Thus Have I Heard – Abstracts – Glorisun Global Network

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Christoph ANDERL 安東平 (GhentU 比利時根特大學): “Have I thus really heard?”: A study of Vernacularized Life Stories of the Buddha Preserved in Dunhuang Manuscripts – With an Emphasis on Non-canonical Elements and Inconsistencies in the Narrative Structure | “當真我聞如是？”：敦煌文書中方言化的佛傳故事研究——以藏外元素和敘事結構的矛盾處為重點

Among the semi-vernacular Dunhuang manuscripts discovered at Dunhuang, there is a significant number of texts narrating episodes in the life of the Buddha, many of them extant in fragmentary form. While some loosely follow the story lines of canonical biographies of the Buddha, others significantly divert in terms of content and sequence of events, altering the timeline of the main episodes of Buddha’s life and/or introducing new elements, such as highlighting the role and significance of his wife in Śākyamuni’s quest for salvation. In this lecture I will focus on these “abnormalities” which occasionally lead to serious distortions in the narrative structure, as well as reflect on the motivations behind the introduction of this type of innovative elements.

在敦煌發現的半方言化敦煌文書中，有相當多的是佛傳故事的文獻，其中又有很多為殘本。有一些與陀佛陀生平大智相符，而其他的則在內容和事件順序上明顯不同，改變了主要事件的先後順序，或者添加了新的元素。例如突出變現妻子在釋迦牟尼追求解脫過程中的角色和意義。本次講座關注的這類“變異”，時或導致敘事結構造的重大改動，並且反映出添加新元素的動機。
Stefan BAUMS (LMU Munich 德國慕尼黑大學): Praise as Narrative: Representations of the Buddha in Gāndhārī Stotras and Epithets | 敘事式讚頌：犍陀羅歌讃和修飾語所展現的佛陀

The Buddhist culture of ancient Gandhāra (modern northern Pakistan and eastern Afghanistan) has preserved for us numerous narratives of the Buddha and of Buddhist ideals. Gandhāra is best known for its rich architectural and artistic heritage, including narrative panels from stūpas recounting events from the Buddha’s life, and statues in stone and clay representing the Buddha in idealized human form. In recent years, this material heritage has been augmented by the discovery of close to two hundred birch-bark manuscripts in the Kharoṣṭhī script and Gāndhārī language that are being intensively studied and gradually published. They preserve for us a well-rounded sample of Gandhāran Buddhist literature from the first century BCE up to the third or fourth century CE. Among them are Buddhist narratives, both sparse prose sketches and elaborate metrical compositions, as well as at least two accounts of episodes from the Buddha’s life in prose and verse. This paper will briefly introduce these narrative genres, and then focus on a special kind of narrative – praises of the Buddha’s person and accomplishments. Among the earliest Gāndhārī manuscript finds are two containing an assortment of hymns of praise (stotra; British Library fragment 5C and Bajaur Collection fragment 8) and one containing a prose text praising the Buddha (Bajaur Collection fragment 10). The later Gāndhārī tradition at Bamiyan has preserved a unique text consisting of short phrases in which the Buddha enumerates his major deeds in the first person. To these can be added numerous epithets descriptive of the Buddha’s attainments both in manuscript texts and in inscriptions (such as that of King Senavarma). This paper will provide a collation and analysis of these early Gandhāran expressions of praise, and paint a comprehensive picture of the Buddha, of his deeds, and of his spiritual attainments as it emerges from these sources.

古代犍陀羅（今巴基斯坦北部和阿富汗東部）的佛教文化為我們保存了眾多的佛陀和佛教聖賢的敘述。犍陀羅之盛名來自豐富的建築和藝術遺產，包括卒塔婆上述說佛陀故事的嵌板，還有展示相好莊嚴的佛陀陶土及石造像。近年來，這些物質遺產得以大大豐富；近兩百件犍陀羅語、佉盧文樺樹皮寫卷被發現，並得到深入研究及漸次出版。這就提供了公元一至三、四世紀犍陀羅佛教文學的全方位樣本。其中的佛教故事既包含片段式的長行概略，也有精美的韻體作品，以及至少兩則敘述佛陀生平片段的長行和偈頌。本文簡要介紹這些敘事體裁後，集中探討一種特殊的敘事——對佛陀其人及其成就的讚頌。在最早發現的期犍陀羅寫卷中，有兩部讚頌雜集（Stotra；大英圖書館殘片5C和巴札爾蒐集品殘片8），以及一部包含讚頌佛陀的長行（巴札爾蒐集品殘片10）。巴米揚地區的較晚期犍陀羅佛教傳統，保存了一部獨特的文本，語辭簡短，內容是佛陀用第一人稱列述自己的主要事蹟。此外，寫卷和銘文中還出現數量巨大的修飾語，用以描述佛陀的各種成就。本文校勘並分析這些早期犍陀羅頌讚，並根據這些材料描繪佛陀、佛之事蹟和成就的全貌。
Rostislav BEREZKIN 白若思 (FudanU 復旦): Miracle Stories in the Formation of Precious Scrolls Narratives: With an Example of the Subject of the Miaoying Baojuan 妙英寶卷 | 靈驗故事與寳卷敘事的形成：以《妙英寶卷》的題材爲例

The Precious Scroll of Miaoying (Miaoying Baojuan 妙英寶卷) is still often used in several traditions of ritualized storytelling in southern Jiangsu, mainly areas around Suzhou. This text represents a narrative of female self-cultivation, which is related to the worship of the so-called White-Robed Guanyin, a popular female form of this Buddhist deity in late imperial China. The earliest extant recension of this text dates back to the beginning of the nineteenth century, but its subject can be traced to the earlier period. Despite the prominent place of the Precious Scroll of Miaoying in modern storytelling traditions using texts of precious scrolls (scroll recitation) in Jiangsu, there are no detailed studies of this text, including the origins of its subject, thus far. I have traced the core story in this text to the stories of miracles preserved in the form of written vernacular novels of the fifteenth-seventeenth centuries. These materials demonstrate the importance of Buddhist miracle tales in the formation of popular narrative precious scrolls in the late imperial period, as well as connections between baojuan and vernacular novel. The author has used written sources and materials obtained during fieldwork in Suzhou and adjacent areas.

《妙英寶卷》是江蘇南部（所謂吳方言地區）傳統寶卷講唱活動中常用的文本，但目前未見過有關其來源的研究。該寳卷講述觀音菩薩轉世—— 一位虔誠小女妙英的故事，屬於典型女性修行成道題材的寶卷種類。其與白衣觀音信仰有密切關係，并且具有相當高文學價值。雖然該寶卷現存最早的版本只有19世紀初的抄本，相對其他這種作品來說比較晚，其故事題材可以追溯到更早的時代。本文探討《妙英寶卷》與15至17世紀話本小説的關係，以便説明其與明代佛教靈驗傳説故事以及白話小説的關聯，證明晚期寶卷也使用佛教文學題材。
CAI Tiantian 蔡田田 (University of Wisconsin–Madison 美國威斯康辛大學麥迪遜分校): A Survey of the Meaning of prapañca in the Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra

In Yogācāra epistemology, the notion of prapañca refers to various dimensions of the conceptual process, in aspects ranging from consciousness, language formation, discrimination, the conceptualization of subject-object duality, mental defilement, and ignorance. Given that the Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra conveys the richness of early tenets for both the Yogācāra and Madhyamaka tradition, an investigation of the meaning and discourse context of prapañca is a necessity. This paper conducts a contextual examination of prapañca, primarily addressing 1) a range of meanings; 2) possible characteristics; 3) conditions and consequences, especially the associations with the conceptualization (vikalpa) process; 4) the significance of the elimination that the corresponding dialogue implies. This paper finds that prapañca tends to be a factor giving rise to dualistic conceptualization and the evolution of consciousness. It shows some qualities of a beginningless conceptual format of saṃsāric conditioned negativity and is related to language formation. Considered the root of suffering, the elimination of prapañca is a prerequisite for reaching enlightenment and achieving the state of Buddhahood.
CHEN Yingjin 陳映錦 (Beijing Language and Culture U 北京語言大學): 佛教創世神話文本的成立 ——基於敘事脈絡與線索的考察 | The Development of the Creation Myth of Buddhism in the Sectarian Buddhist Texts

記載於經、律、論三藏的佛教創世神話向我們展示了世間形成與人類產生的最初場景。其故事內容可以分為三個基本敘事單元：災劫往復與世間形成、眾生墮落與世間統治秩序的建立、種姓緣起與釋迦族王譜。諸部阿含經對情節的選擇和敘事的詳略均有差異。筆者通過對阿含經文本敘事結構、內容的對比，結合該神話產生的敘事語境，以為該神話是以婆羅門身份出家的比丘為說法對象展開，以戒律為敘事線索組織。從文本成立角度來看，與說法目的無關，卻詳說“宇宙論”部分的《長阿含·世紀經》“世本緣品”與《增一阿含經》“七日品”為晚起的“拼湊底本”，且二者屬於同一文本系統；《中阿含·婆羅婆堂經》與巴利《長部》Aggañña Sutta有相似的定型文句和細節描述，應該是分享了相近的文本，其中《婆羅婆堂經》可能更加古老；別立五種姓的《長阿含·小緣經》與諸本細節上的差別，顯示了其另屬於獨立的傳承體系。

The creation myth of Buddhism tells the story that when the world was robbed, all beings rose to the gods of the bright sound heaven. However, all beings gradually lose their feet and light due to constant greed, and then separate men and women, resulting in disputes and clear sins. The creation myth has been translated and transcribed so much in the Buddhist scriptures that we can analyze its “common text” and study the narrative motivation of the Buddha himself or the editor of the classic based on the analysis results. As this myth has been repeatedly mentioned in the classics of different sects, the author thinks that it can basically be regarded as a common legend formed before the fundamental division of the Buddhist Saṃgha, representing the world outlook and social outlook of Buddha and his direct disciples. According to the interception of plot elements by different sects, it shows the text creation consciousness of classic editors of sects. At the same time, through the comparison of its text details, the influence of the split of sects on the formation of classic texts is analyzed.
Max DEEG 寧梵夫 (CardiffU 英國卡迪夫大學): “Once upon a Time” – So What? The Importance of Place in Buddhist Narratives | “一時”——然後呢？地點在佛教敘事中的重要性

This paper deals with the aspect of place (space) in Buddhist narratives. Starting from the observation that narrated time is often vaguely indicated in Buddhist narratives, but places and sites of the narrated events are quite specific – although frequently introduced in a stereotypical way (“Once the Buddha dwelled in Śrāvastī …” “Once when Brahmadatta was king in Vārāṇasī …”) – the question is asked why place is so important for and in Buddhist narratives. Based on selected examples, the argument is made that it is the “blueprint” of “early” Buddhist biographical sources with the Buddha acting / preaching at specific places which made these places accessible spaces where merit could be gained through “contact” with soteriologically important events in the past.

本文探討佛教敘事中的地點（空間）。筆者首先指出，在佛教敘事中，給出的時間信息通常是模糊，但事件的發生地點和場所則相當具體——當然，時間地點的指明方式常常如出一致，如“一時佛陀在舍衛城”，“一時梵摩達哆為婆罗痆斯王”。而我們要問的問題是，為什麼在佛教敘事中，以及對於佛教敘事，地點信息如此重要？選擇性的考察一些案例，得出的結論是，早期佛傳資料中佛陀在某些地點活動/佈道成為一種“原型”，使這些地點成為容易利用的空間，由此“接觸”過去重要度生事件，從而讓人獲得功德。
HE Yansheng 何燕生 (Koriyama Women’s U 郡山女子大學/KyotoU 京都大學): 柳田聖山禪學敘事中的臨濟、良寬和一休 | Linji 臨濟 (?-867), Ryōkan 良寬 (1758-1831) and Ikkyū 一休 (1394–1481) in the Chan Narratives by Yanagida Seisan

柳田聖山在禪宗研究中的最大特色之一，即是試圖利用近代歷史學、文獻學的方法對早期禪文獻進行批判性的研究。然而，柳田的研究領域，並不僅限於禪宗文獻，對於禪宗人物也頗為著力，尤其對臨濟義玄、一休和良寬等禪僧的研究，似乎「情有獨鍾」，出版了許多著述。柳田對臨濟義玄充滿著想象，並且將其人格進行理想化，甚至視為偶像式的存在。柳田聖對一休的《狂雲集》進行研究，贊賞一休的「瘋狂」性格。對於良寬，柳田尤其酷愛良寬的漢詩。柳田本人一生酷愛漢詩，生前曾任日本漢詩協會會長，以詩人的身份，曾多次率團訪問中國。而且為了紀念日本詩僧良寬詩作《峨眉山下橋杭》，經柳田的倡導，在日本漢詩協會和中國有關單位的協助下，於1990年秋，在四川省峨眉山馮崗建立了「日本良寬禪師詩碑」。柳田的筆下的臨濟、一休和良寬，似乎構成了柳田版禪學敘事的一種符號——禪思想的「原型」。本文將對這些事跡進行考察，具體闡明柳田禪學敘事中禪僧的形象及其意義。

One of the most distinctive features of Yanagida Seizan’s Chan/ Zen studies is his attempt to critically examine early Chan literature using modern historical and bibliographical methods. However, Yanagida’s field of study was not limited to Zen literature, but also to Chan/Zen personalities, and he seems to have been “obsessed” with the study of Chan/Zen monks such as Linji Yixuan, Ikkyū, and Ryōkan, publishing many works. Yanagida imagined Rinzai Yixuan and idealized his personality, even as an icon. Yanagida studied Ikkyū’s Kyōunshū 狂雲集 and appreciated Ikkyū’s “crazy” character. Yanagida himself had a lifelong love of Chinese poetry, and during his lifetime he was the president of the Japanese Association of Chinese Poets, and in his capacity as a poet, he led several delegations to China. In addition, in memory of the Japanese poet monk Ryōkan’s poem “The Bridge under the Emei Mountain”, in the autumn of 1990, with the assistance of the Japanese Chinese Poetry Association and relevant units in China, Yanagida took the initiative of having a monument built in Fenggang, Emei Mountain, Sichuan Province to memorialize the Zen master Ryōkan. This paper will examine these deeds to clarify specifically the image of Zen monks and their significance in Yanagida’s Chan/Zen narrative.
HO Chiew-Hui 何秋輝 (USydney 澳大利亞悉尼大學): Afterlife Abodes in the Lotus Sutra Tradition: Parasutraic Narratives and the Formation of Cultic Repertoire | 法華經傳統的來世處：副佛經敘事與信仰體系里的要素形成

Until recently, the study of parasutraic literature in forming and sustaining the system of religious veneration and devotion directed toward the sutra has not received the attention it deserved. Within this genre of literature, parasutraic narratives have been employed to not only extol a particular sutra but also shape believers’ conception of the sutra in contradistinction to other scriptures in its message, powers, benefits, as well as how it should be treated. By examining narratives of the Lotus Sutra of the Tang period, especially those related to afterlife abodes, this paper argues that the Lotus Sutra cult is not only informed by factors within the scripture but also shaped by other factors, such as the legacy of its proponents—its believers, translators, and exegetes. The cultic repertoire of the Lotus Sutra, constituted by a collection of core elements fashioned through the complex intersection of these factors, which distinguishes the cult provides a fertile ground for discussing the broader nexus of issues regarding similar formations and their implications for our understanding of medieval Chinese Buddhism.

至今，副經文學的研究，針對佛經的宗教敬仰虔誠的系統，是如何形成與維持的，還沒得到應有的重視。在這種文學的體裁，副經敘事形式不僅被運用到讚仰特定的經典，還能夠塑造信徒對佛經的理解，並和其它經典對比而凸顯出自身特有的教義和功能、信仰它能得到的利益，以及如何信奉該經。透過研究唐代法華經的敘事，特別是那些有關來生處的故事，本文認為法華經的信仰不只是由經典裡的因素所形成，更被其他條件所塑就，例如它的擁護者的影響力。法華經信仰的核心元素，宛如一系列特定的表演項目，可被視作為是通過這些變量條件複雜交集構成的一種「劇目」。此了解可為討論類似信仰體系形成的更廣泛問題，及其對我們理解中古漢傳佛教的影響提供更合宜的立論基礎。
JIN Son/Ven. Jeongwan sunim (DonggukU 韓國東國大學): The Narrative of a Buddhist Statue from Water | 一則出水佛像的故事

The narrative of a Buddhist statue discovered from water, found in Korea and Japan, frequently appears in the classical Chinese texts related to Buddhism. This paper focuses on a common theme found in Buddhist literary tradition where the statue of the Buddha ‘washes ashore’ or ’emerges from the waters,’ and how the introduction of Buddhism in East Asia necessitated the transmission and acculturation of similar Buddhist narratives in the Region. Buddhist narrative of Korea and Japan have close ties with the Chinese Buddhist texts which makes the study of their origins and transmission all the more meaningful for the propagation and exchange of East Asian Buddhist culture. Uncovering the origins and development of such narrative allows deeper understanding of how the narrative was received and altered in each region.

The tale of Shi Hui Yuan 釋慧遠 and Shi Huida 釋慧達 from Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳 [The Biographies of Eminent Monks] is believed to be the source material for similar narratives to follow, that are found not only in China but in Korea and Japan as well. The appearance of Aśoka statues in the story demonstrates close linkage between King Aśoka’s origin story and the theme of ‘Buddha statue emerging from the waters’ found in subsequent tales such as Fayuan zhulin 法苑珠林, or Ji Shenzhou sanbao gantong lu 集神州三寶感通錄. And most importantly, the characterization of King Aśoka as the embodiment of Buddhist ideals in India, the birthplace of Buddhism, has lead its East Asian counterparts to identify him as ‘the beginning.’ And this is not to be interpreted as a beginning in historical Sense, but as the beginning of an ideology, as defined by Buddhism when it was first introduced as a foreign Religion.

流傳於朝鮮和日本的出水佛像的故事，通常出現於古典漢文的佛教文獻。本文關注佛教文獻傳統中的一個常見主題，即佛像“被沖到岸邊”或“從水中出現”，以及佛教在東亞的傳入如何使該地區類似的佛教敘事的傳播和同化成為必要。朝鮮和日本的佛教敘事與中國佛教文本關係密切，使得對於其起源和傳播的研究，對於東亞佛教文化的傳播和交流更有意義。對這些故事的起源和發展的發掘，可以引發對於該故事如何在各個地區被接受和改動的更深刻的了解。

《高僧傳》中釋慧遠和釋慧達的故事據信是之後不僅出現於中國，還有朝鮮和日本的類似故事的來源資料。故事中阿育王造像的出現顯示出阿育王本源故事和在後世諸如《法苑珠林》《集神州三寶感通錄》中“出水佛像”故事之關聯。最重要的是，阿育王作為佛教誕生地印度的佛教理想的化身的定性，導致東亞諸地將其看作是“起始”。此非歷史意義上的“起始”，而是一種意識形態的“起始”，為佛教作為域外宗教入華之初所確定。
KISHINO Ryoji 岸野良治 (Kyoto Pharmaceutical University 京都薬科大学): The Narrative Story about the One Who Became a Poisonous Snake preserved in the Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya and the Avadānaśataka |《根本說一切有部律》和《撰集百緣經》所見人變毒蛇的故事

The vinaya, the name of both a genre of Buddhist canonical texts and specific texts, primarily contains the rules governing Buddhist monastic life. Vinaya texts are, therefore, often referred to as “monastic law codes” by modern scholars. However, some vinaya texts include not only monastic rules but also narrative stories. Some stories outline how and why the Buddha established the rules, while others, although relating to Buddhist teachings, have little to do with the rules. These narrative stories frequently parallel ones preserved in other genres of Buddhist literature, such as the āgama and avadāna. Vinaya texts are, therefore, often used as an informative resource for understanding not only Buddhist monasticism but also Buddhist narrative literature in early India. The Nidāna and Muktaka of the Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya, both of which are fully preserved in Yijing’s 義浄 (635–713) Chinese translation (Chin. Nituona 尼陀那; Mudejia 目得迦) and a Tibetan translation (Tib. Gleng gzhi; rKyang pa or Sil bu) but little, if at all, in Sanskrit, have received scant attention from scholars who study Buddhist narrative literature. This is despite both texts undoubtedly being canonical vinaya texts and preserving several narrative stories. In this presentation, I focus on the beginning of the Muktaka, which contains a series of narrative stories about quarrels between a young monk and an old monk, the latter of whom becomes so furious that he is reborn as a poisonous snake. I note that these stories include several well-known clichés found in the Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya and the Divyavdāna/Avadāna-śataka, and a partial parallel to the 51^st story of the Avadānaśataka (“Kṛṣṇa-sarpa”), and then discuss the relationship between the Muktaka’s snake story and “Kṛṣṇa-sarpa” in order to elucidate the significance of the Muktaka for research on Buddhist narrative literature.

毗奈耶既指一類佛教典籍，也指具體文本，主要包含規範僧眾生活的規則。因此，現代學者常常將之成為“僧院法典”。然而，有些律典中不僅有寺院規範，而且有故事。一些故事介紹佛陀如何以及為何制定這些規則，而另一些故事雖然與佛教教義有關，但與僧律關係不大。這些故事經常與其他佛教文獻中保存的故事相平行，如《阿含經》和《譬喻經》。因此，對於佛教僧團生活和早期印度佛教敘事文學來說，毗奈耶是信息量很大的資料。《根本說一切有部律》中的《尼陀那》《目得迦》都完整地被義淨（635-713）所傳譯，並有藏譯本可資用(Gleng gzhi; rKyang pa or Sil bu)，但是其梵文本則鮮有學者關注。儘管如此，這兩部文獻毫無疑問都是經典的戒律文本，並保留了一些敘事性的故事。我將重點考察《目得迦》的開頭部分，有一系列故事講述一少僧人和一老僧的爭吵，老僧憤怒非常，以至於轉生為毒蛇。我注意到，這些故事運用了《根本說一切有部律》和《撰集百緣經》中幾個常見套路，其中一部分與《撰集百緣經》第51個故事（”賢面慳貪受毒蛇身緣”）的部分相平行。隨後，我將討論目得迦的蛇故事和”賢面慳貪受毒蛇身緣”之間的關係，以說明目得迦對佛教敘事文學研究的意義。
Nelson LANDRY 藍山 (Oxford): Monastics and the Medieval Chinese Buddhist Mythos: A Study of Narrative Elements in Daoxuan’s Ji Shenzhou Sanbao Gantong Lu (Collected Record of Miracles Relating to the Three Jewels in China) | 關於僧人與中古中國的佛教敘事：以道宣著“集神州三寶感通錄”的敘事方面為例

Miracle tales are didactic stories related to Buddhist figures and objects that describe miraculous occurrences brought about by acts of great piety and fervent devotion. They present the audience with concrete examples of the workings of karma, while simultaneously setting verifiable historical precedents in a bid to prove the religious efficacy of Buddhism in China. These were also historiographical works, providing a wealth of details regarding not only religious life and belief in China, but also local lore, politics, architectural trends, and much more.

This paper will focus on a text called the Ji shenzhou sanbao gantong lu 集神州三寶感通錄 (Collected Record of Miracles Relating to the Three Jewels in China; T2106), a collection of miracle tales compiled by the seventh century scholar monk Daoxuan 道宣 (596-664). This text is a collection of narratives drawn from literary and epigraphy sources, as well as orally transmitted stories, all of which were meant to affirm the power and efficacy of Buddhist individuals, cult objects, and sacred sites in China. Buddhists from India and Central Asia originally came to China during the first and second centuries of our common era. By the seventh century, this foreign religion had taken root in the East and Daoxuan was one of the most important architects of a growing Sinitic Buddhist narrative. Indeed, as a Buddhist figurehead and as the author of many seminal historiographical works, he played a central role in the overall localization—and crystallization—of this tradition in China. Bearing this in mind, this paper seeks to interpret the “collective images” presented in Daoxuan’s collection of miracle tales, those representations of the miraculous and the supernormal. When put together, these images make up a nexus of representations that can be analyzed and interpreted as historical patterns and trends to allow insight into the lived reality of the monk that compiled them as well as, more broadly, the medieval Chinese themselves.

感應故事既是與佛教人物和物體有關的說教故事，描述了由虔誠的奉獻所帶來的奇蹟事件。感應故事不僅提供了有關中國宗教生活和信仰的豐富細節，還提供了當地傳說、政治、建築趨勢等等。

本文將重點介紹道宣（596-664）所編的神感應事集《集神州三寶感通錄》。印度佛教很早就入進中國，及至唐代，這種外來宗教已經在東方紮根。當時道宣是中國佛教敘事最重要作者之一。事實上，作為許多開創性歷史著作的作者，他在中國這一傳統的整體本土化發揮了核心作用。本文試圖解讀道宣感應故事集中呈現的“集體形象（collective images）”，即對感應和瑞祥。該文中的形象構成了一個表徵的聯繫，可以分析為歷史模式和趨勢，從而可以洞察編譯它們僧侶的生活現實。
LI Can 李燦 (Beijing Foreign Studies U 北京外國語大學): 陳述還是神通力？: 首楞嚴三昧作為創造佛教故事大乘敘事的工具 | Statement or Supernaturalism?: Śūraṇgamasamādhi as a Tool for Creating Mahāyāna Narratives of Buddhist Stories

本文首先基於《首楞嚴三昧經》文本對首楞嚴三昧這一大乘佛教重要概念提出新的解釋，在此基礎上指出,《首楞嚴三昧經》通過提出「首楞嚴三昧」這一新工具構建起關於佛陀行為的新敘事，以緩解佛傳中的世俗行為與超世間形象之間的巨大張力。從而使得首楞嚴三昧成為大乘佛典重新解釋佛陀行為、創造大乘佛陀新敘事的重要媒介與工具。

This paper first proposes a new interpretation of Śūraṇgama-samādhi, an important concept of Early Mahāyana Buddhism, based on Śūraṇgamasamādhi Sūtra. And It is then argued that the present sūtra constructs a new narrative of the Buddha’s Deeds by introducing the tool of Śūraṇgamasamādhi to alleviate the great tension between the Buddha’s supramundane image and his worldly actions his biography, which makes Śūraṇgamasamādhi an important medium for Mahāyāna sūtras to reinterpret Buddha’s behaviors and create new narratives of the Divine Buddhas.
LI Wei 李薇 (SuzhouU 蘇州大學): 动机・行为・结果：律藏四波罗夷法的判罪逻辑 | The Logic of Conviction in Vinayapiṭaka

一般认为律藏中世尊判罪的标准为动机主义。以杀人为例，在比丘没有杀心的过失杀人情况下，比丘不犯杀人根本罪，这是依据动机——有无杀心来判定。但是这一标准并不适用于所有的事例，而且律藏不同，其判罪原理也不相同。而且律藏以条文（sikkhāpada）为中心，条文解释（padabhājana）及vinītaka中又延伸出更加复杂的判罪逻辑。本文计划考察六部律藏的四波罗夷法中的判罪记述，归纳出各个部分的特征，及其中体现的判定原理。

The motive is the basic standard while convicting by Buddha in the Vinaya. For example, if a Buddhist monk was guilty of manslaughter, it will not be judged as a crime in Vinaya. The standard of conviction is the motive of homicide. However, this rule is not universal for all cases. There are different conviction principles in different Vinaya. The principle of conviction in Vinaya is actually more complicated. This paper will first investigate the cases recorded in the vinītaka of six Vinayapitakas and generalize the rule of conviction. Secondly this study focuses on the origin of the vinītaka in Vinaya, which is one of the critical issues of the Suttavibhaṅga in Vinaya.
LI Wei 李巍 (He’nanU 河南大學): 由虛向實：六朝小說改寫佛教譬喻故事的歷史維度 | From the Imaginary to the Real: The Historical Aspects of Rewriting Buddhist Avadāna Stories in Six Dynasty

佛教譬喻故事眾多，這些故事以印度源生地為起點傳播到世界各地，沿著絲綢之路進入中亞繼而傳入中國，其中一些故事成為中國民間故事的原型。中國民間故事有52個故事類型與佛經故事極其相似。而《百喻經》許多經典譬喻如如「貓裝聖人」、「雁銜龜」、「展轉相殺」、「鄉民照鏡」、「夫妻打賭不語」等故事增強了譬喻經「牽物連類，轉相證據，互明善惡報應」的特點，更重要的是「增強了口承故事的哲理性及其社會教化功能, 以致留傳下許多構想精巧而內涵深邃的精美之作, 對寓言這一文學體裁的發展給予了積極有力的影響」。

除了民間故事之外，佛教譬喻與中國小說關係非常密切，整體來看可以大致分為兩類。第一類可以視作漢地故事極為相似的平行故事，如《賢愚經》一則故事中有這麼一個情節：「次見耕者，以犁墾地。蟲從土出，蝦蟆拾吞。復有蛇來，吞食蝦蟆。孔雀飛來，啄食其蛇」，這與「螳螂捕蟬，黃雀在後」的成語有異曲同工之妙。如《莊子•山木》雲：「睹一蟬，方得美蔭而忘其身，螳螂執翳(yì)而搏之，見得而忘其形；異雀從而利之，見利而忘其真。」《劉向•說苑•第九卷•正諫》「園中有樹，其上有蟬，蟬高居悲鳴飲露，不知螳螂在其後也！螳螂委身曲附，欲取蟬而不顧知黃雀在其傍也！黃雀延頸欲啄螳螂而不知彈丸在其下也！此三者皆務欲得其前利而不顧其後之有患也。」以及韓嬰《韓詩外傳》載：「螳螂方欲食蟬，而不知黃雀在後，舉其頸欲啄而食之也。」也有學者根據「螳螂捕蟬，黃雀在後」與佛教故事的相似性來反推漢地典籍的成書時間，這種嘗試有一定的益處，但是並不能據此說明兩者之間的影響關係，更像是一組具有相似義理的平行故事。同樣的例子還有很多，例如劉宋《說法經》中有譬喻雲：「亦如野乾，見甄叔迦樹，其果似肉。見落地時，便往欲食，知其非肉。更復生念，今此非肉，彼樹上者，必當是肉。遂便守之。」這個故事就和守株待兔有某些神似。不過這類故事和中土已有故事並不一定有直接關聯，不能因為內容某一方面有相似之處妄下定論。

第二類則是佛教譬喻故事被漢地吸收，變成中國化的故事。這也是本節關注的重點，佛教譬喻故事在進入文人的小說天地之後，並非只有「宣教」的作用，而是在尋找歷史感的同時確定其引人信服的能力，而這其中的變化使得譬喻故事由「虛」向「實」，具有了與黎民百姓、天下興亡密切相關的現實意義。受到漢譯譬喻經典的影響，中土文學「開始出現獨立完整型語言，即一個寓言有寓題、寓體（故事）和寓意」，特別是唐宋以後柳宗元、蘇東坡、劉基、袁枚等人的寓言故事與《百喻經》所收寓言淵源甚深。故事類型和故事情節的借用，劉義慶《幽明錄》「念佛拒鬼」的故事就出自《撰集百緣經》，「啖殺人數缺一人」就與各類譬喻故事有關。中土僧人在經疏內大量引用譬喻，闡明佛理，許多歌偈也隱含了各類譬喻故事。

Buddhist Avadāna literature shares a strong affinity with Chinese literature; one type of story can be seen as a parallel tale that bears striking resemblances to Chinese tales, while the other type has been assimilated by the Chinese writers and transformed into a Chinese tale. In The Record of Mysterious Ghosts（linggui zhi 靈鬼志）of Jin Dynasty, the story of “the foreign monk” (waiguo daoren 外國道人) adapts the magical plot in which a man throwing up a pot from the story of “a Brahmin Throwing Up a Pot”（fanzhi tuhu梵志吐壺）, yet it changes certain objects of the story to items Chinese characteristics. In Xu qixie續齊諧, the famous “the Goose Cage Scholar” ( e’long shusheng 鵝籠書生also known as ” the Scholar of Yangxian” (yangxian shushing 陽羨書生), takes the same story to another level. The structure of the story was changed, and a number of literati aesthetic interests were added, improving the literary color, smoothing down the language and substituting the text’s specifics, and bolstering the sense of realism and history. The sense of realism and history is heightened. The Avadāna tale “the Parrot Putting Out the Fire” is not only associated with Buddhism in Liu Yiqing’s(403-444) “Records Proclaiming Manifestations ”(Xuanjianj 宣驗記), and but it can also be seen as a commentary on the turbulent times and a hint of literati optimism in the context of Liu Yiqing’s Record of the Hidden and Visible Worlds (Youminglu 幽明錄). The literary elites of the Six Dynasties drew inspiration from Buddhist Avadāna sources and imaginatively mixed them with particular historical circumstances to create Chinese fictions with new intentions. The rich resources of Avadāna literature from India and the fable tradition in Chinese literature create cultural conditions for their two sources to combine together, and it mutually developed, forming a literature world with colorful stories with meanings.
LI Xiaorong 李小榮 (Fujian Normal University 福建師範大學): 陳瓘佛偈創作綜論 | A Comprehensive Discussion on the Composition of Buddhist Verses by Chen Guan 陳瓘 (1057-1124)

陳瓘是北宋後期著名諫臣之一，伴隨其貶謫生涯而有不少佛偈創作，主要類型有開悟偈、勸世偈、臨終偈、問答偈、讚歎偈。其文學史意義則有：一者從陳氏的個體生命體驗說，它們全面記錄了貶謫時期陳瓘對佛教思想的接受歷程；二者從三教融合的社會思潮看，它們又是當時理學、佛學、詩學互動的真實反映，並以其鮮明個性在武夷理學詩人群體和後世教內外作家中產生過持續的影響。
LI Xuan 李瑄 (SichuanU 四川大學): “報慈”書寫與清初遺民僧群體的身份認同 ——佛儒聯合與民間權力訴求

清初的遺民僧有顯著的社會影響，這來自其群體能量。遺民僧大致可分為 “遺民為僧”與“僧而遺民”兩類。前者多被解釋為逃避政治壓迫，但文獻表明不少遺民自願為僧、抱有積極價值追求。後者中的宗師入清後所受儒者遺民皈依，在遺民僧群體居於核心地位。他們立定遺民僧典範形象，為追隨者提供仰慕和效仿的對象。繼起弘儲主導的“報慈”書寫是一次推動遺民僧群體認同形成的文化建設。從弘儲本人的孝親言行到命名居室、再經圖像傳寫、系列文章闡釋，這次行動集結了僧眾、遺民、居士等佛門內外不同層次的文化力量。

佛門提倡的“報慈”觀念被用以統合忠君倫理，最終建構出宏大的佛儒合一世界觀，提煉出與遺民僧雙重身份對應的價值體系，並獲得了普遍的社會認同。群體建構背後的動機是爭取擴大社會權力，遺民僧的權力意識繼承自晚明佛教、文社等團體公共影響力的提升；易代後清廷政權合法性建立經歷數十年，又為民間權力增長讓渡出較大空間。清廷雖握有國家暴力機器，但在與弘儲等高僧的較量中常落下風。弘儲甚至被僧團和士林共推為“龍門”，是能夠決定一般人社會聲譽的民間領袖。清初寺院修建極為興盛，顯現出佛門的繁榮與士林支持佛教的強烈意願。這一現象包涵的清初社會民間權力訴求值得進一步研究。
MA Xi 馬熙 (NankaiU 南開大學): 肇紀律教：中晚唐佛教碑銘敘事的轉向與律學的興轉 | Going Forth to Vinaya: The New Turn of Narrative in Chinese Buddhist Epigraphy and the Spread of Monastic Precepts during the Eighth and Ninth Centuries

八世紀中葉以來，“律”取代“法”，成為佛教碑銘書寫的主要敘事。這一轉向，亦即柳宗元所說的“近世碑多律”。這一時期，律碑的撰述：1）從範圍上說，涉及碑、神道碑銘、幢銘、墳銘、靈塔銘、墳塔銘、塔下銘、玄堂銘；2）就體例上看，題名中德號的出現與不斷增長，反映了唐後期政制與律學的深入交涉；3）就地域而言，以南方、兩京為主，而尤以南嶽一山最有特色，以至劉禹錫有“言律藏者宗衡山”的論斷。此外，貞元元和間的文士在律碑敘事上，往往好就律學的傳承、禪律的交涉、律教的義趣加以展開，這尤不同於之前。本文通過考察這一系列敘事上的變動，在梳理中唐佛教律碑敘事史的基礎上，嘗試重審唐後期佛教內外格局的相關問題。

From the middle of the eighth century, Vinaya (律) replaced Dharma法 as the dominant Buddhist epigraphic narrative. This change, Liu Zongyuan 柳宗元 called “recent inscriptions are mainly vinaya” (近世碑多律). When writing such inscriptions, the literators of the Zhenyuan 貞元 and Yuanhe 元和 periods paid much attention to the inheritance of Vinaya, which was particularly different from the previous periods. This paper attempts to discuss the changes of the internal and external patterns of Buddhism in the late Tang Dynasty by examining these narrative variations.
Victor MAIR 梅維恆 (UPenn 美國賓夕法尼亞大學): Hybridity in Medieval Buddhist-Chinese Narrative | 中古時期中土佛教敘事的雜糅性

Neo-Confucianism — a system of thought and practice — was not the invention of 11th- and 12th-century Northern Song intellectuals. Its gradual emergence had begun already in the mid-9th-century. In one sense, we may say that Neo-Confucianism was a response to Buddhism, a response that was revealed in a wide range of cultural phenomena: religion, art, literature, language, and so forth. Since response does not necessitate rejection or replacement, a preferred analytical approach for what transpired when Buddhism / India encountered Confucianism / China is to examine the fusion that resulted through the lens of hybridity. The resultant cultural amalgam was neither purely Buddhist / Indian nor wholly Confucian / Chinese. Naturally, such considerations have broad implications for the question of Chinese identity, i.e., what is “Chineseness” after the advent of Buddhism. The focus of this particular investigation will be on “transformation” (biàn 變) as broadly conceived and as more narrowly manifested in such dimensions as popular literature, religious art, performed narrative, and linguistic expression.

宋明新儒學作為一套思想與實踐體，並非十一至十二世紀北宋思想家的發明。自九世紀中期即逐漸出現。從某種意義上說，新儒學是對佛學的回應，體現在廣泛的文化現象：宗教、藝術、文學、語言，等等。因為回應並不意味著排斥或代替，當分析佛教/印度與儒家思想/中國相遇時，更好的方法在於透過混雜性這一視角去檢討所發生的融合現象。因此產生的文化合成品，既不全然是佛教/印度的，也不全然是儒家/中國的。自然而然地，這種研究角度對華夷之辨具有廣大的影響，比如，在佛教傳入之後，何謂“中國性”。這一探索焦點注將在“變”，既包括其廣義的內涵，也包括其狹義的形式，諸如通俗文學、宗教藝術、喜劇故事、以及語言學上的體現。
NG Chin-fung 伍展楓 (Goethe University Frankfurt 法蘭克福大學): Chan With This-Worldly Cares: Hu Pu’an 胡樸安 (1878–1947) and his “matching Hanshan” 和寒山 poems | 世道禪心：胡樸安（1878–1947）及其「和寒山詩」

Known for its straightforwardness as well as the rendition of religious transcendence and secular concerns about humanity by using narratives, the poetry of the Tang-period Chan monk-poet Hanshan 寒山 (“Cold Mountain”) has attracted many imitations and matching acts by later poets and literati in the history of Chinese literature. This includes those who were active during the late Qing and Republican periods, which witnessed significant changes in politics, society, and culture. This paper examines the case of Hu Pu’an 胡樸安 (1878–1947), a philologist and nationalistic poet who was once a member of the Southern Society (Nanshe 南社, 1909–1923), the largest progressive classical-style literary society of its time. Being a rare example of poets who extensively wrote Hanshan-related works at that time, Hu matched more than 300 poems of Hanshan. In this collection of “matching Hanshan” 和寒山 poems, Hu not only adopts the structural and stylistic features of Hanshan’s poems, but more importantly also uses narratives in many of these matching works to address and respond to the social conditions and political circumstances of China. Having been serialised in widely circulated Buddhist periodicals during the Republican period, Hu’s works demonstrate more realistically expressed socio-political concerns than that in Hanshan poems, and Hu thus also conveyed his social care and political opinions to the lay and monastic public at that time in a more profound manner.

唐代禪宗詩僧寒山的詩作以其直白的風格、對宗教超越性的演繹，以及世道關懷而聞名於世，遂吸引歷代無數騷人墨客爭相唱和、擬作，當中包括身處於晚清至民國年間這段中國正經歷重大政治、社會及文化嬗變時期的詩人。為此，本文乃探討近代中國著名文字訓詁學家暨詩人胡樸安（1878–1947）的「和寒山詩」。胡氏年少時已具用世之志，後高舉民族精神旗幟，曾加入清末民初中國規模最大的古典詩社且同樣提倡民族主義的進步派文學社團「南社」（1909–1923）。之於寒山，胡氏是當時罕有地大量創作與寒山相關作品的詩人，留下了逾三百首和寒山詩。在這些詩歌中，胡氏不僅沿用了寒山詩的結構和風格特點，更重要的是他在許多和詩裡透過敘事對當時中國的社會環境和政治形勢作出回應。由於這批由胡氏所撰並於民國時期廣泛流傳的佛教期刊中連載的和寒山詩，比寒山詩本身更寫實地表達對時政的關注，胡氏也因而向當時的僧俗大眾更深刻地傳遞他的社會關懷和政治觀點。
Michael RADICH 何書群 (UHeidelburg 德國海德堡大學): The Mainstream Rebooted: Mahāyāna Twists on Mainstream Narrative Motifs | 重啟下的主流：主流敘述題材的大乘式新手法

It is a common device in Mahāyāna scriptures to take up narrative events, scenarios or tropes already known from the Mainstream literature, and give them a Mahāyāna twist — sometimes quite radically. A startling case in point is the Mahāyāna Mahāparinirvāṇa-(mahā)sūtra: a text set at the famous moment of the Buddha’s (last) death, in which the Buddha in fact does not die. In this talk, I will consider a few examples of this phenomenon, and also try to begin thinking through the narrative effects the device might achieve.

在大乘經文中，採用主流文學中已知的事件、故事情景或主題，並賦予大乘式的新手法，是常見的手法，並且有時相當激進。一個令人吃驚的案例是《大般涅槃經》：一部以著名的佛陀（最後）死亡時刻為背景的文本，其中佛陀實際上並沒有死。在這次講演中，我將考察這一現象的其中幾個例子，並且試圖開始深思這一手法可能達到的敘事效果。
RAO Xiao 饒驍 (U. of N. Carolina Greensboro 美國北卡大學格林斯伯勒分校): Jeering at Masters before the Rise of Chan: Jokes about Buddhism in Medieval Chinese Jestbook Qiyan Lu | 禪宗之前的呵佛罵祖：《啟顏錄》中關於佛教的笑話

This paper examines jokes featuring Buddhism that are preserved in the medieval Chinese jestbook Qiyan lu 啟顏錄, the oldest extant version of which is found among Dunhuang 敦煌 manuscripts dating to 723. These jokes feature the failures of Buddhist authorities in public debates when they were challenged by witty jesters, scholars, and even kids who deliberately misinterpreted Buddhist doctrines and themes with a wry sense of humor. These jokes provide a rare opportunity to examine the role of laughter in the interplay between Buddhism and Chinese vernacular literature before the rise of Chan Buddhism in which wit and humor was found more common in Buddhist hagiographies. Whereas in later Chan Buddhist texts laughter, together with riddles and non sequiturs, was regarded as a skillful means to convey Buddhist teachings of illusion and non-duality, jokes about Buddhism in the Qiyan lu appear to be recorded for entertainment. It has been argued that trickster figures in Chan Buddhism can be seen as the domestication of the earlier thaumaturge tradition. The jokes in this medieval Chinese jestbook may shed new light on the rising popularity of laughter in medieval Chinese Buddhist literature.

本文探究保存在隋代笑話書《啟顏錄》中關於佛教的笑話。目前最早的《啟顏錄》版本是保存在英藏敦煌寫本中的殘本（S.610）。《啟顏錄》中許多關於佛教的笑話正是在這部分敦煌寫本中。這些笑話展示高僧在公開場合的辯論中面對滑稽藝人，士人，甚至孩童對佛經故意扭曲時，因為應答失據而產生的幽默。這類笑話反映的是禪宗還未大範圍流行之前的情況。在禪宗文獻中有關笑的描述以及答非所問等等獨特語言特征通常被認為是溝通佛教教義的方便法門。與此不同的是，《啟顏錄》中的笑話更多是服務於娛樂效果。佛爾教授（Bernard Faure）對禪宗文學中滑稽搗蛋鬼（trickster）這類人物形象有過論述，認為它們代表著佛教對更早期的玩弄幻術的術士（thaumaturge）等社會邊緣人物的收編。在此基礎上，《啟顏錄》中的笑話或許可以為我們認識笑作為一種文化現象為何在中國中古佛教文學中越來越流行提供新的線索和視角。
Ulrike ROESLER 鄔瑞可 (UOxford 英國牛津大學): Framing the Path to Awakening: Tibetan Adaptations of the Jātaka Genre | 匡範覺悟之路：西藏對本生體裁的改動

Jātaka and avadāna stories belong to the staples of Buddhist narrative literature. While the Pāli jātakas provide a relatively stable template for the basic narrative format of these stories, jātakas have been told and preserved in a wide variety of languages and literary forms, from simple prose narratives, to complex poems, to visual representations.

My paper will discuss Tibetan adaptations of the jātaka genre, paying particular attention to the frame story, as this is where the Tibetan narrators are perhaps at their most innovative. The narrative frame of jātakas is typically set in India at the time of Buddha Śākyamuni, who tells the story of the past (Pāli atītavatthu) and identifies the characters from the Jātaka story with the characters present (Pāli samodhāna). This is also the case in most Tibetan collections of jātaka stories. However, we also have examples in which the narrative frame is shifted from India to Tibet, and the main characters of the frame story are newly converted Tibetan Buddhists and their Indian teachers. This highly original appropriation of the jātaka genre allows us to draw conclusions on the role of narrative literature in the Tibetan adoption and adaptation of Buddhism.

本生和譬喻故事屬於佛教敘事文學主要組成部分。巴利文本生故事為這些故事的基本敘事格式提供相對穩定的模板，本生故事保存和講述於多種語言和文學形式，既有簡單的散文故事，也有複雜的詩文，還有視覺呈現。本文討論西藏對本生體裁的改編，特別注意框架故事，因為這可能是西藏敘述者最具創新的地方。本生的敘事框架通常設定在佛祖釋迦牟尼時代的印度，由他講述過去的故事（巴利文：atītavatthu），並將本生故事中的人物與他當時人物對應（巴利文：samodhāna）。大多數西藏的本生故事集也是這種情況。然而，我們也有這樣的例子，其敘述框架從印度轉移到西藏，框架故事的主要人物是新皈依的西藏佛教徒和他們的印度老師。這種對本生體裁的高度原創性的挪用，使我們能夠就敘事文學在西藏對佛教的採納和適應中的作用得出結論
SHI Fazhao 釋法照 (Hangzhou Academy of Buddhism 杭州佛學院教師):《瑜伽師地論．體義伽他》「流」（ogha）偈頌的研究與敘事分析 | The Studies and Narrative Analysis of “Flood” (ogha) Verses in the Śarīrārthagāthā of the Yogācārabhūmi

「偈頌」有著濃厚的文學性，將豐富的內容，以精簡的文字透過不同的修辭手段來表達。〈體義伽他〉是《瑜伽師地論》中非常特殊的一節，引用許多佛教早期經典的偈頌。而以「流」為主題的四組偈頌，在〈體義伽他〉佔很高的比例，看見得其重要性！本文從「以經釋偈」、「以論釋偈」來探討偈頌的內容與敘事方式。

本文從三層結構，來說明四組「流」偈頌的敘事特色。第一層是原始層（偈頌本身），從「敘事手法」與「意境脈絡」可分成三類，但手法上共通的是皆從「提問」開始，引出重點；「肯定句」結束，給人信心或加深理解修行的重點。而四組偈頌的「意境脈絡」皆是和「渡暴流」有關。偈頌的背景資訊，例如提問的人物與地點，在各經中的說法不一致，但不影響對偈頌的解讀。而偈頌的故事情節，早期經典與論的看法也有分岐，例如：《阿含經》認為「繫物」（yoktra）是渡流的障礙物，但《瑜伽師地論》認為是輔助物。

第二層是漢譯師的敘事表達，大多採用「五言」，但「句數」上只有玄奘法師會配合印度文本「四句一偈」方式呈現，而其它漢譯早期經典都會超出四句。翻譯風格來看，《雜阿含經》與《別譯雜阿含經》常出現超乎字面意義的個人詮釋，可能是為了幫助讀者對偈頌的理解。

第三層是《瑜伽師地論》敘事方法，除了針對「字句」解釋出背後的「修行內涵」，還會交待每首偈頌間的邏輯關係。大多有層層遞進的意義，點出「偈頌」與「修行階次」或「斷煩惱層次」的搭配關係。然而，偈頌背景資訊大多沒有交待。另外，雖是大乘的論書，但〈體義伽他〉對偈頌的註釋，並沒有看到特定大乘詞匯與思想，依德國學者史密豪森的分類方式，這應該是初期就匯集的部分。

“Verse” has a strong literary character, expressing the richness meanings in a concise way through various rhetorical devices. The Śarīrārthagāthā is a special verse section in the Yogācārabhūmi, quoting the verses from many early Buddhist texts. The four groups of verses with the theme of “flow” account for a high proportion of the Śarīrārthagāthā , which shows how important the “flow” verses are. This paper explores the content and narrative style of the verses in terms of interpretation by sūtras and by śāstras.

There are three layers of structure by analyzing the narrative characteristics of the four sets of “flow” verses. The first layer is the primary layer (the verses). The four sets of verses can be divided into three ways in terms of “narrative approaches” and “context.” The shared approach of the four verse sets is that they all begin with “questions” to bring out the main points, and end with “affirmations” to give people confidence in practice or deepen their understanding of the teachings. The “context” of the four groups of verses are all related to the “transmigrating the flood”. Moreover, the background information of the verses, such as the characters and locations, is not consistent from sūtra to sūtra, but it does not affect the reading of the verses. The story plots of verses between sūtras and śāstras are sometimes different. For example, the Saṃyuktāgama considers the yoktra to be an obstacle to crossing the flood, but the Yogācārabhūmi considers it to be an auxiliary tool.

The second layer is the narrative expression from the Chinese translators. Most translators use “five words” (五言), but the “number of pada” are diverged. “Four padas in one verse” is the pattern only presented by Venerable Xuanzang in accordance with the Indian text, while other Chinese translations go beyond four padas. In terms of translation style, the two Saṃyuktāgama translators are often interpreted out of a personal understanding beyond the literal meaning, probably to help readers understand the verses.

The third layer is the narrative of the Yogācārabhūmi, which not only explains the “practice connotation” behind the “verse words”, but also explains the logical relationship between each verse which shows the progressive movement. That means, “verse to verse” connects with “the levels of practice” or “the levels of cleaning the defilement”. However, most of the verse background information is not given. Although it is a Mahayana treatise, the commentary on the verses does not contain any specific Mahayana vocabulary or ideas.
Eviatar SHULMAN 舒爾曼 (Hebrew U. of Jerusalem 以色列耶路撒冷希伯來大學): Storytelling in the Pāli Nikāyas: The participle kho and the genre of the sick monk

This article re-opens the question of performance in relation to the early Buddhist discourses. While leading scholars have denied that texts relate to performances beyond joint recitation, the evidence for this claim is not strong enough to serve as the final word on the matter. In this article, two new central elements to the early Buddhist textual tradition are examined – the use of particles, and the existence of narrative cycles that rely on the same themes or formulaic sequences. Both point to a context of live speech and active storytelling at work behind the texts. These themes are analyzed in relation to one genre of texts, those of meetings between the Buddha or a leading monk and a sick or dying monk or householder. The literary expression here is remarkably sharp and emotive, and the messages deeply relevant for diverse Buddhist audiences. These considerations suggest that at least for these kinds of texts, live storytelling in contexts that exceed joint recitation, including in sermons, visits to donors, and modelled Buddhist confessions, must have been the norm.
Peter SKILLING (EFEO 法國遠東學院/Chulalongkorn University 泰國朱拉隆功大學): Evaṃ me sutaṃ: Who Heard What? Dedicated to the memory of Leon Hurvitz and Marketa Goetz-Stankiewitz | 如是我聞：聞者何人？所聞何事

My paper does not go much beyond the first four words of the conference title, ‘Thus have I heard’. But these four words have propelled Buddhist literature across Asia and beyond from its beginnings to the present. The deceptively simple phrase is the logic and the basis (nidana) for the authority of the scriptures. The ‘who’ of the matter is who heard what and where? Another question is what degree the authority of words depends on speakers’ identities.

本文探討的對象幾乎不超出會議主題的前四個字，“如是我聞”。但這四個字推動了佛教文獻從古至今，自亞洲而外的發展。這四個字貌似簡單，但卻是經典權威性的根據。問題是“何人”所聞“何事”，又“在何地”？另一個問題是，在何種程度上，經典權威性取決於講者的身份。
Christopher K. TONG 唐思凱 (UMaryland, Baltimore 馬里蘭大學, 巴爾的摩): Wang Guowei’s Poetics of Self-withdrawal: A Case of Modern Transcultural Buddhism? | 王國維之「無我詩學」: 跨文化佛學的現代先例?

This paper focuses on the literary criticism of the late Qing aesthetician Wang Guowei 王國維 (1877-1927), drawing on the intellectual resources of traditional Chinese poetics, Buddhism, and modern Western philosophy to develop a framework for understanding the concept of self-withdrawal. In Renjian cihua (Remarks on Lyrics in the Human World 人間詞話), Wang claims that the most important element in lyric poetry is jingjie 境界, a Chinese term originating from Buddhist thought that signifies “realm.” Two realms are pertinent to Chinese poetry: youwo zhi jing 有我之境, “the realm in which the human self appears”; and wuwo zhi jing 無我之境 , “the realm in which the human self withdraws.” I suggest that Wang’s concept of wuwo zhi jing is as much concerned with the cultivation of a state of mind as it is with the increasing awareness of other (nonhuman) beings in Nature. More importantly, I argue that Wang’s concepts have been understudied in the context of comparative philosophy and thought, especially the transcultural reception of Buddhist ideas.

Scholars have traditionally interpreted Wang’s aesthetics in the context of Daoist and Buddhist thought and along the lines of Wang Fuzhi 王夫之, Yan Yu 嚴羽, Wang Shizhen 王士禎, and Sikong Tu 司空圖 . Although Wang’s work is rooted in traditional Chinese literature and thought, it draws considerably on Western philosophy as well. Through Japanese and English translations, Wang became familiar with such thinkers as Hegel, Fichte, Schelling, and Eduard von Hartmann and commented on the works of Schiller, Nietzsche, and Harald Høffding. His most significant influences were undoubtedly Kant and Schopenhauer. As one of the first Chinese intellectuals to comment on Western philosophy and aesthetics, Wang introduced the works of these major figures of German Idealism to Chinese readers in the early 20th century. In turn, Schopenhauer’s reception of Hindu and Buddhist thought contributes to a narrative of mutual influence between the East and the West. As such, Renjian cihua not only constitutes a unique synthesis of traditional Chinese literary criticism, Buddhism, and Western aesthetics in the early 20th century, but also inspires a renewed appreciation of Nature in a transcultural manner.

本文著重於晚清美學家王國維（1877-1927）的文學批評，借鑒中國傳統詩學、佛教和現代西方哲學的知識資源，構建一個理解自我退出概念的框架。在《人間詞話》中，王聲稱抒情詩中最重要的元素是 “境界”，這是一個源自佛教思想的術語。學者們傳統上在道家和佛教思想的背景下，按照王夫之、嚴羽、王士禎、司空圖等方式解讀王的美學。王的作品雖然植根於中國傳統文學和思想，但也相當多地借鑒了西方哲學。通過日文和英文的翻譯，王先生熟悉了黑格爾、費希特、謝林、愛德華·馮·哈特曼等思想家，並對席勒、尼采、哈拉爾·霍夫丁的著作進行了點評。他最重要的影響無疑是康德和叔本華。作為最早評論西方哲學和美學的中國學者之一，王在20世紀初向中國讀者介紹了這些德國唯心主義主要人物的作品。反過來，叔本華對印度教和佛教思想的接受也促成了東西方相互影響的敘述。因此，《人間詞話》不僅構成了20世紀初中國傳統文學批評、佛教和西方美學的獨特綜合，而且以跨文化的方式激發了對自然的重新認識。
Ben Van Overmeire 歐馥般 (Duke Kunshan University 崑山杜克大學): Understanding Chan Koan As a Literary Genre | 禅宗公案：一种文学体裁

Encounter dialogues, cases, koan. These small exchanges between Zen masters and their students go by various names and have varied historical origins. Though we understand well the historical contexts in which koan originated and to what rhetorical purposes they were put, relatively little attention has been paid to koan as a literary genre. In this paper, I propose that our understanding of the rhetorical operation of koan benefits from a genre studies approach, where genre is seen as a descriptive as well as a performative category. Specifically, after disambiguating the terms cases, koan, and encounter dialogue, I will argue that this genre is best understood as a type of riddle. Riddles create a hierarchical situation, suggest esoteric knowledge, create a contest of life and death, bring the miraculous back to the everyday. To prove that koan were already understood to have such functions during the high point of Zen, namely the Song dynasty, I will close-read commentaries from the most influential koan collections: the Wumenguan, the Biyanlu and the Congronglu. I will then compare these readings with contemporary interpretations by American Buddhist practitioners to show that the narrative logic of koan endures today.

机缘问答、则、公案。这些禅师和弟子之间的交流有着各样的名称及不同的历史渊源。虽然我们明白公案产生的历史背景及其修辞目的，但人们对公案作为一种文学体裁的关注相对较少。在这篇论文中，我提出，体裁研究方法有助于我们对公案修辞作用的理解，其中体裁是一个兼具描述性和表述性的范畴。具体来说，在消除”机缘问答”、”则”、”公案”这些术语的歧义之后，我认为将这一体裁理解为一种谜语是最妥当的。谜语创建了等级分明的局面、暗示了深奥的知识、创造了一场生死较量，并将奇迹带回了日常。为了证明在宋代——禅宗的鼎盛时期——人们已经认识到公案具有这样的功能，我将仔细阅读最具影响力的公案集《无门关》、《碧岩录》和《从容录》的评注。随后，我将比较这些材料与美国佛教徒对其做出的现代解释，以表明公案的叙事逻辑延续至今。
WANG Bangwei 王邦維 (PekingU 北京大學): 《方廣大莊嚴經》中的《示書品》| The Chinese Translation of the Lipiśālāsaṃdarśanaparivarta in the Lalitavistara

《方廣大莊嚴經》是“佛傳”中一部有名的經典。其中的《示書品》，講釋迦牟尼初次上學，老師教授他寫字。但他無師自通，早已認識了六十四種文字。《示書品》列出了這六十四種文字。這些文字，少數真實存在，大多數則是出自想象。作爲一部完整的經典，《方廣大莊嚴經》最早在西晉時代被翻譯為漢語，其後唐代又有一個譯本，隋代則有一個内容相近，但并非同一系統的文本的漢譯本。比較這幾種漢譯本中譯者對《示書品》中六十四種文字名稱的不同理解和不同的翻譯，可以看到《方廣大莊嚴經》在不同時代，不同地域流傳的複雜情形。有關的分析希望能有助於今天理解這部經典的性質和相關的一些問題。
WANG Fang 王芳 (Saxon Academy of Sciences in Leipzig 德國薩克森省科學與人文學院 [萊比錫]): The Mural Painting of “Siddhārtha descending on the elephant” in Kizil Cave 110 | 克孜尔110窟佛传壁画“乘象入胎”考察

The mural scene under discussion illustrates Bodhisatva Siddhārtha’s descent to Māyā’s womb, which is also named as Māyā’s dream in art historical studies. As the start of the Buddha’s life sequence in Kizil Cave 110 (ca. 7th century), it is the single extant picture of the motif among the oasis Buddhist centres in Tarim Basin. It is of additional significance in that it bridges the concerns of the Indian and the Chinese pictorial traditions in regard to their representation of the miraculous conception in the Buddha’s last life. This article aims to give an analysis of the narrative elements in the picture in terms of the Indian archetypes as well as local innovations, of which the portrayal of Siddhārtha entering the mother-to-be’s womb by riding an elephant is compared with the counterpart motif in Chinese Buddhist artworks from the mid 5th century. The approach will address the drastic textual and pictorial transformation between the Indian prototype “Siddhārtha as the elephant” and the Chinese version “Siddhārtha on the elephant” in the conception episode, which reflects the transmission of the Indian belief in embryogenesis which was adopted and adapted by non-Indian peoples in Central Asia and China. With a reinvestigation of the Kuchan picture and several pertinent literatures, the article attempts to establish a link in the transformation process.

释迦菩萨“入胎”，又名“摩耶夫人之梦”，是表现佛陀生平故事的重要艺术题材之一。克孜尔110窟（约7世纪）保存了60幅完整的佛传壁画，其中第1幅即为菩萨“乘象入胎”，是新疆地区仅存的一例。该壁画诞生于丝路北道，为进一步了解“入胎”题材流通于印度与中国之间的图像变迁提供了中间环节。本文综合分析110窟“入胎”壁画所反映的印度传统及本土元素，就“乘象入胎”的表现与5世纪后半叶中原地区造像碑进行比对，明晰从印度“化象入胎”到中国“乘象入胎”的巨大转折。此外，借重审若干传世汉译、新疆出土之佛经，考察该题材嬗变的过程及其文化背景，即印度以外民族对菩萨入胎观念的认知与改造。
WANG Junqi 王俊淇 (Renmin U of China 中國人民大學): 遮詮與表詮——一對佛教哲學概念的形成 | On the Formation of Zhequan 遮詮 (Apophatic Discourse) and Biaoquan 表詮 (Apothatic Discourse) into a Pair of Philosophical Concepts in Chinese Buddhism

一般認為，遮詮與表詮是一對佛教哲學概念，常被用來描述佛教中兩種截然相反的言說或陳述形式：前者往往是一種否定性的陳述，後者則是一種肯定性的陳述。從翻譯史的角度來看，實際上，來自玄奘譯經工作的這兩個概念，各有各的教理背景，並不必然地作為一對概念出現。以遮詮概念來說，在不同情況下，它分別對應於否定（*pratiṣedha, *vyāvṛtti, *nivṛtti）、相對否定（paryudāsa）、遣除他者（anyāpoha）三個用法上涇渭分明的印度佛教概念。因此，在不同情況下，遮詮或與表詮相對，或與止濫相對，或者乾脆沒有與之相對的概念。但在漢傳佛教的發展中，遮詮最終被確定為與表詮相對，二者作為一對相反的陳述形式被普及開來，流傳至今。本文在介紹遮詮與表詮二者各自成立背景的基礎上，將著重考察二者在漢傳佛教中如何被當作一組相對的哲學概念使用，進而分析這對概念對漢傳佛教的深遠影響。

It is generally accepted that zhequan and biaoquan are a pair of Buddhist philosophical concepts often used to describe two diametrically opposed forms of speech or statement in Buddhism: the former is often a negative statement, while the latter is an affirmative statement. From the perspective of translation history, in fact, these two concepts from Xuanzang’s translation work, each with its own doctrinal background, do not necessarily appear as a pair. In the case of the concept of zhequan, it corresponds in different contexts to the three Indian Buddhist concepts of negation (*pratiṣedha, *vyāvṛtti, *nivṛtti), implicative negation (paryudāsa), and exclusion of others (anyāpoha), which are distinct in their usage. Thus, in different cases, the concept of zhequan is either opposed to biaoquan (*vidhi, *sādhana), or opposed to pure negation (prasajya), or there is no concept opposed to it at all. However, in the development of Chinese Buddhism, zhequan was finally established as opposed to biaoquan, and the two were popularized as a pair of opposite forms of statements that have been passed down to this day. In this paper, based on the background of their respective founding, we will focus on how they were used as a pair of opposing philosophical concepts in Chinese Buddhism, and then analyze the profound influence of these two concepts on Chinese Buddhism.
WANG Lina 王麗娜 (National Library of China 國家圖書館): 漢譯說一切有部佛典中之“未曾有”文體研究 | On the Literary Form of the ‘Adbhuta-dharma-paryāya‘ as seen in Chinese Translations of Sarvāstivādin Texts

「未曾有」的含義在佛教歷史發展中有一個變化的過程，「未曾有」的對象和內容在佛典記載中也有著細微的差別。在十二分教中，「未曾有」與本生、譬喻和因緣都重於敘述，它們組合成了「未曾有因緣」「未曾有譬喻」「未曾有本生」三種復合文體形式。筆者通過細密地分析說一切有部《根本說一切有部毗奈耶破僧事》《眾許摩訶帝經》《大莊嚴經論》（《普曜經》異譯）《佛所行贊》等典籍中關於「未曾有」的記載做詳細的文本分析，進而提出「未曾有」在有部思想和義理傳播中發揮了通俗教化的價值和重要意義,「未曾有」等文體在有部向大乘佛教轉化過程中，客觀上也起到啓發大乘、孕育大乘佛教的作用。

The literary genre called ‘Adbhuta-dharma-paryāya’, those accounts recorded in scriptures related to the miraculous in the Buddha’s life, have varied and, indeed, evolved in their narrative content throughout Buddhist history. For example, in the twelve part classification of the teachings, the ‘Adbhuta-dharma-paryāya‘ was paired with nidāna, avadāna, and jataka literature, forming with each one a different compoundedgenre. This paper will study this complex literary genre in the context of the Sarvāstivādin scriptures, studying in particular the ‘Mahāsammata-rāja’, ‘Sūtrâlaṃkāra-śāstra’, and ‘The Buddhacarita’.Of note is the fact that ‘Adbhuta-dharma-paryāya’ was not only an inclusion in the scriptures, but actually played an important role in the popularization of Sarvāstivādin ideas and doctrines. This paper argues how ‘Adbhuta-dharma-paryāya’ and other similar styles have played pivotal roles in the promotion of Mahayana Buddhism and in the proliferation of Mahayana teachings.
WU Weilin 吳蔚琳 (Sun Yat-sen U 中山大學): 造像的開眼：以古代南印度和斯里蘭卡佛教和印度教文本為中心 | The Eye-opening Ritual in Image-making: based on Buddhist and Hindu Narratives in pre-modern South India and Sri Lanka

造像的最後一個環節是開眼，無論是印度教還是佛教傳統都認為開眼是不可或缺的儀式。本文考察古代南印度和斯里蘭卡佛教和印度教造像的開眼儀式，依據文本是南印度濕婆派經典《量度精要》（Mānasāra）《摩耶工論》（Mayamata）、毗濕奴派經典《敬天宮儀軌》（Vimānārcanākalpa）《吠佉那薩阿笈摩》（Vaikhāsanāgama）、斯里蘭卡大乘佛典《文殊師利說畫業論》（Mañjuśrībhāṣita Citrakarmaśāstra）。通過比較研究這些文本對造像開眼儀式的記載，可以看出12世紀以後流傳於斯里蘭卡的密教造像開眼儀式深受南印度印度教造像儀式傳統的影響。

The ceremonies connected with the ritual of painting of the eyes of an image are the final procedures in both Hindu and Buddhist image-making, which are considered as essential part of image-making in both Hindu and Buddhist architectural traditions. Based on South Indian Śaiva texts Mānasāra and Mayamata, South Indian Vaiṣṇava texts Vimānārcanākalpa and Vaikhāsanāgama as well as Mahāyānic text Mañjuśrībhāṣita Citrakarmaśāstra discovered in Sri Lanka, this article focuses on the ceremonies connected with the eye-opening ritual in image-making in Hindu and Buddhist narratives in pre-modern South India and Sri Lanka. A comparative study on the above-mentioned texts reflects that South Indian Hindu ritual of image-making has exerted a great influence on tantric ritual of painting of the eyes of an image in Sri Lanka after the 12th century.
XIAO Yue 肖越 (RyūkokuU 龍谷大學): A Comparative Study of the Dharmākara Narrative in the Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha-sūtra | 《無量壽經》諸本中法藏菩薩論的比較研究

The intention of this paper is to explore the formation process of Chinese Pure Land Buddhism through a comparative study of the Dharmākara narrative in the different versions of the Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha-sūtra. Undoubtedly, both the Larger and the Smaller Sukhāvatīvyūha sūtras are playing an important role both in the field of Pure Land and early Mahāyāna Buddhism, and scholars produced a considerable amount of research. The most significant issue, however, the history of the formation process of the Chinese Pure Land sūtras, remained a puzzle. This paper will focus on the Dharmākara narrative in the two earliest versions – the Da Amiituo jing (T362) and the Pingdengjue jing (T361) –, which were separately translated into Chinese in the third century, or earlier, and the extant Sanskrit version, whose earliest extant manuscript is determined to have been written in the middle of the twelfth century. Because this issue is related to almost all significant issues in the field of Mahāyāna Buddhism, the paper will explain: (1) why did the various Dharmākara nattatives present diverse patterns and logic compared to each other and how did the translators of the Da Amituo jing and the Pingdengjue jing subsequently translate and compile the Darmākara narrative; (ii) the chronological order between the Larger and the Smaller Sukhāvatīvyūha sūtras in terms of the various versions of the Dharmākara narrative.

無論是在大乘佛典形成與翻譯，還是在淨土教的形成史領域，《無量壽經》諸本的研究一直都是學術界所關心的重要研究課題。在過去百多年來，雖然該領域有大量的研究成果發表，但最為核心的問題：現存諸本原始形態及其相互關係，至今沒有得到解決。這主要因為：（1）該部經典不僅在所有漢譯經典中翻譯次數最多、諸本所跨越的年代也很長（三國時代～宋代），且諸本之間存在有非常大的差異。比如最早的漢譯本（《大阿彌陀經》、《無量清淨平等覺經》）翻譯於3世紀或者更早，但現存的梵文寫本卻書寫與12世紀中期且諸本在形態和內容上有很大的差異，但彼此之間的相互關係不明；（2）該課題不是單純的語言學的問題，而是涉及大乘佛教研究的所有課題（願文、戒律、菩薩思想、修行體系、偈頌、現世效應），但對《大阿彌陀經》中所表現的獨特的大乘佛教的形態特點並沒有被理解。本論對《無量壽經》諸本中所呈現的“法藏菩薩論（阿彌陀佛）”的多種形態進行比較研究，尤其是翻譯於3世的《大阿彌陀經》、《無量清淨平等覺經》與現存梵文寫本彼此間的差異進行比較，從而確定漢譯《無量壽經》諸本與現存梵文寫本之間的關係，進而揭示《無量壽經》諸本的形成過程歷史背景。同時也將對《無量壽經》與小本《阿彌陀經》的相互關係加以討論。本論將為漢語佛典諸本成立的研究中指出一條獨特的邏輯方法。
Megha YADAV (SRM University- Andhra Pradesh 印度安得拉邦SRM大學)： Society, Soteriology and Stories: A Case Study of ‘Sex Transformation’ in Mahāratnakūṭs Sūtras | 社會，度脫論和故事：《大寶積經》中“性別轉換”的案例研究

The use of narrative techniques/styles in religious literature enhances the reach of the content. In Buddhism, one such category is Mahāratnakūṭs Sūtras. The unique narrative template along with the discourse of emptiness, used in these stories is ‘Sex Transformation’; where a female disciple changes her or someone else’s sex in order to showcase her abilities. All the texts dealing with this template use the ignorance of a male disciple (usually, Ānanda or Śāriputra) as a framing device to bring in the element of ‘Sex Transformation’. While these stories do begin with the classic monomyth methodology of making a prophecy about someone becoming ‘great’ (in this case, a Buddha) in the future as was the case of Śākyamunī Buddha; they do not stop there and add another template of ‘Sex Transformation’ which makes these narratives far more complex and nuanced in their approach towards the questions of the body. Hence, the question arises, beyond the theological debates, what was the social role played by this template? Does this template represent the debate regarding the ‘gender question’ within the Mahāyāna community or between different groups of Buddhism? This paper will try to enquire into some of these questions and understand the evolution of Mahāratnakūṭa Sūtras.

敘事技法/手法的運用可以加強對宗教文學內容的表達力道。在佛教中，《大寶積經》便是這一類型。在這類故事中，即是“性別轉換”這一獨特的敘事模式，再配合對空性的論述；一名女性信徒轉變了自身或者他人的性別，以展示她的能力。所有運用這一模式的文本都以男性信徒的無知（通常是阿難或者舍利弗）為鋪墊，引入“性別轉換”的主題。這些故事以一種典型的、單一神話方式開始，即預言某人在未來會成“聖”（此處為成佛），一如釋迦牟尼佛被授記；然而，這些故事卻並未止步於此，而是又加入了“性別轉換”的模式，使這些故事對於身體的態度更為複雜和微妙。那麼，問題來了，在教義論爭之外，這一敘事模式扮演着什麼社會角色？這個模式是否代表大乘教團之中或者不同佛教團體之間爭論的“性別問題”？本文探討其中一些問題，以及如何理解《大寶積經》的演化。
YAMABE Nobuyoshi 山部能宜 (WasedaU 日本早稻田大學): Pure Land Paintings in Dunhuang: A Reconsideration of the Relationship between Text and Art | 敦煌的淨土變：文本與藝術之間關係的再思考

The Guan wuliangshou jing, or the Sūtra on the Visualization of Amitāyus Buddha (hereafter: Visualization Sūtra), is a well-known sūtra that explains how to visualize Sukhāvatī and Amitāyus. The content is highly pictorial, so, as one might expect, numerous paintings were executed based on this sūtra. Today we can still see many examples of these paintings in or from Dunhuang. As has been noted by previous scholars, however, except for some early paintings, many of them show serious deviations from their source text, the Visualization Sūtra. In this paper, I shall attempt to explain how these deviations came about. This investigation will shed light on the relation between Buddhist art and texts, and on the process by which Buddhist paintings were produced.

《觀無量壽經》（後稱《觀經》）講解的是如何觀想極樂世界和無量壽佛。該經包含大量的描述性內容，因此，可想而知，衍生出大量繪畫。今天，仍然能在敦煌看到很多這類繪畫。然而先前的研究已經注意到，除了一些早期繪畫，後來很多作品與《觀經》中的描繪有巨大的偏差。本文試圖解釋這些偏差何以產生。這一研究將幫助理解佛教藝術和文獻的關係，以及佛教繪畫產生的過程。
YI Ji-ho 李智浩 (Saxon Academy of Sciences in Leipzig 德國薩克森省科學與人文學院 [萊比錫]): Offering Scent to Call for Help: Sumāgadhā / Sumatī Story Illustrated in Kizil Grottoes and the Local Fragrance Offering | 克孜爾千佛洞中關於寺院供香的三摩竭繪畫

Sumāgadhā was a pious laywoman, the daughter of the wealthy patron of Buddhism Anāthapiṇḍada, newly married to a heretic family from a different town. Being reluctant to serve the heretic ascetics with reverence, she faces troubles with her family-in-law. To overcome troublesome situation and convince her family-in-law, she requests help from Buddha residing in the Jetavana, by burning incense to deliver the scent. When the scent reaches the Buddha, he visits Sumāgadhā with his enlightened monks by travelling in the air, converting many people who lived in the city of Sumāgadhā’s new home.

This scene was depicted in the Kizil Grottoes in the Baicheng County, Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, in Kizil Cave 178, Cave 198, Cave 205, and Cave 224, on the median strip of the barrel vault. The artisans painted the row of miraculously flying monks approaching Sumāgadhā seated on the top of the building. Although there are some differences in the details of the painting, the visual elements show that the painting possibly illustrates the narrative closest to the version survived in T 125 Zengyi ahan jing 增一阿含經 / Ekottarikāgama translated by Gautama Saṅghadeva 瞿曇僧伽提婆 in 397 CE, and the T 128a and T 128b both titled as 須摩提女經 Xumotinǚ jing translated by 支謙 Zhi Qian (active 223–253 CE) with the fewer number of flying monks than the later versions and more focused on the event itself than describing the former life of the Sumāgadhā.

Based on the text fragments from Duldur-Akur, studied by Ching Chao-jung 慶昭蓉the incense was offered in Kucha as an offering to the Buddha, possibly used in rituals. Its possible relationship with the perfumed chamber or gandhakuṭī could also be considered. In short, the story of Sumāgadhā illustrated in Kizil Grottoes is a fascinating example of the text and material culture merged and visualised as a wall painting.

三摩竭是一位虔誠的在家女信徒，是富裕的佛教贊助者須達多的女兒，新近嫁入另一城鎮的異教徒家庭。由於不願意敬奉異端苦行僧，而與婆家產生矛盾。為了解決矛盾並說服婆家，她於是焚香，香飄居住在祗陀林的佛陀，請求他的幫助。佛陀聞到香味，便與開悟的比丘們乘空而至，度化了三摩竭婆家所在城鎮的許多人。

這一幕被圖繪在新疆拜城縣克孜爾石窟（第178窟、第198窟、第205窟和第224窟）的桶形拱頂的中間帶。工匠們繪制了一排以神通力飛來的僧人，飛向坐在樓頂上的三摩竭。雖然畫中的細節有一些差異，但從總體來看，這幅畫展示的故事最接近於瞿曇僧伽提婆譯於397年的《增一阿含經》（T125），以及支謙（活躍於公元223-253年）所譯的《須摩提女經》（T128a，T128b）。只是與後來的版本相比，這個作品的飛行僧人的數量較少，而且更注重事件本身而不是描述三摩竭的前世。

根據慶昭蓉對發現於都勒都爾·阿護爾的殘片的研究，香在龜茲乃供佛之物，可能用於儀式。此外，也要考慮其與香室之間可能的關係。總之，克孜爾石窟中所描述的三摩竭的故事，是文本和物質文化融合並視覺化為壁畫的一個絕好案例。
Zhanru 湛如 (PekingU 北京大學): 西明寺文學與藝術傳統 | The Ximingsi literary and Artistic Traditions

作為文化場域的西明寺非僅為宗教場所，其中所居之僧侶亦為文化傳承之重要一環，尤其在藝術、文學、文獻蒐集與教育等四方面更為突出。西明寺中存有大量名家精湛的書法與繪畫作品，尤以柳公權所書《金剛經碑》為代表，此件之唐拓孤本現存於敦煌石室中。西明寺中繪畫更為有名，與西明寺名聞天下的牡丹一起，吸引了諸多唐代著名詩人墨客前來吟詠詩賦，並留下了大量膾炙人口的篇什。西明寺作為譯經中心，也特重各類內外典籍的收藏，是以成為了一個既有文化的寶藏與新生文化的催化器。西明寺還因其師資、書籍的儲備而成就了文化教育傳承的事業，在此寺中僧俗不僅可以獲得宗教知識，也能夠延續古典時期中外世俗文化的傳承，像一行這樣的僧人就體現了東亞與南亞宗教、世俗文化的多重傳承。以西明寺為代表的中古寺院之所以能夠承擔文化傳承的重要角色，則主要與它本身是一個文化要素與士紳文人交匯的場域有關。在此寺之中僧眾與社會精英得以共處，尤其是在世俗統治階層大量捨宅建寺的情況下，以西明寺為代表的唐代寺院就更與社會頂級精英存有密切的聯繫。除此之外，中古寺院又因攝受眾生的需要而具有開放性，尤其是齋會、節慶活動吸引了大量普通民眾，故將寺院成就為打通社會各階層的文化熔爐。西明寺即是以這樣一種深層次、多樣性的方式，來正面影響了中古時期的文藝、文教與典籍傳承。

As a “cultural field,” Ximing Monastery was not only a religious site. The monks who lived there represented an essential part of cultural heritage, especially in art, literature, education, and the collection of documents. The Monastery housed many exquisite works of calligraphy and painting by famous masters. Among them, most notable is the “Diamond Sūtra Tablet” (Jingangjing bei 金剛經碑), written by the famous Tang dynasty statesman and calligrapher Liu Gongquan 柳公權 (ca. 778–865), whose only extant Tang rubbing (拓) now remains in the stone caves of Dunhuang 敦煌. The paintings of Ximing Monastery are even more famous. With the Monastery’s world-famous peonies, Ximing Monastery’s paintings also attracted many famous poets and literati of the time, who composed poetry leaving behind numerous widely popular works.

As a translation center, Ximing Monastery also placed great importance on collecting and preserving various religious and non-religious texts, making its site both a cultural depository and hub for creating new cultural capital. Because of its lineage of masters and disciples and repository of classics, Ximing Monastery also accomplished the task of administering cultural education and inheritance. At its site, monks and lay Buddhists could not only acquire religious knowledge but also inherit the knowledge of classical Chinese and foreign secular cultures. Monks such as Yixing 一行 (ca. 683–727) embodied the multicultural inheritance of East Asian and South Asian religious and secular cultures.

Considering Ximing Monastery as a model, the reason medieval monasteries were able to take on the critical role of cultural promulgation and inheritance is mainly related to the fact that their sites served as “fields” where key culture could converge with society’s gentry and literati.

In Ximing Monastery, monks and the social elites coexisted. Especially when secular ruling class families offered their homes to build monasteries in large numbers, Tang dynasty monasteries became even more interlinked with society’s upper echelon. Additionally, medieval monasteries were open to meet the needs of the public, particularly in the case of “feast gatherings” and festivals, which attracted large numbers of ordinary people and allowed monasteries to become cultural melting pots for all strata of society.

In this deeply rooted and diverse way, Ximing Monastery directly influenced the literature, art, culture, education, and the inheritance of classics in the medieval period.
ZHAO Jinchao 趙晉超 (NYU-Shanghai 上海紐約大學): Loving-kindness, Filial Piety, and Transcendence Seeking: The Tension between the Textual and Visual traditions of Syama Jātaka in Early Medieval China | 善行、孝道、與修仙：從睒子本生看魏晉南北朝時期本生文本與圖像傳統之差異

Syama jataka is renowned in the Chinese context for its portrayal of a filial son who supported his blinded parents. Translated in multiple textual versions and depicted in reliefs and murals, it has been circulated broadly in the Buddhist world. Previous scholarship on the story’s Chinese transmission focuses on the story’s representation of the virtue of filial piety and its alignment with the Chinese context. However, a close examination of surviving visual depictions of jataka stories reveal an often-ignored regional disparities of popularity of Syama’s story in early medieval China. While the story became flourishing among other jatakas in murals from cave-temples along the Hexi Corridor, it is intriguingly absent on the Central Plain during the sixth century. The story’s disappearance in the Central Plain raises more questions given the comparative popularity of Sudana jataka and Mahasattva jataka, another two birth stories that has been circulated widely in China.

This article addresses Syama jataka’s unbalanced adaptation in Chinese visual culture by contextualizing its textual and visual tradition into the broader historical milieu of depicting Buddhist stories and filial paragons in the sixth century. It shows that the transformed theme of the story, from loving-kindness to filial piety, was gradually shaped in the translation process of the story’s textual tradition in the third and fourth centuries. Yet the story’s visual tradition encounters reluctance in its integration into the indigenous teaching on filial piety in sixth-century northern China. This hesitation was formed by two historical contexts: the pre-existing visual tradition of depicting filial paragons in the secular world, as well as the gradual dominance of seeking transcendence as the primary teaching delivered in representations of jataka tales in sixth-century northern China.

This research further serves as an example to highlight the tension between the textual and the visual tradition in adapting Buddhist teachings into indigenous social milieu. While a rich array of rhetoric strategies in text translation were developed to integrate Buddhist teachings into existing Chinese thoughts, the visual tradition encounters a separate set of questions concerning availability, necessity, and the visual logic of viewers.

睒子本生故事在佛教世界廣為流行，現存多語種文本和媒介豐富的圖像材料。主人公睒子侍奉盲父母之孝行使得這一本生在中古中國也流傳甚廣。然而，既往研究主要关注此故事中的孝行情節及其與中國傳統孝道之合流，睒子本生流行中古中國的明顯地域與時代分別卻少有分析。梳理現存圖像材料，這一本生主要發現於河西走廊沿線石窟寺壁畫，在本生故事圖像更為流行的六世紀中原北方地區卻並未留下踪迹。這一現象在須大拏和捨身飼虎本生的對比下尤為獨特，值得探究。

為了探究睒子本生中國化過程的複雜性，本文將其放置於六世紀時佛教文本與圖像流行中國的視域下來展開分析。研究發現，睒子本生的“孝行”主旨是文本傳統在三、四世紀佛經漢譯過程中不斷改寫的結果，其早期文本中的“善行”和“苦行”情節不斷被壓縮。但是，相較之下，這一本生的圖像傳統卻並未出現明顯變革，睒子“孝行”這一新主旨並未得到相應突出。研究認為，睒子圖像傳統變革之“滯後”，及其六世紀時的“不在場”，是兩方面歷史語境塑造的結果。其一，南北朝時，世俗世界墓葬藝術已發展出完備的孝子故事圖像傳統來彰顯孝道。其二，六世紀時，中原北方地區的佛教敘事藝術開始與“山中修道”緊密聯繫，須大拏本生和捨身飼虎本生開始成為內外施捨善行的代表，而睒子本生不斷強化的孝行概念並不順應這一潮流。

這一研究進一步說明，佛教故事中國化過程中，文本與視覺傳統各自具有強烈的獨特性，兩者間的張力明顯。文本譯介過程中的一系列修辭與改寫促進了佛教教義與傳統中國思想之融合，睒子孝行之強化即為一例。但這樣的融合並不能直接套用於分析視覺圖像材料。圖像領域的視覺文化之融合，需探討一系列文本傳統之外的因素。
ZHAO Wen 趙文 (NankaiU 南開): The Buddhist Narrative and the Cult of Prajñāpāramitā in China during the 6th Century | 常啼菩薩求法敘事與西元6世紀中國的《般若經》信仰

The narrative of Sadāprarudita bodhisattva seeking for the Dharma found in the Prajñāpāramitā literature contributed to the transmission of the cult of Prajñāpāramitā among the Indian Mahāyāna Buddhists, and it also exerted influence on the thinking and behaviors of people during the 6th Century in China — the sermon of the Emperor Wu of Liang 梁武帝 and the vow made by the Master Huisi 慧思 both can be linked with the scenes in the narrative of Sadāprarudita. When those events are presented in the new narrative writing, we see not only the simulations of the episodes in the narrative of Sadāprarudita, but also the incorporation of other episodes declaring the power of Prajñāpāramitā. These narrative skills promoted the development of the cult of Prajñāpāramitā in the medieval China.

《般若經》中常啼菩薩求法的敘事有助於《般若經》信仰在印度大乘佛教信徒之中的傳播，同時也影響著公元6世紀中國歷史語境中人們的思想與行動：梁武帝宣講《大品般若經》與慧思立願造金字《般若經》，都可以在常啼菩薩求法敘事之中找到呼應的場景。同時，當這些歷史事件經過轉述形成新的文本的時候，不僅出現了對《般若經》中舊有敘事的模仿，也有其它宣示《般若經》神力的情節融入。這些技巧性的敘述推動著《般若經》信仰在中國中古社會的發展。
ZHAO You 趙悠 (PekingU 北京大學): 佛典中的機關木人喻 | The Metaphor of Yantraputraka in Buddhist Literature

在印度古典文獻中，機關木人作為一種比喻，常用來置問行為主體之有無。對耆那教與印度教而言，機器人僅僅“代表著一具沒有生命的身體”，故借此喻證明另需成立一個“自我”；對佛教徒來說則正相反，機關木人恰恰構成了一個對無我教義的詩意論證。本文聚焦於佛教這一邊，將兩組產生於西元初期的用例並置細讀：它們或直接把機關木人當做明喻來使用，或巧妙地以它構建出敘事情節。通過這些有限但頗具代表性的案例，我們將看到佛典中運用機關木人喻的基本理路，以及隨著佛教思想發展其用法的變化。

Mechanical beings are used as metaphors to question the agency problem in Indian literatures. For the Jains and Hindus, a robot “represents an unanimated body”, hence a self is suggested by the simile; while for Buddhists, on the contrary, it forms a poetic argument exactly for non-self doctrine. In this essay, I will focus on the Buddhist side and read closely two sets of examples roughly dated to the early centuries of the common era: they introduced mechanical man either straightforwardly as a simile, or playfully as a plot. Through this limited but telling examples, we shall see a basic rationale of the metaphor and the dynamics of its usage in Buddhist texts.
ZHONG Haoqin 鍾昊沁 (University of Hong Kong 香港大學): The Vicissitudes of the Story of Therī Paṭācārā: From Early Buddhism to Mahāyāna | 微妙比丘尼故事的前世今生从原始佛教到大乘佛教

In Pāli commentaries, there is a famous story of Therī Paṭācārā, who was plagued by a chain of catastrophes and was finally bereft of all her kinsmen. Similar stories appear in Chinese and Tibetan Buddhist literature, but with obvious variations.

First, in Chinese and Tibetan, three different Therī-s, namely Therī Paṭācārā, Therī Kisāgotamī, and Therī Utpalavarṇā, take the main role in different records. Second, Chinese and Tibetan records usually contain more episodes than those in Pāli. And the protagonists in Chinese and Tibetan endured more suffering after her kinsmen died, for example being buried alive with her dead husband, and being enforced to eat her own son in her later marital experience. Third, in some Chinese and Tibetan records, the past life story of the protagonist is included to explain the karma result for moral education.

Clearly, this is a salient and typical case of the appropriation and assimilation of Indian Buddhist literature by Chinese Buddhists, which merits further study. Similar studies have been done by many scholars. For example, Bhikkhu Anālayo has examined the differences of similar records between Chinese gama and Pāli Nikāya (Anālayo 2014b, a). Durt has studied on the different stories of Vāseṭṭhī/ Vasiṣṭha from Therīgāthā to Mahayana (Durt 2001).

Similar to previous comparative studies, this research asks: how these variations came into being? The episode of “wife being buried alive along with her dead husband” does not seem to accord with Indian culture. The episode of “a mother being enforced to eat her own son” is also unseen in Pāli literature. Were such accounts just a result of textual corruptions during the transmission or amended intentionally by the translators and compilers? And since when such variations have come into being?

在巴利语论典中，有一则大家耳熟能详的故事——微妙比丘尼的故事。微妙色比丘尼于在家时，接连遭遇了丈夫、儿子和所有娘家人遇难离世的沉重打击，幸而得遇佛陀，最终得到了解脱。在中文和藏文的佛教文献里，类似的故事也数次出现。但相较于巴利语论典中的故事，这些故事从主人公到具体情节都有明显差异。印度佛典故事在传入中国后，在适应中国文化的过程中，内容常有微调。微妙比丘尼故事可视为其中一个典型案例。

本文聚焦这些文本的差异性，基于文本比较和对文本背景的研究，试图解释这些差异产生的原因。首先，本文探讨了为什么相同的故事情节，不同的文本赋予其不同的主人公。其次，本文认为这些故事的差异性体现了在佛典的传播与发展中，巴利语里相对简短的“原型”故事被合并、改编为大乘佛教中相对复杂的新故事，来阐述大乘的义理。再次，本文还发现，中、藏佛典相关故事中一些情节明显与印度文化不符，应为其对中国文化习俗的适应，比如土葬情节、盗墓情节。此外，本文还提出，中、藏文本中“母食子”相关情节应是记录者或传播者对印度原文的误读。
ZHOU Liqun 周利群 (Beijing Foreign Studies U 北京外國語大學): How One Bhikṣuṇī Met Indian Astrology? ——Buddhist Narrative Paradigm and Logic from the Story of the Mātaṅga Girl | 比丘尼如何遇上印度天文？——從“摩登女”故事看佛教敘事範式與邏輯

The Chinese word “摩登”, the translation for English word “Modern”, is borrowed from a popular Buddhist story along the Silk Route more than 1700 years. The Buddhist story Śārdūlakarṇāvadāna focuses on a low caste Mātaṅga girl named Prakṛti pursuied Buddha’s disciple Ānanda, and in the end she was converted into a bhikṣuṇī by the Buddha. This story spread among various Buddhist texts like the Merv avadāna from central Asia, the Divyāvadāna from Nepal, the Motengjia jing in China, the vinaya texts, etc. This story of bhikṣuṇī includes both a present life story and a past life story, which hides a textbook of early Indian astrology in the later one. This part of Indian astrology belongs to the period of divination of according to nakṣatras, earlier than the fifth century’s famous Bṛhatsamhitā in India, maybe the same period as Gargasamhitā. Tracing the route of spreading, this paper explores how did this bhikṣuṇī meet Indian astrology and how does this text survive till modern times.

中文 “摩登”一詞，是英文 “Modern” 的音譯，來源自1700多年前在絲綢之路上流行的佛教故事《虎耳譬喻經》（Śārdūlakarṇāvadāna）。該故事主要講述了一個名叫本性（Prakṛti）的低種姓摩登伽部族的姑娘追求佛祖的弟子阿難，愛而不得最後她皈依了佛教。故事在各種佛教文獻中流傳，如中亞的《木鹿譬喻故事》（Merv avadāna）、尼泊爾的《天譬喻經》（Divyāvadāna）、中國的《摩登伽經》以及《鼻奈耶》等律。此譬喻故事包括現世的故事，也包括前世的故事，在前世的故事中隱藏著一本早期印度占星術的教科書。印度占星學的這一部分屬於早期星宿占卜，早於五世紀著名的星佔書《廣集》（Bṛhatsamhitā），也許與二世紀左右的《竭伽集》（Gargasamhitā）同一時期。探索其文獻來源，追溯其傳播路線，本文探討比丘尼是如何與印度占星術相遇，以及這個文本是如何流傳到現代。
Monika ZIN (LeipzigU 萊比錫大學): Maitreya, the saviour? | 彌勒，那位救世者？

Narrative art requires pictorial conventions to convey the content of the pictures to the viewer. Artists have to provide information about the social status of a person, the place and time of an event, etc. without being able to use words. It goes without saying that pictorial conventions, once they have been established, have to be used consistently since otherwise they become unintelligible. On the other hand, the viewer will notice any deviation from a successfully implemented convention and will detect the meaning behind it.

In the paintings of Kucha a clear distinction is made between the headgear of a king and the staked jaṭās of a Brahmanical ascetic. However, in a number of jātaka representations the self-sacrificing king – even in stories as universally known as those of King Śibi – is shown with the hairstyle of a Brahmanical ascetic. There even are jātaka paintings in which the Bodhisatva is shown with a mandorla – a feature reserved in Kucha exclusively for the samyaksaṃbuddhas and the “Mahābodhisatvas” like the future Buddha Maitreya. It is obvious that the paintings are transmitting a particular message. But how would a viewer in the past have understood for example an image of the King Pradīpapradyota – shown guiding the merchants on their way with his hands burning – if he is represented with the ascetic hairdo of Maitreya … or maybe rather of Avalokiteśvara?

敘事藝術需要藉助圖繪手法以傳達圖片內容給觀者。藝術家雖然無法使用文字，仍需傳達人物的社會地位、事件地點和時間等信息。毋庸說是，一旦圖繪手法被卻立，在使用中需要一以貫之，否則將會讓人費解。另一方面，觀者會注意到與成功運用的手法不合之處，且能體察到背後的用意。

在龜兹壁畫中，國王頭飾和婆羅門教苦修者盤起的頭髮之間有清晰的區別。但是，在很多本生故事表達中，自我犧牲的國王展現得是婆羅門教苦修者的髮型，甚至無人不知的尸毗王故事也是如此。甚至在一些本生故事畫裡，菩薩具有神聖的光輪。這是在龜兹繪畫中，光輪一般是正遍覺和未來佛彌勒這樣的“大菩薩”才有的特徵。很明顯，這些繪畫傳遞一個特別的信息。然而，作為過去的觀者如何辨別，比如說，薩博主的形像——用燃燒的雙手為商人指路——如果是以苦行者的彌勒⋯⋯或者是觀世音的苦行髮型出現呢？