism. At the same time, Hong Kong Guanyin Festival is an intangible cultural heritage. Guanyin Worshipping and Hong Kong Guanyin Festival have both expanded along with the development of Hong Kong itself. They originated in Asia and are connected to the world, with the unique characteristics of cross-cultural communication and creation as well as importance and influence. However, why and how did the Guanyin Festival in Hong Kong evolve into what it is today? This article will focus on discussing the mutual learning and integration of Guanyin Festival in Hong Kong, explain the causes and conditions behind the phenomenon, and provide a Buddhist perspective to explore how we can re-evaluate Guanyin’s education and guidance and how to plan and practice together in this engulfed world accordingly, and move toward a better future with other sentient beings.
In the new century, the building of “Buddhist associations with community functions” promoted by lay Buddhists of Malaysia is still an emerging issue, and is of practical enlightening significance to the development of contemporary pluralistic routes of humanistic Buddhism. According to the academic circle, expanding and deepening the function of traditional Buddhist associations is a new pattern adopted for their transformation and development in a postmodern context. However, in Malaysia in a pluralistic context, are there any potential problems and restrictions as to how local associations of lay Buddhists can be endowed with community functions? To solve this myth, this study takes the building of local “Buddhist associations with community functions” promoted by the General Buddhism Association for the Malaysian Youth as a research target, and adopts historical and sociological methods to explore what factors are promoting the building of “Buddhist associations with community functions” and what contributions have been made. The study has found: I. The development of the new generation of Buddhist associations is no longer restricted to religious space. Instead, they are operated through constituting pluralistic public space. However, the agents for promoting the building of “Buddhist associations with community functions” have simultaneously reflected how Buddhist associations, facing realistic dilemmas and restrictions, are reintegrated with modernity through timely adjustment and reversal. II. Buddhist associations are taking an initiative to assume social responsibilities, and comprehensively create good opportunities and dialogue platforms with communities. Simultaneously, Buddhist associations are displaying values and significance as public space. III. This paper will put emphasis on exploring whether the integrative function of mutual learning and reciprocity of “Buddhist associations with community functions” will become a response to be adopted by the mainstream of the development prospect of Buddhism in the future.
閩南佛學院於1925年在廈門成立後，有一位日本僧人在此擔任了近二十年的日語教師。 他叫神田惠雲（俗名：末吉），是日本淨土真宗大谷派（東本願寺）的僧侶。當時來到華南的日本僧侶一般不會中文，他們在與台灣偽“總督府”合作調查華南宗教情況並積攢了錢財富後，四、五年左右便會回國。但神田惠雲在日本時就對中國感興趣，於是學習了北京話，來到廈門之後又學習了閩南話。神田在閩南佛學院教日語期間，與廈門佛教徒及太虛的弟子大醒等僧侶都有交往。大醒離開廈門後，一直稱神田為“舊友”。 中日戰爭爆發，神田將廈門的三個佛教團體合而為一，成立了大乘青年佛教會（大乘佛教會）。1941年，大乘佛教會準備讓閩南佛學院重新開學，並邀請大醒當院長。 但是大醒不願與日本合作，他來到廈門後又很快離開了。對神田而言，他很難為戰時廈門的佛教徒做些什麼。 戰敗後，神田希望留在中國但未能如願，在回到日本後不久就病逝了。
In 1925, Nan Putuo Temple established Minnan Buddhist Academy (Minnan foxue yuan), and aimed to establish a new training regimen for young monks. A young Japanese monk taught Japanese there for almost twenty years. His name was Kanda Eun (common name: Suekichi), a priest of the Otani School of Jodo Shinshu (Higashi Honganji). At that time, ordinary Japanese monks who came to South China couldn’t speak Chinese, and cooperated with the Taiwan Governor’s Office to investigate the social customs and religious situation in South China and after accumulated enough money, they would return to Japan in four to five years. However, Kanda had already been interested in China when he was in Japan, so he learned Chinese (Mandarin), and after arriving in Xiamen, he learned Minnan dialect. While teaching Japanese at the Minnan Buddhist Academy, Kanda interacted with Xiamen Buddhists and Taixu’s disciple, Daxing, and other monks. After Daxing left Xiamen, he kept calling Kanda his “old friend”. When the Sino-Japanese War broke out, Kanda united three Buddhist groups in Xiamen into one and established the Mahayana Young Buddhists Association (later the Mahayana Buddhist Association). He was ready to reopen the Minnan Buddhist Academy in 1941 and invited Daxing to be its president. But Daxing, who was unwilling to cooperate with Japan, came to Xiamen and left soon after. For Kanda, it was difficult to do anything for the Buddhists in Xiamen during the war. After the defeat, although he wished to stay in China, he was unable to do so, and died of amoebic dysentery soon after returning to Japan.
Humanistic Buddhism was invented and flourished in China during the first half of the last century. Most researches have explored its meaning in terms of the process of theoretical evolution of Human Life Buddhism (人生佛教), Human-oriented Buddhism (人本佛教) and Human Realm Buddhism (人間佛教) within the Buddhist community in China. But on historical investigation, the thought and practice of Humanistic Buddhism was not accidentally and singularly developed, it was gradually brought to maturity through the interactive influence of entire Asian Buddhist networks in the 20th century, which has not been sufficiently emphasized by the academics. This paper attempts to rethink the background of theories and practices of Humanistic Buddhism by reviewing Master Taixu and his disciples’ investigations and perceptions of Buddhism in Asia prior to the middle of the last century, as well as the understanding of Humanistic Buddhism in Asian Buddhist countries. The purpose of this paper is to further clarify the similarities and differences between the concepts of Humanistic Buddhism, Engaged Buddhism and Critical Buddhism, to explore the connections between Humanistic Buddhism and the Buddhist activities in Sri Lanka, Thailand, and Vietnam, with a view to reflecting on the future direction, path, and global relevance of Humanistic Buddhism.
The ultimate goal of Buddha’s thought is nirvāṇa (涅槃), which is based on a complete and systematic theoretical foundation. Buddha believed that all life, environment, and things are composed of the catvāri mahā-bhūtāni (四大), and correspondingly all sentient beings are composed of the ṣaḍ-dhātavaḥ (六界) or pañca-skandha (五蘊). Buddha also analyzed the components of life and extracted the concept of the stādaśa-dhātavah (十八界) of the Six Indriyas (六根), six artha (六塵), and six ṣaḍvijn-āna (六識), which prove the concept of no-self (anātman 無我). The most systematic theoretical investigation of selflessness is the philosophy of Twelve nidānas (十二因緣). The pratītya-samutpāda (緣起), which is closely related to the traditional Indian theory of karma, is the fundamental principle of the birth and death of all things in the universe that Buddha has realized. The pratītya-samutpāda reveals the fact that life is duḥkha (苦), and the theory, as well as the method used by Buddha to explain and solve duḥkha, is called catvaryārya-satyāni (四聖諦). Moreover, the most basic method provided by the Buddha to achieve mārga-satya (道諦), namely, nirvāṇa, is called āryāṣṭāñgika-mārga (八正道). Additionally, madhyamā-pratipad (中道), śūnyatā (空性), and citta-vimukti (心解脱) could be regarded as the fundamental characteristics of Buddha’s nirvāṇa thought. Buddha’s thought of nirvāṇa is not only a religious reformation but also an extremely huge, far-reaching, nonviolent and bloodless “social reform movement.” He created a new “way of life” and “path of life” through which every individual would be aware and liberated, thus gradually achieving the freedom of all sentient beings. I argue that the philosophy behind this “way of life” and “path of life” is a “practical philosophy,” aiming at “practice” overall. This article will also explain the steps of the Buddha’s “social movement” as (1) providing each individual with a method to achieve a free soul and a state of freedom; (2) the complete liberation of each individual to achieve a change in the overall social appearance and human living environment; (3) through changes in the inner and outer worlds, it leads to a change in the fate of all humanity.
There is a long tradition of studying late imperial period religious culture in terms of decline. In the study of Buddhism, 20th century revival movements (Taixu, Foguangshan etc.) constructed the recent past for instance as a long period of decline in order to further their own reform movements by claiming that they were merely recovering a better past, rather than creating something new. This approach is problematic for a host of reasons, including the fact that local religious life was flourishing and when left alone (more or less so in Hong Kong and Taiwan until recently) was quite capable of surviving Civil war, foreign imperialism and colonialism, and political campaigns. It also ignores the enormous vitality of non-clerical traditions which may have exceded the parameters of what monastics felt that was allowed as interpretation, but was creative nonetheless. A narrow framework of studying these interpretations within exclusively Buddhist or Daoist parameters (after all, who decides what is the correct interpretation) is bound to deride these changes as decline or misinterpretation, but as a historian of religious culture I propose looking at these as innovation and testimony to the power of religious ideals. In this paper I will focus on beliefs around Amitabha and the Pure Land, as well as the possibility of maintaining a Buddhist lifestyle in society at large rather than a monastery.
Ever since the Han Dynasty Sixth B.C.E, Buddhism has rapidly spread around China and influenced many aspects of Chinese cultural and literary life. In my paper, I discussed the intricate relationship of Chan Buddhism’s emphasis on “non-establishment of words and point directly to true nature” and the expression of Buddhism through delicate uses of language in one of the most refined literary traditions, namely poetry. The value of language injected a controversial interplay between wordless Chan schools of Buddhism and word-centric poems, whereas the wordless Chan schools believed in the vanity of language in front of the true nature, yet the practices of poetry depend heavily on the aesthetics and delicacy of language and diction. The inter-relations and dialogues between literature and religion represented in Chinese Chan poetry created space for religious enlightenment of Buddhism practices passed down in poetic forms, disclosed ambitious hopes of determined practitioners, and alluded to the other circulating and well-known literary works. Chan poetry has established a refreshing and unique taste of poetic aesthetics and embraced varieties of sense and sensibility. In addition, the dynamic engagement between Buddhist practitioners and literati is collected and preserved in the traces of Chan poetry. I have closely analyzed three poems ranging from Tang dynasty to Republican era to interpret the sense of Chan and the poet’s identity and the refreshing perspective they provided in their poems. Each poem really revolutionized typical views about Buddhist monks community and leaves unique traces about the interpretation of the Way.
自公元前六年的漢代以來，佛教在中國迅速傳播，影響了中國文化和文學生活的方方面面。 在我的論文中，我討論了禪宗強調“不立文字，直指人心”與佛教在最精緻的文學傳統之一即詩歌中通過精巧的語言表達之間的錯綜複雜的關係。 語言的價值在佛教禪宗和以文字為中心的詩歌之間注入了一個有爭議的相互作用，禪宗相信語言在真實本性面前的虛榮，而詩歌的實踐在很大程度上取決於審美和精緻 的語言和措辭。 中國禪詩所表現的文學與宗教之間的相互關係和對話，為以詩歌形式流傳的佛教修行創造了宗教啟蒙空間，揭示了堅定修行者的雄心壯志，並暗示了其他流傳和知名的文學作品。 禪詩確立了清新獨特的詩學審美情趣，包容多變的感性。 此外，佛教修行者與文人之間的動態接觸被收集並保存在禪詩的痕跡中。 我仔細分析了三首從唐代到民國時期的詩歌，以解讀禪意和詩人的身份，以及他們在詩歌中提供的令人耳目一新的視角。 每首詩都真正顛覆了對佛教僧侶群體的典型看法，並留下了獨特的解釋道的痕跡。
Where do art, science, and Buddhism converge? The question usually takes us to familiar grounds: mindfulness, consciousness, intersubjectivity, flux, etc. Is there anything flying under our radar screen that ranges beyond these familiar topoi? Force field is certainly one of those blindspots. The notion conveniently connects modern physics to the time-honored Chinese concepts of “force” (qi) and “field” (chang). With its currency in physics, social psychology, science fiction, and art, the term points to, among other things, an individual or group’s psychological environment with its evolving dynamics, varying intensities, and experiential qualities. Technology-inflected modern art that treats forms as forces in an abstract domain further highlights the relevance of the concept. Add Buddhist notions of “place of practice” (Ch. daochang; Skt. bodhimaṇḍa) to the mix, we have a complicated but intriguing case. The nonlocality of the performance space implied by both Buddhist place of practice (daochang) and site of theatrical performance (juchang) aligns well with the nonlocality of space increasingly gaining currency in modern physics. In light of this, we might rethink a baseline question long taken for granted: where exactly does art take place? In this day and age of virtual reality and media technology, the question becomes all the more pressing and pertinent.
The New Culture Movement, called by Dr. Hu Shi the “Chinese Renaissance”, is the “discovery of Man” in the modern context, whether they are individuals with independent dignity and rights, or groups of people who build various social organizations. The former points to democracy and freedom, while the latter refers to the nations, states and the “reconstruction of civilization.” It is no accident that the journal Haichao Yin (Sea Tide Sound) was born in the New Culture Movement. As a new type of platform for the production and dissemination of knowledge, modern publishing provides the material basis to promote the “discovery of Man”. The “people” around newspapers and periodicals are the writers and readers, who constantly realize the change of perspective and identity through the mutual blending process of writing and reading. As far as Haichao Yin is concerned, the author group was Xinseng (modern monk) as the core, while the reader group was Xinren (modern man). On the other hand, all Xinseng belong to Xinren, at the same time, only Xinren can become Xinseng. Engaged Buddhism was the golden thread that runs through the two. “Carrying forward the true meaning of Mahayana Buddhism and guiding modern peoples’ thought” (Master Taixu’s language) is not only the purpose of Haichao Yin, but also the essence of Engaged Buddhism.
This paper aims to explore the charitable activities of the Chinese Buddhists in Beijing in the first decades of the twentieth century, with a focus on their efforts to build schools and promote education. Specifically, the paper will examine the endeavors led by the monk Zongyue 宗月 (1880—1941), who spearheaded various Buddhist charitable activities in Beijing, including the building of several ordinary schools 平民學校 from the 1920s to the 1930s. In addition, Zongyue established a library and a Buddhist newspaper Fobao Xunkan 佛寶旬刊 to promote ideas about reformulating Buddhism. Inspired by Zongyue’s example, as well as under pressure from the government during the anti-superstition campaigns of the late 1920s, many other temples in Beijing began to build schools to offer education to students. The paper will investigate the interactions between Buddhism, education, and government, and discuss Buddhism’s involvement in the emergence of urban modernity. By examining Zongyue’s movement and the role of Chinese Buddhists in promoting education and social change, this paper seeks to shed light on the broader impact of Buddhism on Chinese society in the early twentieth century.
本文旨在探討二十世紀初的幾十年間北京佛教徒所進行的慈善活動，關注於他們興辦學校和促進教育的努力。 具體來說，本文將考察僧人宗月（1880-1941）。宗月在北京率先開展了多種佛教慈善活動，包括從 1920 年代到 1930 年代創建了幾所平民學校。 此外，宗月還創立了圖書館並開辦了一份佛教報刊《佛寶旬刊》，用以宣傳佛教的思想。 在 1920 年代末反迷信運動期間的壓力之下，受到宗月榜樣的啓發，北京的許多寺廟開始設立學校為學生提供教育。本文將調查佛教、教育和政策之間的相互作用，並討論佛教在城市現代性出現中的作用。 通過考察宗月和中國佛教徒在促進教育和社會變革方面的作用，本文試圖闡明佛教在二十世紀初對中國社會產生的廣泛影響。
As a devout Buddhist believer and researcher, Zhou Shujia’s academic career has undergone the enlightenment of the 20th century Chinese academic community, coupled with his unique family background, which has made him a great master of Buddhism for a generation. He was rigorous in his academic pursuits and diligent in writing. At present, more than three million characters of written materials by him have been collected. On the other hand, he paid attention to education, cultivating talents, and working tirelessly. In his early years, he taught at universities such as China University, Sino-French University, Peking University, Tsinghua University, and Fu-jen University, teaching various courses such as Buddhist history, Yogacara, Hetuvidya, Sanlun, and Buddhist study methodologies. Formerly he established the Zhongguo Fojiao xueyuan 中國佛教學院 at Ruiying Temple 瑞應寺 in Beiping (current Beijing), cultivating Buddhist monks. After the establishment of the People’s Republic of China, he was a major force behind the initiation of the Buddhist Association of China and establishment of the Buddhist Academy of China. He served as the Vice Principal for Academic Affairs of the Buddhist Academy of China, and was in charge of the academy’s work for a long time. Donating tens of thousands of volumes of his lifetime’s collection of books to the Buddhist Academy shows the teacher’s loyalty to Buddhist faith and education.
In the 20th century the idea of a Pure Land began to be invoked in a new context – namely, as a canonical justification for the ideal of socially engaged Buddhist practice. The arguably best known example of this tendency is the project of constructing a “Pure Land in the Human realm” proposed by the Chinese monk Taixu 太虛in the 1920s and carried forward by the mostly Taiwan-based movement of “Humanistic Buddhism”. However, as illustrated by the growing body of secondary scholarship, “this-worldly” interpretation of the Pure Land teachings was not unique to this particular lineage. Similar ideas were considered by at least several Taixu’s contemporaries, not only in Republican China, but also, for example, in Taishō-period Japan and in Taiwan under Japanese colonial rule. In my talk I would like to discuss a few questions that may be raised through comparing those “socially” orientated readings of the Pure Land with one another. Which common facets of East Asian Pure Land tradition did those authors reject, modify or emphasize in order to relate it to the problems of “this-worldly” secular society? How did they approach the traditional distinction between “Mind-only” and “Western” Pure Land? To what extent did they rely on Western concepts and Westernized vocabulary to articulate their own stance? In what sense are their interpretations of the Pure Land “modern”?
在20世紀中「淨土」這一概念開始在一個新的背景之下出現，被用來結合佛教修行和社會運動（社會改造）這兩種理想。代表這一趨向的最著名範例很可能是中國僧人太虛在1920年代所提出的構建「人間淨土 」計劃，以及隨後在臺灣所發展的 「人間淨土」思想。然而，正如越來越多相關研究所顯示的那樣，以「社會」爲導向的淨土詮釋並不侷限於這一個特定的思想脈絡。不僅在民國時期的中國，在大正時期的日本和日本殖民統治下的臺灣，也都有與太虛同時代的幾名人物提出過類似的詮釋。本演講將試圖對他們的詮釋進行對比，藉此提出幾個問題：面對共同的東亞淨土佛教傳統，那些作者拒絕、修改或強調了該傳統的哪些方面，以便將淨土與世俗社會聯繫起來？他們是如何處理 「唯心淨土 」和 「西方淨土 」的兩種傳統概念？他們在多大程度上依靠西方化的詞彙來闡述自己的立場？他們對淨土的解讀在什麼意義上代表所謂的現代化詮釋?
One of the representative philosophers of the Kyoto School, Hajime Tanabe (1885-1962) contemplated the philosophical significance of death in his later years and wrote a series of papers, including “Ontology of Life or Dialectic of Death?”, in which he proposed the concept of “Existential Communion” between the living and the deceased. The idea of “Existential Communion” suggests that the deceased do not simply vanish into absolute nothingness but would remain correlated with the living, and the foundation of this correlation is love. “Existential Communion” extends beyond the correlation between individuals. It is a relationship that is open to an infinite number of others. Based on the cases found in the Chan School of achieving enlightenment that transcends the boundary of life and death through meditation, as well as how the idea of “others” is perceived in the Mahayanist Bodhisattva norm, Hajime Tanabe argued that the “Existential Communion” is not merely a theory that stays on the conceptual level, but a practical theory associated with Buddhist practice. Hajime Tanabe’s theory of “Existential Communion” inspires us to reflect on the theory of life in Humanistic Buddhism, particularly in reconsidering the significance of Buddhist funeral rites, including the memorial services that appease the deceased.
On the basis of the interviews with Venerable Guozhuo in September 2017 and May 2018 at Mount Jiuhua, Anhui Province, together with his Q&A on Meditation and its Continuation, this article first discusses the new economic and ethical problems faced by Contemporary Buddhism, further the challenges and responses of all kinds of new things in economic and social life to traditional Buddhism. The author believes that from the perspective of the modern interpretation and application of traditional Buddhist thought and doctrines, the tension between Buddhists and society is relatively small, but in order to get Humanistic Buddhism into practice, many religious ethics and other issues must respond realistically. Q&A on Meditation and its Continuation are Buddhist practical literature facing to believers. And this kind of literature is a positive attempt to deal with the new challenges in contemporary society.
During the republic time of cultural globalization, the establishment of the Buddhist New Youth Association is the independent exploration of the modernization of Chinese Buddhism by some Buddhist youth. It is also the Buddhist imagination for world civilization of these Chinese new youth. Through imitation, Buddhist transformation of and even competition with both the New Youth Movement and the Young Men’s Christian Association (YMCA), the Buddhist New Youth Association’s concepts and actions for improving life by researching into Buddhist thoughts and popularizing Buddhist culture in China and the world, has gained many celebrities and young students’ support. Yet when dealing with issues such as the relationship between monks and the laities, between Humanist Buddhism and folk belief, the radical propagation of their hope and its deviation from Buddhist tradition for New Buddhism and new World quickly lost the support. The successful experience or unsuccessful lesson of the Buddhist New Youth Association, however, could benefit us in exploring the relationship between Buddhist monks and laities, as well as the conflicts and adjustments between elites and the masses in modern Chinese society.
In the early 20th century, Master Taixu proposed the concept of “Buddhist Minister” as to provide specific plans for reforming Buddhism in China—enhancing its social recognition and engagement. In that concept, qualifications for becoming a Buddhist minister in accordance with three stages requires the completion of “Four Levels of Learning” and “Three Levels of Practicing” which indicate specific paradigms of “Neo-Buddhology,” i.e., applied Buddhology in practice. In the early 21st century, Professor Richard Osmer from the School of Divinity at Princeton University proposed the practical theological concepts of descriptive-empirical, interpretive, normative and pragmatic paradigms in response to the extension of Christian church ministry in secular formation. Under these four practical theological paradigms, the formation and profession of Buddhist chaplaincy in the US were developed. This article discusses Master Taixu’s concepts of Buddhist Minister, analyzes the influence of Professor Osmer’s practical theological paradigms in the professional formation and development of Buddhist chaplaincy, and examines the meaning of potential establishment of Buddhist chaplaincy in the US and beyond in accordance with Master Taixu’s applied Buddhological paradigms.