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In the past decade, the overseas expansion of Buddhism from the People’s Republic of China to other countries has been remarkable. However, the religious situations of host societies and their relationship with China are diverse, as are the methods, strategies, and styles of Chinese Buddhism’s exchanges abroad. For example, in Southeast Asia and North America, exchanges were initially via temples built earlier by overseas Chinese, but now new and huge Chinese Buddhist temples are being built in many countries. Regarding Japan, which has had Buddhist exchanges with China throughout history, the exchange is cultural and diplomatic. In this paper, I will focus on the Obaku (黄檗) sect of the Rinzai (臨済) school that has been engaging in remarkable exchanges with China in recent years, describing the current status and characteristics of the exchanges. Obaku is the last Buddhist sect from China to have been implanted in Japan. The monk Ingen (隠元) from Fujian Province introduced it to Japan in the 17th century. Despite Japan’s policy of closed borders to the world, there were active exchanges with China through the Obaku school of Buddhism. In the 1980s, exchanges resumed. The differences in Buddhist practice, social positioning, and legal systems surrounding religion in modern-day Japan and China present problems but also influence each other. Concrete methods are being devised to enhance the benefits and interests of the various groups and institutions involved in the resumption of exchange. The paper examines the achievements of exchanges through practices of rituals, beliefs, academics, economic benefits, and arts, and their mutual influence and effects.
The talk will discuss that the Four Āgamas include the doctrinal expressions parallel to not only the First Four Nikāyas but also the Pāli Abhidhamma, Post-canonical Pāli texts, and the Pāli commentaries, by the comparative research of Chinese, Sanskrit, and Pāli Texts. This approach will also elucidate the formation of one discourse of the Ekottarikāgama. The study of the Four Āgamas as open texts will shed new light on the transmission and transformation of Buddhism in Asia.
本次演講通過對中、梵、巴利文本的比較研究，探討四阿含經中所包含的教義表達方式不僅與前四部尼柯耶（Nikāya）相似而且與巴利阿毘達摩、巴利結藏後文本和巴利文論疏相似。研究也將解釋《增一阿含經》是如何形成的。研究四阿含經作為開放的文本將為佛教在亞洲歐的傳播和演變帶來新的啟示。 | 華義寺——一座在義大利為中國大陸人服務的臺灣尼庵
Chinese Buddhism is represented in Italy by three influential institutions and a number of smaller Buddhist centers. These centers are primarily located in areas that have been heavily impacted by Chinese immigration, such as Prato and Florence in Tuscany, Rome, Naples, and Monza and Milan in Lombardy. The first Chinese Buddhist temple established in Italy was the Huayisi 華義寺 in Rome in 2005. Unlike other temples that host monastics from Mainland China, the Huayisi has a strong affiliation with the Chong Tai Chan 中台禪寺, a well-known Taiwanese monastery. This notwithstanding, Huayisi’s devotees and followers in Italy are primarily from Mainland China, and it also maintains connections with the Buddhist Association of China (BAC) and with monastic institutions in the PRC, particularly on Putuoshan. Among the Chinese Buddhist temples in Italy, only the Huayisi is a member of the Union of Italian Buddhists (UBI), giving it official religious site status and making it a natural interlocutor with other UBI-affiliated Buddhist institutions. The objective of the research (which is still in its preliminary stages) is to examine the glocalizing strategies of Huayisi by exploring its diverse networks and interlocutors, including its connections with the Taiwanese headquarters, the BAC, and monasteries in the PRC, as well as its relationships with other Chinese Buddhist institutions in Italy and other UBI members. Additionally, the study will explore the profiles of the lay Buddhists and worshippers participating in the temple’s activities.
中國佛教在義大利的代表是三所具有影響力的機構和一些小的佛教中心。這些佛教中心主要座落於中國移民影響較大的地區，例如托斯卡納區的普拉托和佛羅倫薩，以及倫巴第區的羅馬、那不勒斯、蒙扎和米蘭。在義大利建立的首座中國佛教寺廟是2005年在羅馬設立的華義寺。與其他由中國大陸僧侶主持的寺廟不同的是，華義寺與著名的台灣寺院中台禪寺有隸屬關係。儘管如此，華義寺在義大利的信眾主要來自中國大陸，而且它也和中國佛教協會以及一些中國寺院（尤其是普陀山的寺院）保持聯繫。在義大利的中國佛教寺廟中，只有華義寺是義大利佛教聯合會（Union of Italian Buddhists, UBI）的成員，因而它得到了官方宗教場所的地位並且成為與聯合會中其他佛教機構的對話者。本研究的目的（仍在初步階段）是通過研究華義寺多種多樣的關係網絡和對話者，包括其與台灣總部、中國佛教協會和中國寺院的聯繫以及與義大利其他中國佛教寺廟和佛教聯合會中其他成員的關係，分析其全球本土化策略。此外，本研究還將考察參與華義寺活動的在家信眾的情況。
The Aśokan ‘Schism Edict(s)’ consist of three parallel inscriptions documenting prohibitions against conflicts within the Sangha. These edicts represent the earliest written records of Buddhism’s monastic institutions that can be dated. This study aims to examine the key terms present in these edicts and review existing scholarship to gain a deeper understanding of the language and institutions associated with Buddhism’s pre-canonical Vinaya and the monastic community.
The Chinese character or logograph mo “魔” represents a new term and concept formed out of Chinese Buddhist translation texts. Regarding its origin, Tang dynasty Huilin 慧琳 in his Yiqie jing yinyi 一切經音義 [Glossary of the Sounds and Meanings of the Complete Tripitaka] recorded that the term “mo 魔” emerged by changing the form of logograph “mo 摩” during the process of Buddhist translation. In Zhiguan fuxing zhuan hongjue 止觀輔行傳弘決 [Commentary on Zhiyiʼs Mohe zhiguan], Zhan Ran 湛然 first proposed that “mo 魔” derived from the stone 石 radical “mo 磨” used in older translation texts. Furthermore, Zhan Ran noted that during the time of Liang Wudi 梁武帝 (c. 464-549), the Emperor felt the meaning of the character “should be” (宜从) written as “魔.” Thus, the conflict between these two historical records has led to a discrepancy amongst later Buddhist and non-Buddhist sources on this character’s origins. In the Ming dynasty, the Chinese character dictionary Zhengzitong 正字通 [Comprehensive Correct Characters] interpreted Liang Wudi’s role in promoting the form of “魔” as Liang Wudi ‘changed [its form]’ (gaicong 改从).This record led to the widespread misconception that Liang Wudi invented this character. Based on the examination of Dunhuang Buddhist manuscripts, Buddhist literature, and early Daoist sources, this study argues that the logograph “魔” emerged well before Liang Wudi, but was used interchangeably with other written forms including, “摩” and “磨.” During Liang Wudi’s reign, the written use of “魔” in translated texts became increasingly standardized. Following the block-printing of Buddhist texts, which took place afterward, the mo logograph’s variant written forms were eventually unified as “魔”.
The Standards for Handling the Light and Heavy Properties, written by Daoxuan in the eleventh year of the Zhenguan era (637), was originally an auxiliary work to his Vinaya treatise based on the Four Part Vinaya. It discusses the proper handling of various items belonging to deceased monks. The detailed list of items provided valuable information for studying the daily life within the medieval Buddhist monasteries or even that of the cultural elites in general. Before Daoxuan passed away, he made significant revision to the text. The Dunhuang manuscripts preserve the original form before these modifications. The descriptions of manuscript books, musical performances, and calligraphy vividly depict the knowledge and artistic world of medieval monastic life. The revised evaluation of the light and heavy properties should be understood in the context of frequent donations of monastic robes by nobles and royal authories.
Since its release in 2017, the Korean blockbuster Along with the Gods: The Two Worlds (hereafter Along with the Gods) remains one of the highest-grossing films in South Korean cinema history. As film critics have noted, the film is based on the Korean Buddhist belief in the ten kings of hell, which originated in Chinese Buddhism during the Tang Dynasty. This film’s pedagogical value lies in its portrayal of the continued impact of ancient Chinese religiosity in Asia today. However, academic discussions have not examined the film’s adaptation of this Chinese Buddhist tradition and its imagery, nor its pedagogical potential which allows students to explore the flow of Chinese culture to Korea as a complex cultural phenomenon through cinema. To utilize this potential, this paper details how I employ Along with the Gods in my undergraduate course “Asian Religions in Film” to introduce this Korean film with rich depictions of the continued influence Chinese Buddhism has across Asia, particularly the film’s reinterpretation of the ten kings of hell, karma, and filial piety. I argue that this film is a valuable source for instructors to teach the syncretism of Chinese religiosity from the past to the present. Broadly, this paper contributes to pedagogy in teaching Asian religions through film by guiding students to recognize Chinese religious traditions in film and consequently increase their intercultural understanding and awareness of the centrality of Chinese culture in the spread of Buddhism across East Asia.
自 2017 年上映以來，韓國大片《與神同行：兩個世界》（以下簡稱《與神同行》）一直是韓國電影史上票房最高的電影之一。正如多數影評人指出，這部電影融入了韓國佛教十殿閻王的信仰，而此信仰起源於唐代的中國佛教。這部電影的教學價值在於它描繪了中國古代宗教對當今亞洲的持續影響。然而，學術討論並沒有審視這部電影對中國佛教十殿閻王傳統及其意象的改編，也沒有分析其教學潛力，使學生能夠通過電影探索中國文化向韓國流動乃一種複雜的文化現象。為了運用這部電影的潛在教學價值，此發表詳細介紹筆者如何在大學部課程“電影中的亞洲宗教”剖析《與神同行》，尤其是此影片對十殿閻王、因果報應和孝道的重新詮釋。筆者主張這部電影是教授中國宗教信仰從過去到現在融合的有價值的參考資料。廣義上， 通過電影闡明亞洲宗教的教學貢獻而言，本研究通過引導學生認識電影呈現的中國宗教傳統，從而增強他們的跨文化理解，與認知中國文化在佛教傳播東亞的中心地位。
Mahāyāna and Theravāda are Buddhism’s two major traditions, and share the same fundamental teachings. However, there are long-term disputes between the two, touching on doctrine, religious practices, and the ultimate goal, among other matters. Theravāda has often been termed the “vehicle of the hearers” by Mahāyāna Buddhists, to reflect the role of the Buddha’s early followers who sought to become Arhats (those who have achieved nirvana) through hearing and practising his teachings. In the eyes of Mahāyāna practitioners, disciples from the vehicle of the hearers are narrowly focused on individual salvation, as opposed to the path of the bodhisattva, which aims at all beings’ liberation. On the other hand, Theravāda Buddhists typically hold strong views of their religious identity, taking their own traditions to be “Orthodox Buddhism” and suspecting that various aspects of the Mahāyāna tradition lack authenticity.
In the past few decades, however, globalization has brought about transnational flows of people and cultures via immigration and commerce. Inevitably, the different Buddhist traditions have passed beyond their historical geographic boundaries; and this has resulted in more cultural exchange events and religious activities that have potentially involved cross-traditional monastic dialogue and collaboration between Mahāyāna and Theravāda practitioners, both in Buddhist propagation and in social contribution.
While the issue of Mahāyāna-Theravāda border-crossing is a topic of strong interest in Buddhist Studies, only a limited amount of ethnographic work on Chinese Buddhism in regions of the world beyond the traditional East Asian Mahāyāna territories has been conducted. Against this backdrop, the paper thus explores the position of Chinese Mahāyāna monastics in sociocultural contexts of Myanmar where the Theravāda lineage has been historically dominant. This paper significantly provides an overview of how local Theravada ethos inevitably affects Chinese Mahayana Buddhists’ experiences of religious minority in the host country. This presentation of this paper is divided into two parts. First, it paints a general picture of Chinese Mahāyāna Buddhism as it developed in Burma in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. In the second and main part, based on my fieldwork findings, it presents contemporary Chinese monastics’ religious and minority experiences of living in the sociocultural context of a Theravadin, Burman-majority nation. To sum up, the paper is in an attempt to give a holistic and realistic picture of contemporary Chinese monastics’ views and experiences in Theravāda-majority Myanmar, particularly dealing with their contested status and problematizing identity in transnational contexts in Myanmar.
歷史上各個時代不同地域的佛教教理區分了所謂大乘小乘，而大小乘當中又再劃分不同的宗派， 所以佛教的教法趨於歧異。 換言之，對於教法的觀念分歧, 加上修行的方式也不盡相同 ，演變至今分南傳和北傳佛教。南傳佛教徒一般對自己的宗教身分持有強烈的自我意識，認為自己的傳統才是正統佛教，並懷疑大乘佛教各方面缺乏真實性。從大乘佛教的角度來看，小乘佛教徒只注重自度自悟，這與致力救度、利益一切眾生的菩薩精神背道而馳。在過去幾十年里，全球化通過移民和商業帶來了人和文化的跨國流動。不可避免地，佛教的不同傳統已經超越了他們原本的地理邊界（南傳佛教在台灣弘法抑或漢傳佛教在東南亞國家傳播），導致了前所未有的 相互對話、競爭和融合。緬甸主流為南傳上座部佛教，其佛寺和僧侶在緬當地都占有特別重要的地位和影響。然而，北傳緬華僧團機構在緬甸實屬宗教少數群體。根據之前的歷史文獻， 常被當地緬僧劃界及邊緣化（南北傳佛教淵源已久之歧見）；又，身為少數緬華佛教社群，往往要面對主流壟斷性的評價其「非主流」教義（大乘非佛說）與宗教渡亡儀式等。此外，緬政府現今亦未認可緬甸漢傳佛教僧人之身分地位，緬華僧僅持普通公民身分證而非僧人身分證。如上種種因素，可彰顯出在緬甸境內之霸權主流文化中，所謂「我群」與「他者」之間已被深入建構外，就國家制度層面而言，透過所謂的種族宗教之分化分類，更強化了緬華僧與當地（僧）人之界線。此研究除了關注分析華僧在緬甸如何被當地僧俗看待之外，將探究不同異質宗教族群如何彼此溝通以獲取更多的理解與認同。探討南北傳佛教間的宗教交流與認可之研究。
There may be many factors contributed to the Buddhist integration in Chinese culture such as historical, philosophical, social, religious, political, trade and other causes in the process of two thousand years of interaction, but I will concentrate on the philosophical ideas and thought. The most important reason for such a large scale integration is the liberal attitude of mind in both Confucianism and Buddhism because for a foreign culture or thought, or religion to integrate in another culture, both must be liberal and receptive. The open minded attitude of mind in Confucianism can be seen from the following saying found in the Confucius Analects or Lunyu, “The gentleman harmonizes (he 和), and does not merely agree (tong同). The petty person agrees, but he does not harmonize.” The Buddhist liberal attitude of mind is demonstrated in the saying “Whatsoever is well spoken, all that is the word of the Buddha.” This means that Buddhism accepts whatever is good whether they are from Buddhist or non-Buddhist sources. This thought has influenced Buddhists tremendously and led to important consequences in the transmission of Buddhism to other cultures. Thus, Buddhism and Confucianism learned from each other and Buddhism finally integrated itself into and become part of the Chinese culture.
With the founding of the Chosŏn dynasty (1392-1910) on the Korean peninsula, kings and the ruling elites saw themselves as governing a sovereign state while at the same time considering Chosŏn as part of a Sino-centric area of shared culture 文化圈. Accordingly, a pattern of reaching back to China as the place of cultural origin was common for both the Confucian elites and Buddhist monks. In particular, the Korean monastics, no different from the Confucianist, considered themselves as belonging to the same Buddhist tradition that was developed in China and transmitted to Korea. Parallel ideologies such as huayi lun 華夷論, or the “doctrine of the civilized and barbarian,” a Sino-centric world-view positioned China as the center of the civilized world, which was a commonly adopted within the Chosŏn society. Evidences of adoption of Sino-centric ideologies can be found into the late-Chosŏn period (1600-1900) where Buddhist apologetic literature explicitly claimed Chosŏn Buddhism to be a cultural and historical continuation from China. This paper will argue that Korean Buddhism became increasingly Sinized in the late Chosŏn period, particularly starting from the 17th century, largely due to the socio-political events that took place at the time. This will be illustrated with the early 17th century rhetoric of orthodox transmission of the dharma and the Sino-centric world-view found in the late-Chosŏn Buddhist apologetic literature.
Being the founder of Tiantai school, Zhiyi (538-598) was worshipped not only in China, but also in Japan after the Japanese Tendai school was founded. Memorial rituals for Zhiyi held on the anniversary of his death were first established in the next year by his followers, and the memorial event was observed by Japanese monks in Tang as well. In Japan, Saicho (767-822) has brought these commemorative rituals to Mt. Hiei, and the practice was named Shimotsuki-e. Until the Edo period, Shimotsuki-e was considered one of the most important events for the Tendai school in Japan. In the latter half of Heian period, Genshin (942-1017) created many ritual texts, and several were related to the reverence of Zhiyi. This can be regarded as an academic action for securing the lineage of the Tiantai/Tendai school while strengthening the legitimacy of his self at the same time. With Genshin’s effort, Koshiki, a Japanese-style ritual text, gradually became a common way to revere Tendai masters in Japan.
In the performance cultures of both ancient and modern South and Southeast Asia, when many religious and life events are accompanied by music and dance, it is not surprising that musical and dance iconographies are ubiquitous and find themselves integrated within the material culture such as stone and stucco reliefs, wall paintings, terracotta figurines and pottery. The representation of music and dance on visual imagery makes subtle allusions to real performances while simultaneously idealising the nature, location, and character of the performance. As modern scholars viewing these pictorial performances and yet unable to access them in their entirety, my study considers the images with a dual perspective: 1. How musical performances are conceptualised in art and 2. How their transmission can be understood based on the visual evidence. In doing so, it effectively draws upon the domain of art history simultaneously situating the material culture of Gandhāra and Kuca at the intersection of current theoretical approaches, particularly globalization.
This paper aims at examining the development of an event ‘Thousand people Zen meditation’ with transnational Buddhist meditation practices for promoting social harmony in contemporary Hong Kong, a post-colonial society with civil disobedience.In view of the resulting social tension and unrest after the ‘Umbrella Movement’ in 2014, Ven. Chang Lin, a Hong Kong Chinese monk trained in Taiwan, initiated an event of ‘Thousand people Zen Meditation’ in 2015, with the support of a Buddhist magazine. With the aim of promoting social harmony with Buddhist meditation practices, the event was collaborated with a few transnational Buddhist organizations, including Kwan Um School of Zen, Plum Village, and Tegar Asia. In other words, the meditation event was led by monastics and lay practitioners from traditions of Han Chinese, Korean, Vietnamese, and Tibetan. It has become a unique cross-sectional Buddhist event, organized once a year since 2015 in Hong Kong. With Cantonese as the teaching language, the targeted audience are local Hong Kong Chinese without meditation experiences and knowledge about Buddhism. In this ethnographic study, I will examine how the transnational meditation movement has raised the interest of contemplation for the public in the current frantic social situation.
This paper outlines a composite Buddhist view of missionary expansion and intercultural adaptation, seeking to characterize a fully-imagined model of how its doctrines, institutional practices, and ritual activities served in an interlocking manner to effect the Buddhist conquests of East Asia (adapting the phrase of historian Erik Zurcher). Of particular importance, and using Mahāyāna terminology, is to understand how its leaders adopted “skillful means” in achieving the “spiritual conquest” of indigenous traditions across this region: its ritualists subduing local deities, modifying ritual practices, and Buddhist intellectuals harmonizing moral teachings under its dominion.
Part II of this paper brings this perspective into the present day. The past 500 years have brought a multilayered and interlinked series of crises to Buddhist Asia: the decline and fall of kingship throughout the Buddhist world (in all countries but Thailand and Bhutan), the forceful imposition of colonial rule by foreigners, the disruptive imperial quest for wealth, and confrontation with world religions that aggressively sought conversion of colonized populations. Because most of the discourses and prescriptions for Buddhist political action are based upon texts and experiences assuming the presence and necessary intervention of a king, Buddhist societies have faced the unprecedented challenges of colonialism and later independence lacking the guidance of primary resources from their canonical texts and ancient traditions. Across Asia, there has been an urgently felt need to redefine the political foundations of Buddhism in a king-less world. The rise of householder organizations across Asia attempting “to do the work of kings” (in H.L. Seneviratne’s apt characterization) and the general decline of monastic influence have dramatically changed the classical solutions to socio-political challenges. The initial results of these efforts have been largely catastrophic, as witnessed by the rise of intolerant Buddhist nationalism-s, ethnic fratricide, and civil war. These have exposed the failure of modern adherents to achieve the clear canonical ideal of tolerant and compassionate rule.
Modern Buddhist reformers now face many questions from citizens and rulers concerning the relevance and applicability of the traditional Buddhist norms of political rule. The paper concludes by posing the sorts of question commonly posed today in Buddhist societies: How can a Buddhist society following its classical political ideals hope to survive in the modern world where nations’ “civil religions” require universal loyalty, and where showing compassion for non-Buddhist or minorities is often regarded as naive or showing political weakness?
這篇文章概述了佛教對傳教擴展與跨文化的匹配的綜合見解，尋求賦予一個可充分想象的典範的特色，看其學説、制度性的實施和儀式活動如何以 互相連鎖的方式來幫助影響佛教對東亞的征服【對歷史學家 Eric Zurcher 的慣用語的改編】。這獨特的重要性，和用Mahayana/大乘的術語是瞭解其領導者如何采取 “巧妙的手段” 來實現在這整個原著傳統地區得到 “心靈上的征服”：其心靈者徵服了當地的神靈、調整了儀式活動，并且佛教知識分子也在其領地上協調了道德的教育。這篇文章的第二部分把以上的觀點帶到現今。過去的五百年將多層次和相互連結的一系列危機帶給了佛教的亞洲：整個佛教世界所有國家王權的衰退與降低（除了泰國和不丹）、強硬的外國人殖民統治與徵收、破壞性的帝國主義對財富的探索，還有世界各宗教的衝突，積極地尋求被殖民人口的宗教轉變。假設一在位國王的必不可少的介入，由於多數佛教的政治影響的講演和規定基于經文和經驗，佛教社會必須面對前所未有的殖民主義的挑戰與後來的獨立——其缺乏從經典的經文與古代傳統得到的主要的指導資源。在整個亞洲，人們迫切地感覺到在一個沒有國王的世界中如何重新確定佛教的政治基礎。整個亞洲興起的家庭組織試圖“做國王的事”（HL Seneviratne 恰如其分的描述），及寺院影響力的旁邊衰落，戲劇性地大大改變了對社會政治挑戰的經典解決方案。這些努力的初步結果在很大程度上是災難性的，就像不能容忍的佛教民族主義、種族之間的自相殘殺和内戰證實了此結果。這些暴露了現代追隨者在實現典型的寬容和富有同情心的統治之失敗。
The concept of ‘Śūraṃgama’ holds a central position in Mahayana Buddhist scriptures across India, Central Asia, and East Asia. Particularly, with the growing popularity of the Lengyan Jing (Śūraṃgama Sūtra), this concept has played a significant role in shaping the perspectives of Chinese Buddhists since Song dynasty. The present paper will delve into the emergence, dissemination, and establishment of the ‘Śūraṃgama/Shoulengyan’ concept in early Chinese Buddhism—a realm distinct from its origins in India and Central Asia. The passage of time, spatial differences, and diverse cultural contexts influenced the fate of this concept as it reached China. Confronted with a concept that seemed abrupt and unfamiliar in the Chinese language, how did Chinese Buddhists encounter and engage with it? Who were the interpreters and how did they understand and interpret it? Furthermore, how was this concept employed and for what purpose? As it merged with China’s native cultural experiences, what new semantic nuances were ascribed to this term? Additionally, how did subsequent interpretations by the Chinese yield further developments and modifications? This paper aims to explore the intricate process of transformation that occurs in Buddhist terminology during its cross-linguistic journeys, using the examination of this significant concept as a case study.
This article discussed how and why the authority of Northern Song utilized the cult of Buddhist relics to construct and display Buddhist kingship and to establish sacred space in the east of Eurasia in the 10th century. After the collapse of the Tang empire, we could observe that the political authority of Northern Song eagerly supported and utilized Buddhist relics to strengthen the emperor’s power and political legitimacy. By integrating research of historical records, Buddhist texts, images, and archeological materials, Buddhist relics played as a symbol for rulers to display not only the ideal Buddhist sacred king but also the media for the political authority to construct the community for connecting ruled people to pay their royalties. In addition, Buddhist relics were not only sacred goods for kingship but to construct sacred space in the empire. Buddhist relics were preserved in official temples, such as Daxiangguo Temple大相國寺 in capital Kaifeng 開封, Temple of King Ashoka in Ningbo 寧波 and Changgan Temple 長干寺 in Nanjing that implied the land of Northern Song was as similar as ideal Buddhist land ruled by Ashoka. Besides, the emperors of Northern Song could claim the empire inherited from the Tang empire to confront the Liao empire, and they ruled the ideal Buddhist land in the east of Eurasia.
Abhidharma-kośa-bhāṣya（俱舍論）serves as the quintessential text of Abhidhamma philosophy. In the context of Chinese Buddhism, Xuanzang’s translation of the Abhidharmakosa-sastra is widely recognized as the “New Translation” (Xinyi 新譯). The interpretations provided by the “Three Great Masters of Abhidharma-kośa-bhāṣya” in Xuanzang’s lineage gained significant traction in China, becoming the prevailing approach within this field of study. However, these commentaries occasionally exhibit deviations and discrepancies among themselves. This article centers on an examination of the annotations on the “Jiepin” 界品 Chapter of the Jushe lun 俱舍論. It investigates any instances of variance, additions, or omissions found in the annotations made by Xuanzang’s disciples. Furthermore, a comparative analysis is conducted between these annotations and their Sanskrit counterparts, such as Yaśomitra (Chengyou 稱友) and Sthiramati (Anhui 安慧), aiming to identify the distinctive characteristics of the interpretation developed within Xuanzang’s lineage.
The triad of the Medicine Buddha, Avalokiteśvara, and Kṣitigarbha on the southern wall of Cave 205 at the Mogao Grottoes in Dunhuang, tentatively named “New Three Saints of the East” due to the absence of any canonical basis, creates a stark contrast to the standard version of the Eastern Trinity, with Medicine Buddha flanked by the Bodhisattvas Sūryaprabha and Candraprabha. This painting emerged at a most prosperous moment in premodern China and reflects a high level of agreement between donors and artists who shared an understanding that everything ultimately serves the present world. The mural embodies the people’s aspirations for a peaceful life and well-being and a maximum extent meeting societal needs and popular demands. It stands as a crystallization of the role that Dunhuang caves played as socially engaged Buddhist sites, showcasing Buddhism’s practical service to society. In the history of the Mogao Grottoes in Dunhuang, and even in the process of localization of Buddhism in China, this mural conveys a transformative meaning.
There is an unidentified historical gap between the “written system” and the “living system” regarding the Buddhist Ordination in Tang China, which indicates an unseen historical Buddhism-State relations. This paper attempts to argue that the term “Unregistered Monks” (Wuming seng 無名僧), in the imperial edicts recorded in the Collected Documents of Amoghavajra, formally refers to “Si Du” 私度 in official documents during Tang Dynasty. This paper proposes the following points:
1) The term indicates that during the early Tang Dynasty, there existed an institutional gap between the official ordination and the private ordination) which allowed for the acceptance of private ordination.
2) The terms “無名僧” and “私度” actually reflect the two different traditions of the Southern and Northern Dynasties, which also involve the “Southernization” during the Tang Dynasty.
3) “Unregistered Monks” (Wuming seng 無名僧) reflects that in the design of the state’s institutional system, it was essentially a concept of labour service, whereas, with the changes in the labour service system in the later Tang Dynasty and the weakening of imperial authority, the term “private ordination” was widely used by the authority to express solemn political ethics.
The approach to Buddhist philosophy and practice developed by the Sui 隋 dynasty exegete Tiantai Zhiyi 天台智顗 (538-597) has often been hailed as the first complete system of Buddhist thought developed on Chinese soil, placing it in a pivotal position in the so-called “Sinification” of Buddhism. This evaluation owes largely to the nature of Zhiyi’s intellectual project, which has been interpreted by some as a thoroughgoing reworking of the Indian scriptural and exegetical material designed to meet the demands of a Chinese cultural environment. A key element in Zhiyi’s system that represents his innovative approach is his notion of the Three Truths (Ch. sandi 三諦), comprised of the conventional truth of the provisional (jia 假), the ultimate truth of emptiness (kong 空), and the truth of the middle (zhong 中) that affirms the perfect identity between the prior two. While this paradigm is often taken as an extension of the Two Truths (erdi 二諦, Skt. satyadvaya) inherited from Indic texts, I shall argue that it rather represents a sound and highly defensible reading of the Madhyamaka philosophy of Nāgārjuna (c. 150-250) from which Zhiyi drew much of his inspiration.
P.3808 records a popular sermon, which was a Buddhist folk preaching event held in the Zhongxing Palace to celebrate the birthday of Emperor Mingzong of Later Tang. Through the analysis of this text, it is possible to conduct a more comprehensive study of Buddhist popular sermons that formed and gradually developed during the mid-Tang Dynasty. Additionally, this analysis can provide a more systematic understanding of the Humane Kings Convocations（Renwang hui 仁王會）, which had a significant impact in East Asia since the late Southern Dynasty.
Nirvana images appeared once Buddhist art was born, but with the spread of Buddhism to different regions, except the inheritance of the former art form, Buddhist art also absorbed the local culture and developed its own characteristics. Among the three images of Nirvana in Yungang Caves, Shakya’s lying position is particularly special. Therefore, to find the reason why Shayka has such a special position, this paper combines the analyze of images and texts, referring to the early Nirvana images in the Gandhara region, Kizil Caves in Xinjiang, and different versions of Nirvana sutras, also the local historical background of Yungang.
The Los Angeles metropolitan area constitutes one of the world’s most important “global cities” (Saskia Sassen). At its heart – just east of the City of Los Angeles – lies the San Gabriel Valley, a suburban cluster of cities and unincorporated communities. The San Gabriel Valley hosts the biggest Chinese American community in the US. This new suburban pattern of settlement, or “ethnoburb” (Wei Li), has replaced earlier spaces of overseas Chinese settlement in inner cities, the so-called Chinatowns. Mostly ignored by studies on Buddhism in the US, the San Gabriel Valley ethnoburb is home to a huge variety of temples, centers, and other Buddhist sites, a majority of whom have their roots in the different sinophone societies in Asia. Based on a digital mapping project conducted in the fall of 2022 and the spring of 2023, this paper assesses the number, diversity, and patterns of dispersion of Buddhist spaces in the San Gabriel Valley. It contextualizes the data by an exploration of how the SGV forms a layered and complex Buddhist social space that links Buddhism in the US with global China as a transnational spatial order.
洛杉磯大都市區是世界上最重要的“全球城市” （“global city,” Saskia Sassen）。洛杉磯市以東是聖蓋博谷（San Gabriel Valley）。聖蓋博谷擁有美國最大的華裔美國人社區。這種新的郊區定居模式，或稱“民族郊區” （“ethnoburb,” Wei Li），取代了早期華僑在市中心的定居空間，即所謂的中國城。聖蓋博谷的民族郊區大多被美國的佛教研究所忽視，這裡有各種各樣的寺廟和道場，其中大多數都起源於亞洲不同的華語社會。本文基於 2022 年秋季和 2023 年春季進行的數位測繪項目（digital mapping project），評估了聖蓋博谷佛教空間的數量、多樣性和分布模式。本文通過實際探索來分析聖蓋博谷如何形成一個多層次且複雜的全球佛教空間。
Indo-Tibetan Buddhism and Chinese Buddhism/Eastern Asian Buddhism are often considered as two different traditions that bear no close relation to each other whether from a historical or doctrinal perspective. However, a comparative survey of the cult and yogic practices of the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara within Chinese and Tibetan Buddhism alike tells us a very different story. Although both traditions have naturally amassed their own unique characteristics based on their respective regions, their fundamental beliefs and practices remain identical. Therefore, we ought to pull down these artificially constructed boundaries and barriers between Indo-Tibetan and Eastern Asian Buddhist traditions, and instead view Indian, Chinese, and Tibetan Buddhism as a holistic, continuous developmental tradition, and furthermore attempt to conduct comparative studies between Indo-Tibetan and Chinese Buddhism from a unifying historical perspective. In other words, we ought to explore the most basic teachings and practices of the cult of Avalokitesvara within the Chinese, Tibetan, Exoteric, and Esoteric Buddhist traditions alike, observe their commonalities and differences, and map out the historical trajectory through which these teachings and practices of Sutric and Tantric Buddhism, despite holding identical origins, underwent separate developmental paths across time, and eventually took the form of seemingly highly distinct traditions.
This paper examines aspects of the evolving Buddhist ordination system from the Tang to the Song Dynasty by analyzing textual records concerning “ordination”. A prerequisite for a layperson to become a monastic, ordination serves at the societal level as an important means for imperial control over the monastic community. Therefore, the modification in the minimum age requirement for full ordination holds particular significance in understanding the overall transformations of Buddhism from the Tang to the Song period. According to the vinaya, novice ordination may be received at the “age of 7”, while full ordination requires attaining the “age of 20”. Based on an analysis of Tang and Song textual sources, along with the examination of hundreds of monks’ cases, the article arrives at the following conclusion: During the Tang, Daoxuan conducted a calendric calculation and determined that the “age of 20” specified in the vinaya was equivalent to “17 sui, 7 months, and 13 days” according to the Chinese age reckoning practice. Generally, the monastic community adhered to the regulations regarding ordination given in the vinaya. However, by the time of the Northern Song, monks began disregarding the age restrictions for ordination, signifying one of the changes within Chinese Buddhism.
The Ritual Manual (Ritual Manual of the Five-Tempo Intonation of the Name of the Buddha for Recitation of Scripture and Contemplation of Pure Land, 淨土五會念佛誦經觀行儀) has attracted considerable attention from modern scholars in recent decades. As one of the most important scriptures for Fazhao’s Five-Tempo Intonation of the Name of the Buddha (五會念佛), it is not only illustrating the source of Fazhao’s thought but also reflects the development and evolution of Buddhist rituals, as well as the reception and tension among various Buddhist theories in the medieval period of China. Careful analysis of the text shows that Fazhao’s ideology is a fusion of ideas from various Buddhist schools such as Chan, Tiantai, Huayan, and Tantrayana. Therefore, this study will focus on the Ritual Manual, combined with the Abridged Manual (Hymn for the Abridged Ritual Manual of the Five-Tempo Intonation of the Name of the Buddha for Pure Land Dharma Ceremony, 淨土五會念佛略法事儀讚) and other Dunhuang manuscripts, to investigate and analyse Fazhao’s Buddhist thought.
Generally speaking, when it comes to dhyana (meditation), the body should be adjusted first, the breath second, and the heart later. In contrast, the dhyāna in the Yogācārabhūmi-Budhisattvabhūmi mainly focuses on the principles and methods of regulating the mind, rather than the cultivation form of “resting on two legs and cross-legged”. In fact, there are two kinds of dhyāna: one is “the Right Cultivation Dhyāna”, the other “the Sequential Cultivation Dhyāna”. The Right Cultivation Dhyāna focuses on regulating the mind which is the foundation cultivation. The Budhisattvabhūmi believes that liberation is achieved at the moment when the meditator gains inner purity and when dhyāna and prajña become equal. However, these two items must come from the understanding of the Dharma and the proper and skillful mastery of the procedure and method of practicing the Way, and can never be achieved by sitting tight. Therefore, the Budhisattvabhūmi focuses on the discussion of the method of regulating the mind, which belongs to the category of real cultivation of dhyāna. Based on the Sanskrit manuscripts and the Chinese translation of Budhisattvabhūmi, this study thoroughly sorts out and restores the procedure of dhyāna cultivation in Budhisattvabhūmi. Further, it demonstrates the establishment and set up of the system of dhyāna cultivation in the Budhisattvabhūmi.
According to Buddhist biographies, prior to the formation of the meditation group centered around Bodhidharma, there were pre-existing meditation groups. A comprehensive analysis of these meditation groups is crucial for comprehending the development of Buddhist dhyāna in its transmission from India to China. This article arranges the biographical information from the Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties, with the goal of shedding light on the distinctive aspects of the lives of meditation practitioners.
Daosui (ca. 735-811) was a disciple of Jingxi Zhanran, who has occupied a significant position in the history of Tiantai (Jp. Tendai) Buddhism in China and Japan. His work, Zhiguan ji zhong yiyi, primarily addresses the divergent opinions presented in Zhanran’s Zhiguan fuxing chuanhong jue, which is also an essential scripture for understanding the Tiantai zhiguan thought after Zhanran. The Zhiguan ji zhong yiyi was compiled in the 21st year of the Zhenguan era (805) and was subsequently introduced to Japan by the monk Saichō during his visit to Tang China. It was then widely circulated and several versions are still extant nowadays, while the version in the Zokuzōkyō is well-known in the academic community. This paper investigates the fact that the source text of Zhiguan ji zhong yiyi in the Zokuzōkyō currently stored in the Kyoto University Library, which not only lacks prefaces and colophon but it is also marred by significant textual quality issues.
When we think of the transmission of a religious tradition like Buddhism to a new place, say the arrival in Buddhism in a country like China or Cambodia, we are aware that more is going on than a duplication of the original– a rich historical and cultural phenomena like Buddhism naturally and organically attuned itself to the cultural, institutional, religious, artistic, and social realities of the country to which it arrived. This is no less true in the literary sphere, where stories were re-told to fit local tastes, interests, and concerns. Nonetheless, when scholars discuss the “transmission” of the Buddhist textual tradition – here speaking of what has come to be considered as the early Buddhist canon, the Tipiṭaka, and specifically the early Buddhist discourses (sutta, sūtra) – the assumptions are, first, that there was a clearly defined textual corpus to be transmitted; second, that the main job of the people in charge of the transmission of the texts, here the so-called ‘reciters’ (bhāṇaka), were interested mainly in keeping the texts as close as possible to their original form; and finally, that the reception of the texts, their so-called ‘transmission’, was mostly concerned with reproducing, studying and preserving this same original.
None of these assumptions can be confirmed; they tell one side of the story at best: the flexibility of Buddha-vacana is a well-known fact, and there are serious problems with each of these three points. In this paper, after shortly revisiting arguments I have made regarding this picture that have emphasized the creative nature of the texts from the start, their flexible character, and the authorial innovation of the bhāṇakas within traditional modes, I will focus on the concept of transmission to show what was being transmitted was by general rule a particular, inspired interpretation of the tradition. It is not necessarily that the spirit was preferred over the letter – there is no one spirit, and authors surely cared about the letter. But their re-working of the letter, be it in a performative or literary mode, was such that text was more a trajectory to frame a new presentation, than an opportunity to repeat what was ready made. Or better, it was both. I will demonstrate these ideas through textual examples, mainly drawing on my readings in the Pāli Nikāyas.
在這裡輸入要轉換的內容當我們想到像佛教這樣的宗教傳統傳播到一個新的地方時，比如佛教傳入中國或柬埔寨這樣的國家，我們就會意識到，這不僅僅是原教旨的複製——像佛教這樣豐富的曆史文化現象自然而然地、有機地與它所到達的國家的文化、製度、宗教、藝術和社會現實相適應。在文學領域也是如此，故事被重新講述以適應當地人的口味、興趣和關注。然而，當學者們討論佛教文本傳統的 “傳承 “時–這裡指的是被認爲是早期佛教經典的三藏，特別是早期佛教典籍（sutta 經）——他們的假設是：第一，有一個明確界定的文本語料庫需要傳承； 其次，負責傳承文本的人，即這裡所謂的 “誦經者”(bhāṇaka)，其主要工作是使文本儘可能接近其原始形式；最後，對文本的接受，即所謂的 “傳承”，主要是複製、研究和保存同一原始文本。這些假設都無法証實，充其量隻能説明故事的一麵：佛語的靈活性是衆所週知的事實，而這三點中的每一點都存在嚴重的問題。在本論文中，我將簡短回顧我就這一情況所提出的論點，這些論點強調了佛典從一開始就具有創造性、其靈活的特點，以及誦經者在傳統模式中的創新，之後，我將集中討論傳承的概唸，以説明所傳承的一般都是對傳統的特殊的、受啟髮的文本的闡釋。這並不一定是説精神優於文字——沒有唯一的精神，作者們當然也關心文字。但他們對文字的再創作，無論是以演繹的方式還是以文學的方式，都是這樣的：文字與其説是一個重複現成東西的機會，不如説是一個構築新表述的軌跡。或者説，兩者兼而有之。我將通過文本示例來証明這些觀點，主要藉鑒我對 巴利藏 (Pāli Nikāyas) 的閱讀。
近幾年在研究西夏流傳漢傳佛教研究中有些新突破，這次為此進行總結 1. 華嚴：西夏華嚴有兩個來源：部分內容（包括唐代賢首法藏《還源觀》、《金獅子章》）基於杭州區域的“復興”華嚴。因為文本時代為西夏時期，可能“元代傳播”假設不能成立，但迄今並沒有其他歷史假設。華嚴禪：漢傳佛教“華嚴禪”思想脈絡的存在雖然存疑，但西夏有些文本可視為“華嚴禪”。其中宗密《圓覺經略疏》西夏譯本、遼圓通道敐《鏡心錄》譯本。該文獻判為華嚴禪的理由在於該材料利用“華嚴四法界”為判教基本架構。同時部分西夏華嚴文獻似乎與大理蒼山華嚴學有關係，該問題仍待進一步考證。
The presentation concerns itself with the issues of transmission of Sinitic Buddhism, specifically Huayan and Chan in the Tangut state. We probe into the issues of variety of parental textual traditions for Tangut Buddhism, and more generally, in a discussion on what the Tangut texts can reveal about the history of Sinitic Buddhism during 11-13th centuries. That is, we attempt to locate Tangut Buddhism within the general framework of East Asian Buddhism. Such a comparative approach might contribute into the understanding of the importance of Tangut Buddhism and reveal some less known features of Sinitic Buddhism during 11-13 centuries
The Gandharan Civilization that flourished in today’s Pakistan and Afghanistan from the 1st to 7th centuries maintained a close relationship with medieval China, in particular played important roles in the transition of Buddhism to China. The interactions and communications between them have been significantly underestimated. By examining the translations of Buddhist sutras, the applications of Buddhist ideas in Political ideology, the introductions of new art themes and styles to China, we might understand better the openness of Chinese civilization in medieval times.
The Sui (581-618 CE) was a relatively short-lived dynasty that successfully reunified China in 589 after four centuries of political fragmentation. The unifier, Emperor Wen 隋文帝 (r. 581-604), sought multiple ways to reinforce the imperial power. One of his earliest initiatives was the construction of a new capital city, Daxingcheng. This magnificent capital, unprecedented in its scale, remained (under the later name Chang’an) the principal seat of government until the start of the tenth century. Notably, from its inception, it was designed to serve as the empire’s spiritual and not just political center. The emperor actively encouraged construction of Buddhist monasteries in the city; by the end of his reign more than one hundred of these have altered Daxingcheng’s cityscape. One of the most consequential policies of Emperor Wen was the relocation of eminent Buddhist monks to Daxingcheng. Thus, upon his arrival in Daxingcheng, Emperor Wen granted lands in the esteemed Guang’en Ward 廣恩坊 to the renowned monk Tanyan 曇延 (516-588). In 587, the emperor summoned six influential monks from the former Northern Qi territories, each followed by a few hundred disciples, to Daxingcheng. Then, in 589, immediately upon the conquest of Sui’s southern rival, Chen 陳 (557-589), Emperor Wen summoned the most distinguished Southern clergy to Daxingcheng. These steps were to make Daxingcheng the unrivalled Buddhist center. In my paper I shall analyze these policies, their underlying rationale, and their impact.
Pa tsob Lo tsa ba (c. 1055-1145?), also known as Pa tsab nyi ma drags, was a prominent Tibetan translator and scholar who played a significant role in the translation and transmission of Indian Buddhist philosophy to Tibetan Plateau. His contribution to the development of Tibetan Buddhism was particularly noteworthy in terms of his adaptation of the Madhyamaka philosophy and its practical application. Not only was he famous for his complete and concise Tibetan translation of the writings of the seventh-century Indian Madhyamaka philosopher Candrakīrti, but also for his seminal commentarial works on Nāgārjuana’s Mūlamadhyamakakārikā, and Candrakīrti’s Prasannapadā. In this presentation, I will focus on a recently unearthed short text attributed to Pa tsob Lo tsa ba, titled “Pa tsob lo tsa pa’s Reply to Zhang sha ra pa’s Questions Regarding the Meaning of Madhyamaka (Pa tshab lo tswa ba la zhang sha ra pas dbu ma’i don dris pa’i lan)”. Through a systematic examination and analysis of the content of the work, I will explore how he developed and promoted a unique approach to the Madhyamaka philosophy and practice. Specifically, I will analyze how he adapted and transformed Madhyamaka programme to suit the Tibetan cultural and religious milieu.
The Aparimitāyur(jñāna)sūtra is a tantric sūtra that describes the dhāraṇī of Aparimitāyurjñānasuviniścitatejorāja Buddha 無量智決定王如來 in the world of Aparimitāguṇasañcayo 無量功德聚 and its virtues and merits. A large number of Sanskrit manuscripts of this sūtra have survived and are preserved in Nepal, Cambridge University Library, Asiatic Society of Bengal, and Tokyo University Library. The newly discovered Sanskrit palm-leaf manuscript written in Proto-Bengali dates earlier than the Nepalese paper manuscripts and differs considerably in content from existing Sanskrit redacted text. This study provides a diplomatic edition of the newly discovered Sanskrit manuscript and compares it with existing Sanskrit-Chinese-Tibetan editions to show its unique philological features.
Musical voice is taken as an important way of Buddhist practice, which is mainly expressed in Saccavacanas and verses of vows. Both were highly valued since Sectarian Buddhist period by various schools including Sarvāstivāda, Dharmaguptaka, Tāmraśāṭīya, Mahīśāsaka, etc. Saccavacans served as protective incantations and also played a role in mission, self-protection and manifestation of mercy, as well as in showing compassion and real supernatural Powers in Buddhist dharma. Different schools treated it with different attitudes and accepted it to varied degrees. In Buddhist canons Saccavacanas have been presented in literary forms like dakṣiṇā, jātaka and prose, and thereupon formed narrative forms like Saccavacana-dakṣiṇā, Saccavacana-jātaka and Saccavacana-prose, which helped in publicizing guṇas of Bodhisattvakṣānti, Vīrya and such. Saccavacanas and verses of vows were later gradually substituted by Abhijñās and tantric mantras since the emergence of Mahāyana Buddhism.
The Mahāvihāra (The Great Monastery) of Anuradhapura was the main Theravāda Buddhist educational establishment of ancient Sri Lanka. It had also served as the international centre of Theravāda Buddhism for over fifteen centuries during the Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa kingdoms of Sri Lanka’s political history. While following its unique hermeneutical tradition, it mainly interpreted the Buddha’s teachings of the Pāli Tipiṭaka, relating them to the changing social and religious contexts of the Indian subcontinent, producing an enormous number of scriptural texts of its own in varying literary forms such as chronicles, commentaries, sub-commentaries, and manuals. As a result, in this ancient world, the Mahāvihāra acclaimed an international reputation, attracting foreign students and scholars, particularly from the Asian lands of South Asia, Southeast Asia, and East Asia. Even though there are numerous research works on the subject of the Mahāvihāra, particularly on its sectarianism, monastic reformations, relationship with other countries, its spread in South India, and the disputes between Sinhala and South Indian bhikkhūs (Paranavitana 1944, Gunawardana 1968, Kieffer-Pülz 2016-2017), yet there is much academic vacuum left to be filled in with new research. One such unexplored area is the Mahāvihāra’s international academic network. In this connection, the Vimativinodanīṭīkā (The Sub-commentary—The Dispeller of Doubts) stands out as a crucial source to establish the Mahāvihāra’s academic network with South India and Burma (Myanmar) during the Polonnaruwa period. The Vimativinodanīṭīkā is the third sub-commentary on the Samantapāsādikā, the Vinaya Commentary, composed during the Polonnaruwa period. Having two other sub-commentaries on the same commentary prior to its compilation also confirms the cruciality of this third sub-commentary for further exploration. The present study is based on this third sub-commentary, and it aims to explore some aspects of the international academic network that the Mahāvihāra had with South India and Burma during the Polonnaruwa era. It discusses how the Mahāvihāra’s scholastic activities expanded to the other lands and how, in that process, its texts served as crucial portable objects in building international relations.
阿努拉達普拉（Anuradhapura）的大寺是古代斯里蘭卡上座部佛教的主要教育機構。在斯里蘭卡歷史上的阿努拉達普拉和波隆納魯瓦（Polonnaruwa）王國時期，大寺在超過十五個世紀的時間裡也是上座部佛教的國際中心。大寺遵循其獨特的詮釋傳統，主要詮釋巴利文藏經中的佛教教義，並將佛教教義與印度次大陸變化的社會宗教環境相關聯，生成了不同文學形式的大量經典，例如編年史、論、論疏、指南等。因而，在古代世界中，大寺享有國際聲譽，吸引了國外的留學生和學者前來，尤其是來自南亞、東南亞和東亞。儘管有大量關於大寺的研究，尤其是關於大寺的派系、僧制改革、與其他國家的關係、在印度南部的傳播、僧伽羅比丘與南印度比丘的紛爭（Paranavitana 1944, Gunawardana 1968, Kieffer-Pülz 2016-2017），但仍然有許多學術空白以待新的研究。其中一個未被探討的領域就是大寺的國際學術網絡。關於這一點，《除疑疏（Vimativinodanīṭīkā）》（對The Dispeller of Doubts的再註釋）是建立波隆納魯瓦時期大寺與南印度和緬甸學術網絡的重要資料來源。《除疑疏（Vimativinodanīṭīkā）》是對律論《善見律毗婆沙（Samantapāsādikā）》的第三部再註釋，著於波隆納魯瓦時期。在它之前還有兩部關於此律論的再註釋，也證明了對於這第三部再註釋進行探討的重要性。本文即基於這部再註釋，旨在探究大寺在波隆納魯瓦時期與南印度和緬甸國際學術網絡的一些方面，討論了大寺學術活動如何擴展到其他國家以及在此過程中大寺的文本如何在建立國際聯繫中作為重要的便攜物品發揮作用。
The kalaviṅka (C. jialingpinjia 迦陵頻伽) is a bird native to the snowy mountains of the Himalayas. Despite the mythical bird’s frequent appearances in Buddhist sūtras, the scriptures do not describe its physical appearance. However, from the mid-7th century onward, the kalaviṅka started to appear as a human-headed bird in Chinese art, as seen in cave-temple murals, on śarira (sheli 舍利) reliquaries, and in tomb decorations. In particular, the kalaviṅka became an iconographic staple in the Amitâbha Pure Land “Transformation Tableaux” (bianxiang 變相) that visually translates and imagines the paradisiacal landscape of Sukhāvatī. This paper first traces the scriptural and iconographic sources of the kalaviṅka to study the changing images and roles of the Buddhist bird as it traveled across Asia. I examine the kalaviṅka motif’s connections to both its Indian and Central Asian Buddhist precedents—the hybrid heavenly musician kiṃnara 緊那羅—and to the indigenous Chinese “Man-Bird” (renniao 人鳥). More importantly, I study the soteriological role of the kalaviṅka during the Tang dynasty (618-907 CE) through these multi-directional iconographic connections. I suggest that by assuming the form of a human-headed bird, the kalaviṅka took on the hybrid bird’s symbolic associations with death, regeneration, and afterlife journey in Chinese cultural and religious imagination. In this way, the Buddhist bird was transformed into an important auditory and visual cue in guiding the devotees to be reborn in the Western paradise at the liminal moment of death. Hence, the kalaviṅka serves as an exemplary case study of the “Glocalization” of Buddhism, as the Buddhist bird of Indian and Central Asian origins took on new visual forms and soteriological meanings in the Chinese artistic and religious landscape.
在佛教傳統中，迦陵頻伽是一種神聖的鳥，其動聽的聲音在佛經中常被用作佛法微妙聲的比喻，但是經文並沒有描述迦陵頻伽的形象。然而，從7世紀中葉開始，迦陵頻伽在中國藝術中呈現出半人半鳥的形態，首先在淨土變相中頻頻出現。到八世紀初，迦陵頻伽的圖像傳播到了舍利莊嚴和墓葬藝術中。此文在先行學術研究的基礎上，首先考察了迦陵頻伽在印度的半人半鳥原型，緊那羅。本文的第二部分著重於迦陵頻伽在中國的形象和角色轉變。迦陵頻伽鳥在唐朝的普及與凈土信仰的興起密不可分。更重要的是，迦陵頻伽的 “人鳥 “形象至少可以追溯到公元前2世紀的中國墓葬藝術，與死亡、再生、升天和長生不老等本土宗教信仰有重要的聯繫。在中世紀中國，迦陵頻伽成為了臨終的使者，承諾死者重生於蛻變。作為佛教本土化的典例，迦陵頻伽是這隻神秘的佛教聖鳥在中國的文化和宗教環境下孕育出了新的形式和意義。
Four sorts of dreams (namely dhātukkhobhato, anubhūtapubbato, devatopasaṃhārato, pubbanimittato) are recorded in the Samantapāsādikā, a Pāli Vinaya commentary, whose author is ascribed to Buddhaghosa. In the Shanjianlü piposha, a parallel Chinese version of the Samantapāsādikā, the translation of these four sorts of dreams does not closely corresponds to the Pāli sources. Furthermore, the interpretation of these dreams in the Shanjianlü piposha was carried on by later Vinaya school masters during Tang and Song dynasties, such as Daoshi, Dajue and Yuanzhao. They all re-examined this interpretation of dreams based on Mahāyānic Buddhist scriptures, which fully reveals the transformation and variation of a Theravādin concept in the context of Chinese Buddhism.
The changes in the reincarnation system of the Kagyu sect of living Buddha after the Qing Dynasty issued the Golden Vase Lottery have always been of little concern to scholars. The article starts from the collection of manuscript in Pelpung Temple, references relevant archives, biographies, and works, and sequentially restores the reincarnation system of the living Buddha of the sect after the promulgation of the “Golden Vase Lottery” system in the middle and late Qing Dynasty. However, the author holds reservations about whether this system can be called “customized”.
The texts unearthed in Turpan contain a large number of Buddhist classics and historical materials of Buddhist social life. In recent years, with the advancement of Buddhist history research, the value and significance of historical materials of Buddhist social life in Turpan texts have been continuously highlighted. This paper holds that it is a systematic work to sort out the historical materials of Buddhist social life in Turpan texts. It should follow the research methodology of Buddhist conceptual history and social history and divide it into six categories.This work has the value of religion, historical philology and linguistic philology. The collation of historical materials can not only promote the micro-research of regional Buddhist history and individual life history, but also promote the macro-research of Chinese and foreign civilization exchange history, Chinese national history and religious data digitization.
The publication of Shishi Liutie is closely related to Yichu’s origin. In addition, there are the social ideological trend of the confluence of the three religions(Confucious, Taoist, and Buddist), the text form of Liutie created by Bai Jvyi includes the three religions, the Shizong of post-Zhou Dynasty’s policy of regulating Buddhism, a large number of classics formed in the development of Buddhism, the embarrassing situation that it is difficult for Buddhists to get started, the literati outside the religion those who do not understand the meaning of the scriptures spread the truth with falseness, taking the form of Shishi Liutie. Then the book was reprinted several times over a long period. Emperor Shizong in the Late Zhou Dynasty’s policy of standardizing Buddhism, changes in the Tang-Song transformation, the rise of printing, the compilation of daily Leishu, and so on all shaped the history of Shishi Liutie. The book is circulated in East Asia and recognized by those in power. Its style and content have also been inherited and included in later Buddhist Leishu and other books. In the process, Buddhism took root in China.
When discussing the Sinicization of Buddhism, the Chinese translation of Buddhist scriptures is an extremely important stage. The translation of Chinese Buddhist scriptures is from the initial “oral interpretation” to “oral statement and written acceptance”, and finally formally consists of “Yizhu”, “Duyu”, “Zhenyi”, “Bishou”, and “Jiaokan” etc. It can be said that the Sinicization of Buddhism first occurred in the “translation workshop” of Buddhist scriptures translation. In the “translation workshop”, it is relatively a question of the source of the translation, and the academic circles discuss whether there is a situation of “no distinction between Huwen and Sanskrit. On the other hand,yizhu in the translation workshop presides over and recites the translated text, from the initial Chinese language of “Duyu” to the thorough expression of Chinese characteristics in “Bishou”. In this way, Buddhism has formed from the carrier of thought Sinicization. There are phenomena such as “selection of text and quality” and “Geyi Buddhism”, which are the field of hermeneutics in essence. The purpose is to form the expression system of Chinese itself, and the most important role of translation is to convey the essence of Buddha’s thought Inherited in the form of Chinese language, this is where it came from. From a perspective, the Sinicization of Buddhism is also inevitable. It was through the translation of Buddhist classics in the Han, Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties and the Sui and Tang Dynasties that the center of gravity of Buddhism was carried out to China.
The translation and propagation of Prajñāpāramitā literature promoted the integration of Chinese Buddhist thoughts and Wei-Jin 魏晉 Xuanxue 玄學. However, the earliest Chinese translation of the Prajñāpāramitā literature, known as the Daoxing Jing 道行經, predates the era of Xuanxue. This means that during the early development of Chinese Buddhism, the Prajñāpāramitā literature was chosen for dialogue with the intellectual elites of Chinese society, thereby influencing the direction of Buddhist thought in China during the West and East Jin dynasties. This article selects early translations of key concepts such as tathatā, dharmatā, dharmadhātu, bhūtakoṭi, asvabhāva, dharmakāya, and examines how these concepts were understood and utilized by monks during the West and East Jin dynasties. This demonstrates the influence of early Chinese translations of the Prajñāpāramitā literature on the modes of Buddhist thinking during this period.