Sinification, Globalization or Glocalization? – Abstracts

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  1. Ester BIANCHI (University of Perugia): Glocalizing Buddhism: The Huayisi 華義寺, a Taiwanese Nunnery for Mainland Chinese in Italy

    Chinese Buddhism is represented in Italy by three influential institutions and a number of smaller Buddhist centers. These centers are primarily located in areas that have been heavily impacted by Chinese immigration, such as Prato and Florence in Tuscany, Rome, Naples, and Monza and Milan in Lombardy. The first Chinese Buddhist temple established in Italy was the Huayisi 華義寺 in Rome in 2005. Unlike other temples that host monastics from Mainland China, the Huayisi has a strong affiliation with the Chong Tai Chan 中台禪寺, a well-known Taiwanese monastery. This notwithstanding, Huayisi’s devotees and followers in Italy are primarily from Mainland China, and it also maintains connections with the Buddhist Association of China (BAC) and with monastic institutions in the PRC, particularly on Putuoshan. Among the Chinese Buddhist temples in Italy, only the Huayisi is a member of the Union of Italian Buddhists (UBI), giving it official religious site status and making it a natural interlocutor with other UBI-affiliated Buddhist institutions. The objective of the research (which is still in its preliminary stages) is to examine the glocalizing strategies of Huayisi by exploring its diverse networks and interlocutors, including its connections with the Taiwanese headquarters, the BAC, and monasteries in the PRC, as well as its relationships with other Chinese Buddhist institutions in Italy and other UBI members. Additionally, the study will explore the profiles of the lay Buddhists and worshippers participating in the temple’s activities.

  2. CHEN Yingjin 陳映錦 (北京語言大學): 佛經傳譯對漢字形成的影響——以“魔”字為例 | The Influence of Buddhist Scripture Translation on the Formation of Chinese Characters —— Taking the word “Mo魔” as an example

    摘要:“魔”字是由佛經翻譯而產生的新造字。有關“魔”字的起源,唐慧琳《一切經音義》記載為佛經翻譯過程中變“摩”字所造,而湛然在《止觀輔行傳弘決》中,最早提出了“古譯經論魔字從石,自梁武以來謂魔能惱人,字宜從鬼”,這兩種說法的衝突導致了後世教內文獻與教外字書記載的分歧。至明代字書《正字通》變“宜從”為“改從”,遂“梁武帝改磨作魔”一說漸成通說,被諸多文獻收錄與沿用。筆者通過敦煌寫經、佛經翻譯、道教文獻輔證等,認為,“魔”字在梁武帝之前已經產生,並與“摩”“磨”二字存在相當程度的混用。至梁武帝,“魔”字在譯經中的使用被固定下來。因刻本藏經的出現,早期譯經中“魔”“摩”等混用的情況,隨著“魔”字的推廣使用而被統一。

    The Chinese character or logograph mo “魔” represents a new term and concept formed out of Chinese Buddhist translation texts. Regarding its origin, Tang dynasty 慧琳 Huilin in his Yiqie jing yinyi 一切经音义 [Glossary of the Sounds and Meanings of the Complete Tripitaka] records that the term “ mo 魔” emerged by changing the form of logograph “mo 摩” during the process of Buddhist translation. In Zhiguan fuxing zhuan hongjue 止觀輔行傳弘決 [Commentary on Zhiyiʼs Mohe zhiguan], Zhan Ran 湛然 first proposes that “mo魔” derived from the stone 石 radical “mo磨” used in older translation texts. Furthermore, Zhan Ran notes that during the time of Liang Wudi 梁武帝 (c. 464-549), the Emperor felt the meaning of the character “should be” (宜从) written as “魔.” Thus, the conflict between these two historical records has led to a discrepancy amongst later Buddhist and non-Buddhist sources on this character’s origins. In the Ming dynasty, the Chinese character dictionary Zhengzitong 正字通 [Comprehensive Correct Characters] interpreted Zhanran’s original explanation of Liang Wudi’s role in promoting the “魔” form of the character as meaning Liang Wudi ‘changed [its form]’ (gaicong 改从). This record led to the widespread misconception that Liang Wudi invented this character. Based on the examination of Dunhuang Buddhist manuscripts, buddhist literature, and early Daoist sources, this study argues that the logograph “魔” emerged well before Liang Wudi, but was used interchangeably with other written forms including, “摩” and “磨.” During Liang Wudi’s reign, the written use of “魔” in translated texts became increasingly standardized. Following the block-printing of Buddhist texts, which took place afterward, the mo logograph’s variant written forms were eventually unified as “魔”.

  3. CHEN Zhiyuan 陳志遠 (中國社會科學院): 中古佛教寺院的亡僧遺物清單——解讀《量處輕重儀》| A Detailed List of Properties of the Deceased Monks in Medieval Buddhist Monasteries: Re-examining the Standards for Handling the Light and Heavy Properties.

    道宣貞觀十一年(637)撰寫的《量處輕重儀》,本是其戒律學著作《四分律删繁補闕行事鈔》的輔助作品,其內容是討論亡故僧人所屬物品的處置方式。其中詳細開列的物品清單,爲考察中古佛教寺院,乃至一般知識階層的日常生活提供了珍貴的資料。道宣圓寂之前,又曾對該文獻做了改訂。今存敦煌寫本和藏經所收本,分別反映了修改前後的形態。書中關於寫本書籍、音樂演藝和美術書法等記載,生動呈現了中古寺院生活的知識和藝術世界。道宣改判轻重物,应当在王公亲贵频繁施予僧人法衣的背景下得到理解。

    The Standards for Handling the Light and Heavy Properties, written by Daoxuan in the eleventh year of the Zhenguan era (637), was originally an auxiliary work to his Vinaya treatise based on the Four Part Vinaya. It discusses the proper handling of various items belonging to deceased monks. The detailed list of items provided valuable information for studying the daily life within the medieval Buddhist monasteries or even that of the cultural elites in general. Before Daoxuan passed away, he made significant revision to the text. The Dunhuang manuscripts preserve the original form before these modifications. The descriptions of manuscript books, musical performances, and calligraphy vividly depict the knowledge and artistic world of medieval monastic life. The revised evaluation of the light and heavy properties should be understood in the context of frequent donations of monastic robes by nobles and royal authories.

  4. CHIU Tzu-lung 邱子倫 (National Univ. of Singapore): Contested Status and Problematizing Identity: Chinese Mahayana Buddhism in transnational contexts in Myanmar

    Mahāyāna and Theravāda are Buddhism’s two major traditions, and share the same fundamental teachings. However, there are long-term disputes between the two, touching on doctrine, religious practices, and the ultimate goal, among other matters. Theravāda has often been termed the “vehicle of the hearers” by Mahāyāna Buddhists, to reflect the role of the Buddha’s early followers who sought to become Arhats (those who have achieved nirvana) through hearing and practising his teachings. In the eyes of Mahāyāna practitioners, disciples from the vehicle of the hearers are narrowly focused on individual salvation, as opposed to the path of the bodhisattva, which aims at all beings’ liberation. On the other hand, Theravāda Buddhists typically hold strong views of their religious identity, taking their own traditions to be “Orthodox Buddhism” and suspecting that various aspects of the Mahāyāna tradition lack authenticity.

    In the past few decades, however, globalization has brought about transnational flows of people and cultures via immigration and commerce. Inevitably, the different Buddhist traditions have passed beyond their historical geographic boundaries; and this has resulted in more cultural exchange events and religious activities that have potentially involved cross-traditional monastic dialogue and collaboration between Mahāyāna and Theravāda practitioners, both in Buddhist propagation and in social contribution.

    While the issue of Mahāyāna-Theravāda border-crossing is a topic of strong interest in Buddhist Studies, only a limited amount of ethnographic work on Chinese Buddhism in regions of the world beyond the traditional East Asian Mahāyāna territories has been conducted. Against this backdrop, the paper thus explores the position of Chinese Mahāyāna monastics in sociocultural contexts of Myanmar where the Theravāda lineage has been historically dominant. This paper significantly provides an overview of how local Theravada ethos inevitably affects Chinese Mahayana Buddhists’ experiences of religious minority in the host country. This presentation of this paper is divided into two parts. First, it paints a general picture of Chinese Mahāyāna Buddhism as it developed in Burma in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. In the second and main part, based on my fieldwork findings, it presents contemporary Chinese monastics’ religious and minority experiences of living in the sociocultural context of a Theravadin, Burman-majority nation. To sum up, the paper is in an attempt to give a holistic and realistic picture of contemporary Chinese monastics’ views and experiences in Theravāda-majority Myanmar, particularly dealing with their contested status and problematizing identity in transnational contexts in Myanmar

  5. GUANG Xing 廣興 (HKU): Sinification of Buddhism: A Philosophical Enquiry 佛教中國化的哲學探究

    There may be many factors contributed to the Buddhist integration in Chinese culture such as historical, philosophical, social, religious, political, trade and other causes in the process of two thousand years of interaction, but I will concentrate on the philosophical ideas and thought. The most important reason for such a large scale integration is the liberal attitude of mind in both Confucianism and Buddhism because for a foreign culture or thought, or religion to integrate in another culture, both must be liberal and receptive. The open minded attitude of mind in Confucianism can be seen from the following saying found in the Confucius Analects or Lunyu, “The gentleman harmonizes (he和), and does not merely agree (tong同). The petty person agrees, but he does not harmonize.” The Buddhist liberal attitude of mind is demonstrated in the saying “Whatsoever is well spoken, all that is the word of the Buddha.” This means that Buddhism accepts whatever is good whether they are from Buddhist or non-Buddhist sources. This thought has influenced Buddhists tremendously and led to important consequences in the transmission of Buddhism to other cultures. Thus, Buddhism and Confucianism learned from each other and Buddhism finally integrated itself into and become part of the Chinese culture.

    佛教中國化的原因有很多,如歷史的、哲學的、社會的、宗教的、政治的,還有其他的原因,但是,我從哲學的角度探究佛教與中國文化的融合。最重要的原因是應當是佛教與儒家都有開放的思想態度。儒家講:「君子和而不同,小人同而不和。」君子雖然有不同看法和意見,但是仍能包容和尊重他人不同意見,大家和諧共處。儒家推廣的就是君子的包容和尊重。佛教講:「佛所說的一切都是善說;一切善說都是佛說。」一切其他宗教聖典的任何善說,甚至非宗教世俗作品的善說,都可歸入「佛語」。這是佛教的包容和尊重的思想。由於,中國文化與佛教都有包容和尊重的思想,所以佛教成功地融入了中國文化,并成爲中國文化的有機組成部分。

  6. Ngar-sze LAU 劉雅詩 (CUHK): Fitting the needs of spiritual diversity: developing transnational Buddhist meditation event ‘Zen Meditation with Thousands’ in Hong Kong | 配合多元靈性的需要:在香港發展跨國佛教禪修活動「千人禪修」 

    This paper aims at examining the development of an event ‘Thousand people Zen meditation’ with transnational Buddhist meditation practices for promoting social harmony in contemporary Hong Kong, a post-colonial society with civil disobedience.In view of the resulting social tension and unrest after the ‘Umbrella Movement’ in 2014, Ven. Chang Lin, a Hong Kong Chinese monk trained in Taiwan, initiated an event of ‘Thousand people Zen Meditation’ in 2015, with the support of a Buddhist magazine. With the aim of promoting social harmony with Buddhist meditation practices, the event was collaborated with a few transnational Buddhist organizations, including Kwan Um School of Zen, Plum Village, and Tegar Asia. In other words, the meditation event was led by monastics and lay practitioners from traditions of Han Chinese, Korean, Vietnamese, and Tibetan. It has become a unique cross-sectional Buddhist event, organized once a year since 2015 in Hong Kong. With Cantonese as the teaching language, the targeted audience are local Hong Kong Chinese without meditation experiences and knowledge about Buddhism. In this ethnographic study, I will examine how the transnational meditation movement has raised the interest of contemplation for the public in the current frantic social situation.

    本文旨在探討「千人禪修」活動的發展與跨國佛教禪修實踐,以促進當代香港這個後殖民社會的社會和諧。鑒於2014年社會事件後而產生的社會緊張局勢和動蕩,在臺灣接受培訓的香港華人僧人常霖法師在本地佛教雜誌的支援下,於2015年發起了「千人禪修」 活動。為了通過佛教禪修促進社會和諧,該活動與一些跨國佛教組織合作,包括觀音禪,梅村和亞洲德噶。換句話說,禪修活動涉及漢傳、韓國、越南和藏傳的僧侶和居士修行者領導。自2015年以來,它已成為一項獨特的跨宗派佛教活動,每年在香港舉辦一次。以粵語為教學語言,目標受眾是沒有禪修經驗和佛教知識的香港本地華人。在這項田野考察研究中,我將討論跨國禪修運動如何在當前不安的社會狀況中提關公眾對禪修的興趣。

  7. Todd LEWIS (College of the Holy Cross): Towards a Transcultural Historiography of Buddhism’s Trans-Asian Expansion and its Importance in Understanding the Situation of Modern Buddhism

    As Buddhism spread beyond its region of origin, it quickly developed in breadth and scope such that two historical factors were pivotal: most Buddhists were householders and it was monastic leaders attuned to its missionary identity that formatively shaped the tradition.  Rulers across Asia were drawn to support Buddhism because of its positive contributions to political life; its emphasis on individual morality promoted social stability, its rituals designed to secure healing and prosperity were welcomed by officials in power; and respected monastics bestowed legitimization on rulers.

    Buddhism found acceptance in many kinds of societies across Asia, from nomadic communities to urbanized polities, from the tropics to the vast grasslands of northern Asia, from the Arabian Sea to the Pacific Ocean. One reason for this religion’s successful trans-Asian pilgrimage has been not only an inspiring vision of the cosmos, spiritual experience and salvation, but also its promise of householders securing worldly prosperity, and promising them a better human or even a heavenly rebirth. From its inception, Buddhism achieved broad support due to its flexibility, both doctrinal and institutional. This distinctive characteristic is based in part on the essential Buddhist belief that both individuals and societies are different; since individuals possess different karmic backgrounds, different levels of intelligence, moral character, and spiritual praxis are accepted as normative. Like all world religions, Buddhism is multivocalic so that Its leaders thereby had flexibility in adapting the tradition to local circumstances.

    This paper outlines a composite Buddhist view of missionary expansion and intercultural adaptation, seeking to characterize a fully-imagined model of how its doctrines, institutional practices, and ritual activities served in an interlocking manner to effect the Buddhist conquests of East Asia (adapting the phrase of historian Erik Zurcher). Of particular importance, and using Mahāyāna terminology, is to understand how its leaders adopted “skillful means” in achieving the “spiritual conquest” of indigenous traditions across this region: its ritualists subduing local deities, modifying ritual practices, and Buddhist intellectuals harmonizing moral teachings under its dominion.

    Part II of this paper brings this perspective into the present day. The past 500 years have brought a multilayered and interlinked series of crises to Buddhist Asia: the decline and fall of kingship throughout the Buddhist world (in all countries but Thailand and Bhutan), the forceful imposition of colonial rule by foreigners, the disruptive imperial quest for wealth, and confrontation with world religions that aggressively sought conversion of colonized populations. Because most of the discourses and prescriptions for Buddhist political action are based upon texts and experiences assuming the presence and necessary intervention of a king, Buddhist societies have faced the unprecedented challenges of colonialism and later independence lacking the guidance of primary resources from their canonical texts and ancient traditions. Across Asia, there has been an urgently felt need to redefine the political foundations of Buddhism in a king-less world. The rise of householder organizations across Asia attempting “to do the work of kings” (in H.L. Seneviratne’s apt characterization) and the general decline of monastic influence have dramatically changed the classical solutions to socio-political challenges. The initial results of these efforts have been largely catastrophic, as witnessed by the rise of intolerant Buddhist nationalism-s, ethnic fratricide, and civil war. These have exposed the failure of modern adherents to achieve the clear canonical ideal of tolerant and compassionate rule.

    Modern Buddhist reformers now face many questions from citizens and rulers concerning the relevance and applicability of the traditional Buddhist norms of political rule. The paper concludes by posing the sorts of question commonly posed today in Buddhist societies: How can a Buddhist society following its classical political ideals hope to survive in the modern world where nations’ “civil religions” require universal loyalty, and where showing compassion for non-Buddhist or minorities is often regarded as naive or showing political weakness?

  8. LI Can 李燦 (北京外國語大學): 「首楞嚴」概念在中國的興起與嬗變:一個佛教術語從印度到中國的跨語際旅行

    「首楞嚴」這一概念在印度、中亞與東亞的大乘佛教文獻中是頻繁出現的核心術語之一。尤其是後期隨著《楞嚴經》信仰的興起,這一概念長期佔據著近世中國佛教徒視野的中心。然而「首楞嚴」這一在漢語中相當異質性的術語在中國在早期是如何興起、流通並獲得合法性的?這一概念從印度、中亞進入到中國這一全新地域與文化的時,也脫離了經典原生的時代,這些時空與人群的差異如何影響了這一概念的命運?在面對這樣一個在漢語中十分突兀怪異的概念時,中國的佛教徒是如何與這一概念接觸與互動的?是哪些人在理解與詮釋它?這一概念又如何被使用?這一術語的使用是服務於何種目的?在與中國本土的文化經驗相結合時,該詞被賦予了什麼樣的新語義?這些中國本土的解讀在後續又出現了怎樣的衍生與修正?本文試圖通過對這一重要概念的研究,展現佛教術語在跨語際旅行過程中所經歷的複雜嬗變過程。

  9. LI Wei 李薇 (蘇州大學): 玄奘一門對《俱捨論》的闡釋特色

    《俱舍論》是阿毗達摩思想的集大成者,在中國佛教史中,玄奘所譯《阿毗達磨俱捨論》被稱為新譯,其門下更有被稱為“俱舍三大家”的註疏流行於世,成為俱舍學之主流。但這些注釋偶有偏差,彼此之間也多有不同。

    本文以《俱舍論 界品》為中心,首先調查玄奘門下對於《界品》的注釋情況,包括注釋偏差或增減等情況,其次對比稱友疏、安慧疏等梵文注釋,以此梳理玄奘門下的注釋特色。

  10. MA De 馬德 (敦煌研究院會、稽山佛學高等研究院): 敦煌莫高窟第205窟“新東方三聖”壁畫小議

    敦煌莫高窟第205窟南壁的藥師佛、觀音菩薩和地藏菩薩的一佛二菩薩組合,相對于藥師佛與日光、月光組合的東方三聖,因找不到任何經典依據,姑且命名為“新東方三聖圖”。這幅畫出現在中國古代社會的極盛時代,體現了施主和畫工在認識上達成一切都是為了現世的高度統一,完整地反映芸芸眾生對平安和健康生活狀態的祈求,最大限度地滿足社會需要和大眾需求,是敦煌石窟作為社會化佛教場所的結晶,展示佛教服務於社會的最接地氣之作!在敦煌石窟的歷史上,乃至在佛教中國本土化的進程中,都具有重大的變革意義。

  11. Jackson MACOR 明考寂尊  (UC Berkeley): The Two Truths as a Paradigm in Chinese Philosophy.

    The Two Truths (Skt. satyadvaya, Ch. erdi 二諦) are a crucial hermeneutic and philosophical device in the exegesis of Madhyamaka texts in both South and East Asia. The assimilation of this concept in China was driven in large part by Six Dynasties hermeneutics, i.e., xuanxue 玄學, and is thus subsumed by the well-established relationship between the linguistic and ontological categories of “existence” (Ch. you 有) and “nonexistence” (Ch. wu 無) in a way that is utterly foreign to the Indian tradition. This paper seeks to examine the legacy of this conflation and its consequences in the writings of the Sui Dynasty exegetes Jizang 吉藏 (549-623) and Zhiyi 智顗 (538-597), the prior of which is understood as a representative of Madhyamaka on Chinese soil, while the latter is lauded as a turning point in the indigenous development of Chinese Buddhist thought. I aim to show, however, that in their handling of the Two Truths, it is in fact Zhiyi’s innovative understanding of the Three Truths that comes to most closely resonate with the Madhyamaka of Nāgārjuna, and Jizang’s Fourfold Two Truths that creatively reiterates the basic paradigms of Chinese Philosophy.

  12. PEI Changchun 裴長春 (山東師範大學): 五代時期仁王會小考 | A Humane Kings Convocation held in the Zhongxing Palace: A new study of the scriptures preached on the Holy Emperor’s Birthday at the Zhongxing Palace in the fourth year of the Changxing era (933 AD)

    仁王會是東亞地區流行的一種影響力極大的佛教法會。自南朝興起以來,隨著歷史形勢的發展,佛教中國化進程的推進,以及佛教僧團本身的演變,仁王會的形式也在不斷發生變化。到了唐後期五代宋初,仁王會出現了一種新的面貌,即宮廷講經。本文以敦煌本P.3808《仁王經講經文》為中心,從儀式的角度進行討論,可以對這種變化有著更為直接和清楚的認識。

  13. QIU Xiaoyun 裘瀟雲 (北京大學): 印度、中亞與漢地的涅槃圖像藝術變遷

    佛教藝術起源與窣堵波(佛塔)信仰,為供奉佛舍利,人們起塔膜拜。之後,受各種綜合因素(諸如佛教傳播沿途的當地文化、工匠技術的進步、佛教思想的發展等)的影響,佛塔周圍的裝飾逐漸繁復,併發展出了各種風格。但在佛教藝術發展的歷史長河中,「涅槃」這一題材始終貫穿全場。印度早起本土佛教藝術中的涅槃場景往往通過窣堵波來表現,並且這一表現形式持續了相當長的時間且在印度本土有著不可動搖的地位。例如南印度的阿瑪拉瓦蒂曾出土過一組象徵「釋迦最後之旅」的浮雕,表現的是釋迦從毗捨離到拘屍那羅再至入滅的過程,值得注意的是,雖然最後一組浮雕中沒有出現佛像,但是通過其殘跡與銘文可以判斷這一場景表現的是釋迦在娑羅樹下涅槃。但阿瑪拉瓦蒂佛教藝術之後沒有再繼承這種對涅槃的表現形式,而是回歸了以窣堵波表現涅槃的傳統形象。可見窣堵波這一傳統表現形式的根深蒂固。然而,隨著犍陀羅藝術的興起,涅槃圖像中出現了佛像。犍陀羅的涅槃像都遵循了釋迦頭北面西,右脅而臥在娑羅雙樹之間床座之上這一佈局,這與相關的小乘涅槃經都有契合。這種佈局為之後印度、中亞及東亞的涅槃圖打下了構圖基礎,造成了深遠的影響。新疆克孜爾石窟、敦煌莫高窟、山西雲岡石窟中都可以見到數量客觀的涅槃圖像,它們的構圖與犍陀羅的涅槃圖像相似但又不盡相同。例如,在雲岡第38窟的涅槃圖中,釋迦仰臥在床座之上且頭向南方,這與犍陀羅的傳統乃至涅槃經中的描述都有很大出入,推測這可能是吸收了漢地的喪葬習俗。

    如上所述,涅槃圖像在佛教藝術最初誕生的時候就已經出現,但隨著佛教的傳播到不同的地域,佛教藝術在繼承的基礎上也吸收了本土文化,發展出了自身特色,並進一步影響傳播路徑各地的藝術形式。因此本文將採用圖像與文獻結合的方式,以對早期印度本土、犍陀羅地區、新疆克孜爾石窟、敦煌莫高窟和山西雲岡石窟中的涅槃圖像分析為主,輔以涅槃經文本對照。以再結合各地的歷史文化背景,嘗試整理各涅槃圖像的構圖依據,並最終梳理出一條涅槃圖像的傳播及發展路徑。

  14. Jens REINKE (University of West): Chinese American Mahayana? The Emergence of a Global Buddhist Space in the Los Angeles Metropolitan Area.

    The Los Angeles metropolitan area constitutes one of the world’s most important “global cities” (Saskia Sassen). At its heart – just east of the City of Los Angeles – lies the San Gabriel Valley, a suburban cluster of cities and unincorporated communities. The San Gabriel Valley hosts the biggest Chinese American community in the US. This new suburban pattern of settlement, or “ethnoburb” (Wei Li), has replaced earlier spaces of overseas Chinese settlement in inner cities, the so-called Chinatowns.

    Mostly ignored by studies on Buddhism in the US, the San Gabriel Valley ethnoburb is home to a huge variety of temples, centers, and other Buddhist sites, a majority of whom have their roots in the different sinophone societies in Asia. Based on a digital mapping project conducted in the fall of 2022 and the spring of 2023, this paper assesses the number, diversity, and patterns of dispersion of Buddhist spaces in the San Gabriel Valley. It contextualizes the data by an exploration of how the SGV forms a layered and complex Buddhist social space that links Buddhism in the US with global China as a transnational spatial order.

  15. SHEN Weirong 沈衛榮 (清華大學): 作為方法的全球史觀和漢藏佛教研究

    forthcoming

  16. SHI Daowu 釋道悟 (稽山書院): 唐宋受戒状况变化之考察

    拙稿擬通過對唐宋時期文獻中關於「受戒」的記載,對從唐代到宋代,受戒制度中伴隨時代而變化的一些點進行考察。眾所周知,在僧團內部,只有受戒才成為一位真正的僧人;在社會層面受戒又是朝廷控制僧團的重要手段。因此考察受戒年齡的相關變化,對推知唐宋佛教整體的變化具有重要作用。戒律中規定7歲可以剃度為沙彌,20歲可以受具足戒為僧。通過對唐宋文獻,以及數百位僧人受戒情況的分析,得出如下結論:唐代,道宣通過曆法的計算認為戒律中的二十歲,相當於中國曆法中的17歲7個月13天以上,僧團大致遵守了受戒的相關規定。到了北宋,僧人無視受戒的年齡限制。簡而言之,對受戒年齡限制的無視,這是佛教在中國本土產生的一個變化。

  17. SHI Tongran 釋通然 (北京大學):從印度禪到中國禪嬗變一側面——中國早期習禪者論考

    根據僧傳的記載,在達摩系的禪宗成立以前還存在眾多不同系統的習禪者集團。系統考察這些習禪者集團的實況,對我們理解印度禪到中國禪的發展脈絡具有重要意義。基於此原因,本文試圖通過疏理魏晉南北朝時期習禪者的傳記資料,闡明當時習禪者修行生活的特点。

  18. SHI Zehui 釋則慧 (中國人民大學): 續藏本《止觀記中異義》的底本問題

    荊溪湛然弟子道邃在中日天台教學史上具有重要地位。他撰述頗多,《止觀記中異義》是他在止觀思想方面的重要著作。本書成立於貞元二十一年(805),由入唐僧最澄攜回日本,至今尚存數種傳本。《續藏經》已收入本書內容(“續藏經本”),此為大家所習見。經本文考察,續藏經本的底本現藏於京都大學圖書館藏經院文庫,沒有序文和刊記,且有嚴重的文本质量問題。

  19. SHI Zhanru 釋湛如 (北京大學): 佛教中國化的整體性研究芻議

    就總體而言,有關佛教中國化的問題,過往研究的突出問題還在於:(1)理論研究多於實踐探索,故區域化的在地研究不夠;(2)歷史性追溯多於現實研究;(3)宏觀討論多於微觀考察,細緻的田野調查與實際資料數據較少;(4)多局限在國內,缺乏全球範圍內的宏觀視角,也對國外先進的宗教管理經驗缺乏借鑒。本文從 「文化化」、「中國化」、「現代化」與「國際化」等角度對佛教中國化這一重要問題嘗試進行一些理論探討。

  20. Eviatar SHULMAN (Hebrew Univ of Jerusalem): What do we mean by the transmission of Buddhist texts?

    When we think of the transmission of a religious tradition like Buddhism to a new place, say the arrival in Buddhism in a country like China or Cambodia, we are aware that more is going on than a duplication of the original– a rich historical and cultural phenomena like Buddhism naturally and organically attuned itself to the cultural, institutional, religious, artistic, and social realities of the country to which it arrived. This is no less true in the literary sphere, where stories were re-told to fit local tastes, interests, and concerns. Nonetheless, when scholars discuss the “transmission” of the Buddhist textual tradition – here speaking of what has come to be considered as the early Buddhist canon, the Tipiaka, and specifically the early Buddhist discourses (sutta, sūtra) – the assumptions are, first, that there was a clearly defined textual corpus to be transmitted; second, that the main job of the people in charge of the transmission of the texts, here the so-called ‘reciters’ (bhāṇaka), were interested mainly in keeping the texts as close as possible to their original form; and finally, that the reception of the texts, their so-called ‘transmission’, was mostly concerned with reproducing, studying and preserving this same original.

    None of these assumptions can be confirmed; they tell one side of the story at best: the flexibility of Buddha-vacana is a well-known fact, and there are serious problems with each of these three points. In this paper, after shortly revisiting arguments I have made regarding this picture that have emphasized the creative nature of the texts from the start, their flexible character, and the authorial innovation of the bhāṇakas within traditional modes, I will focus on the concept of transmission to show what was being transmitted was by general rule a particular, inspired interpretation of the tradition. It is not necessarily that the spirit was preferred over the letter – there is no one spirit, and authors surely cared about the letter. But their re-working of the letter, be it in a performative or literary mode, was such that text was more a trajectory to frame a new presentation, than an opportunity to repeat what was ready made. Or better, it was both. I will demonstrate these ideas through textual examples, mainly drawing on my readings in the Pāli Nikāyas.

  21. SOLONIN Kirill 索羅寧 (中國人民大学): 漢傳佛教在中亞的傳播:以西夏文獻為中心

    近幾年在研究西夏流傳漢傳佛教研究中有些新突破,這次為此進行總結1. 華嚴:西夏華嚴有兩個來源:部分內容(包括唐代賢首法藏《還源觀》、《金獅子章》)基於杭州區域的“復興”華嚴。因為文本時代為西夏時期,可能“元代傳播”假設不能成立,但迄今並沒有其他歷史假設。華嚴禪:漢傳佛教“華嚴禪”思想脈絡的存在雖然存疑,但西夏有些文本可視為“華嚴禪”。其中宗密《圓覺經略疏》西夏譯本、遼圓通道敐《鏡心錄》譯本。該文獻判為華嚴禪的理由在於該材料利用“華嚴四法界”為判教基本架構。同時部分西夏華嚴文獻似乎與大理蒼山華嚴學有關係,該問題仍待進一步考證。
    2. 法相宗:文獻分成二種脈絡:黑水城和山嘴溝。山嘴溝材料均基於慈恩思想脈絡,黑水城另存玄奘的譯本。總而言之西夏法相文獻來與可以追溯遼南京(北京)以及河北區域。這個假設匹配唐宋日本學僧的記載。
    3. 禪宗:西夏禪宗文獻屬於二種脈絡:唐代“南北宗”(基於宗密《禪源序》),另外即是北宋河北區域的臨濟宗和曹洞宗。西夏“洪州”文獻、南陽惠忠語錄均屬於第一類,《隨緣集》和《曹洞語錄》屬於第二類。西夏譯本《六祖壇經》、宗密《禪源序》版本流傳問題反映華北區域文本的多元性以及時代的變化。
    4. 總結論可以說,西夏漢傳佛教參與“華嚴網絡”。網絡包含遼、高麗、往西遠達回鶻和大理。即是說,西夏如實代表11-12世紀漢傳佛教發展的不同趨勢,其中一部分內容未記載在傳統佛教歷史文獻。

  22. SUN Yinggang 孫英剛 (Zhejiang): 中古中國與犍陀羅文明

    繁榮於今天巴基斯坦西北部和阿富汗地區的古代犍陀羅(Gandhara)文明,從公元前後,一直到公元7世紀,都與中國古代文明關係密切,尤其是在佛教傳入中國並本土化的過程中扮演了重要角色。中國文明對這一遙遠文明的擁抱是全方位的:從佛典語言與宗教信仰的傳入,到中土政治理論與實踐的更新,甚至到新的藝術形式與故事主題出現,我們都能看到中國古代文明對犍陀羅文明的吸收與包容。可以說,這種世界主義的開放性和包容性,造就了輝煌的中國古代文明,也正是如此,中國文明才得以長盛不衰。

  23. SUN Mingli 孫明利 (UBC): 從南亞到東亞:有關菩提瑞像的創造性誤解與障蔽 

    本文採用細緻閱讀與比勘文獻的方法,比較了《大唐西域記》、《釋迦方志》、《玄奘傳》、《法苑珠林》,以及《慈恩傳》這五部記載印度摩揭陀國菩提道場的文獻,發現道宣在《玄奘傳》中有意省略了對菩提道場如來初成佛像故事的記載,並且在《釋迦方志》中也故意抹去了此像具有的神奇色彩,呈現菩提像作為瑞像(即“菩提瑞像”)在道宣筆下“缺席”的狀態。但道宣在《玄奘傳》記載了玄奘臨終前命人樹菩提像骨之事,由此確立“菩提像”在其筆下的存在。因此,在道宣筆下存在“菩提像”或“成道像”,但沒有“菩提瑞像”。

  24. TAN Yingxian  (Hebrew Univ of Jerusalem): The Buddhist Empowerment of Daxingcheng: Emperor Wen’s Relocation of Monks and its Religiopolitical Significance

    The Sui (581-618 CE) was a relatively short-lived dynasty that successfully reunified China in 589 after four centuries of political fragmentation. The unifier, Emperor Wen 隋文帝 (r. 581-604), sought multiple ways to reinforce the imperial power. One of his earliest initiatives was the construction of a new capital city, Daxingcheng. This magnificent capital, unprecedented in its scale, remained (under the later name Chang’an) the principal seat of government until the start of the tenth century. Notably, from its inception, it was designed to serve as the empire’s spiritual and not just political center. The emperor actively encouraged construction of Buddhist monasteries in the city; by the end of his reign more than one hundred of these have altered Daxingcheng’s cityscape.

    One of the most consequential policies of Emperor Wen was the relocation of eminent Buddhist monks to Daxingcheng. Thus, upon his arrival in Daxingcheng, Emperor Wen granted lands in the esteemed Guang’en Ward 廣恩坊 to the renowned monk Tanyan 曇延 (516-588). In 587, the emperor summoned six influential monks from the former Northern Qi territories, each followed by a few hundred disciples, to Daxingcheng. Then, in 589, immediately upon the conquest of Sui’s southern rival, Chen 陳 (557-589), Emperor Wen summoned the most distinguished Southern clergy to Daxingcheng. These steps were to make Daxingcheng the unrivalled Buddhist center. In my paper I shall analyze these policies, their underlying rationale, and their impact.

  25. WANG Junqi 王俊淇 (中國人民大學): A Brief Study on a Newly Identified Sanskrit Palm-leaf Manuscript of the Aparimitāyur(jñāna)sūtra

    The Aparimitāyur(jñāna)sūtra is a tantric sūtra that describes the dhāraṇī of Aparimitāyurjñānasuviniścitatejorāja Buddha 無量智決定王如來 in the world of Aparimitāguṇasañcayo 無量功德聚 and its virtues and merits. A large number of Sanskrit manuscripts of this sūtra have survived and are preserved in Nepal, Cambridge University Library, Asiatic Society of Bengal, and Tokyo University Library. The newly discovered Sanskrit palm-leaf manuscript written in Proto-Bengali dates earlier than the Nepalese paper manuscripts and differs considerably in content from existing Sanskrit redacted text. This study provides a diplomatic edition of the newly discovered Sanskrit manuscript and compares it with existing Sanskrit-Chinese-Tibetan editions to show its unique philological features.

  26. WANG Lina 王麗娜 (國家圖書館): 佛教的音声信仰传统——以汉译部派佛典中谛语和咒愿为研究中心 | Musical Voice Belief in Buddhism: A Study Centered on Saccavacana and Verses of Vows of Sectarian Buddhist Scriptures in Chinese Version

    佛教將音聲作為修行的重要手段,諦語和咒願即是佛教語言表達的主要內容。部派佛教時期說一切有部、法藏部、銅鍱部、化地部等部派都高度重視諦語和咒願,諦語發揮了傳教、護咒、自我保護、展示佛法慈悲和真實力等作用,對此各個部派的接納容受態度也有所差異。佛典中諦語也通過達䞋、本生、長行等文體來表現,形成了諦語達䞋、諦語本生和諦語長行等敘事形式,對菩薩忍辱、精進等功德傳揚發揮了積極作用。大乘佛教興起後,諦語和咒願逐漸被神通、密咒所取代。

    Musical voice is taken as an important way of Buddhist practice,which is mainly expressed in Saccavacanasandverses of vows.Both were highly valued since Sectarian Buddhist period by various schools including Sarvāstivāda, Dharmaguptaka, Tāmraśāṭīya, Mahīśāsaka, etc. Saccavacans served as protective incantations and also played a role in mission, self-protection and manifestation of mercy, as well as in showing compassion and real supernatural Powers in Buddhist dharma. Different schools treated it with different attitudes and accepted it to varied degrees.In Buddhist canons Saccavacanashavebeen presented in literary forms like dakṣiṇā, jātaka and prose, and thereupon formed narrative forms like Saccavacana-dakṣiṇā, Saccavacana-jātaka and Saccavacana-prose, which helped in publicizing guṇas of Bodhisattvakṣānti, Vīrya and stuff. Saccavacanas and verses of vows were later gradually substituted by Abhijñās and Tantric Mantras since the emergence of Mahāyana Buddhism.

  27. Rev Madipola WIMALAJOTHI THERO (Hong Kong University): The Mahāvihāra’s International Academic Network As Reflected in the Vimativinodanīṭīkā

    The Mahāvihāra (The Great Monastery) of Anuradhapura was the main Theravāda Buddhist educational establishment of ancient Sri Lanka. It had also served as the international centre of Theravāda Buddhism for over fifteen centuries during the Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa kingdoms of Sri Lanka’s political history. While following its unique hermeneutical tradition, it mainly interpreted the Buddha’s teachings of the Pāli Tipiṭaka, relating them to the changing social and religious contexts of the Indian subcontinent, producing an enormous number of scriptural texts of its own in varying literary forms such as chronicles, commentaries, sub-commentaries, and manuals. As a result, in this ancient world, the Mahāvihāra acclaimed an international reputation, attracting foreign students and scholars, particularly from the Asian lands of South Asia, Southeast Asia, and East Asia. Even though there are numerous research works on the subject of the Mahāvihāra, particularly on its sectarianism, monastic reformations, relationship with other countries, its spread in South India, and the disputes between Sinhala and South Indian bhikkhūs (Paranavitana 1944, Gunawardana 1968, Kieffer-Pülz 2016-2017), yet there is much academic vacuum left to be filled in with new research.  One such unexplored area is the Mahāvihāra’s international academic network. In this connection, the Vimativinodanīṭīkā (The Sub-commentary—The Dispeller of Doubts) stands out as a crucial source to establish the Mahāvihāra’s academic network with South India and Burma (Myanmar) during the Polonnaruwa period. The Vimativinodanīṭīkā is the third sub-commentary on the Samantapāsādikā, the Vinaya Commentary, composed during the Polonnaruwa period. Having two other sub-commentaries on the same commentary prior to its compilation also confirms the cruciality of this third sub-commentary for further exploration. The present study is based on this third sub-commentary, and it aims to explore some aspects of the international academic network that the Mahāvihāra had with South India and Burma during the Polonnaruwa era. It discusses how the Mahāvihāra’s scholastic activities expanded to the other lands and how, in that process, its texts served as crucial portable objects in building international relations.

  28. WU Xiaolu (Joy) 吳曉璐 (Harvard University): Singing into the Afterlife: The Transformation of the Kalaviṅka in Chinese Buddhist Art

    The kalaviṅka (C. jialingpinjia 迦陵頻伽) is a bird native to the snowy mountains of the Himalayas. Despite the mythical bird’s frequent appearances in Buddhist sūtras, the scriptures do not describe its physical appearance. However, from the mid-7th century onward, the kalaviṅka started to appear as a human-headed bird in Chinese art, as seen in cave-temple murals, on śarira (sheli 舍利) reliquaries, and in tomb decorations. In particular, the kalaviṅka became an iconographic staple in the Amitâbha Pure Land “Transformation Tableaux” (bianxiang 變相) that visually translates and imagines the paradisiacal landscape of Sukhāvatī. This paper first traces the scriptural and iconographic sources of the kalaviṅka to study the changing images and roles of the Buddhist bird as it traveled across Asia. I examine the kalaviṅka motif’s connections to both its Indian and Central Asian Buddhist precedents—the hybrid heavenly musician kiṃnara 緊那羅—and to the indigenous Chinese “Man-Bird” (renniao 人鳥). More importantly, I study the soteriological role of the kalaviṅka during the Tang dynasty (618-907 CE) through these multi-directional iconographic connections. I suggest that by assuming the form of a human-headed bird, the kalaviṅka took on the hybrid bird’s symbolic associations with death, regeneration, and afterlife journey in Chinese cultural and religious imagination. In this way, the Buddhist bird was transformed into an important auditory and visual cue in guiding the devotees to be reborn in the Western paradise at the liminal moment of death. Hence, the kalaviṅka serves as an exemplary case study of the “Glocalization” of Buddhism, as the Buddhist bird of Indian and Central Asian origins took on new visual forms and soteriological meanings in the Chinese artistic and religious landscape.

  29. WU Weilin 吳蔚琳 (中山大学): 四種夢的解析:律宗吸收化用上座部概念的例證 | An Investigation of Four Sorts of Dreams: an evidence for the Variation of a Theravādin Concept in Vinaya School works

    上座部巴利律和律註《善見律疏》(Samantapasadika)記載了四種夢:一者四大不和,二者先見夢,三者天人夢,四者想夢。漢譯本《善見律毗婆沙》(公元488-489)對這四種夢的譯文與巴利文本不盡相同。這一譯文被唐宋時期的道世、大覺、元照三位律宗高僧引用大乘經典進行新的釋讀,反映出上座部佛學概念在漢地佛教中的傳承與流變。

    Four sorts of dreams (namely dhātukkhobhato, anubhūtapubbato, devatopasaṃhārato, pubbanimittato) are recorded in the Samantapāsādikā, a Pāli Vinaya commentary, whose author is ascribed to Buddhaghosa. In the Shanjianlü piposha, a parallel Chinese version of the Samantapāsādikā, the translation of these four sorts of dreams does not closely corresponds to the Pāli sources. Furthermore, the interpretation of these dreams in the Shanjianlü piposha was carried on by later Vinaya school masters during Tang and Song dynasties, such as Daoshi, Dajue and Yuanzhao. They all re-examined this interpretation of dreams based on Mahāyānic Buddhist scriptures, which fully reveals the transformation and variation of a Theravādin concept in the context of Chinese Buddhism.

  30. ZHAO Wen 趙文 (南開大學):《般若經》早期漢譯本中核心範疇的中國化表達

    《般若經》推動了中土佛學與魏晉玄學之合流,然而最早的《般若經》漢譯《道行經》的譯出年代是早於玄學之時代的。可以說,《般若經》在中國佛教發展之初,被選擇用來與社會的主流思潮進行對話,同時也影響了兩晉時期中國佛教本身的思想發展走向。本文選取如(tathatā)、法性(dharmatā)、實際(bhūtakoṭi)、無自性(asvabhāva)、善巧方便(upāyakauśalya)等關鍵概念的早期翻譯,並考察兩晉時期僧人對相關概念的使用情況,來展現早期《般若經》漢譯對兩晉佛學思維方式的影響。