Thus Have I Heard – Abstracts

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  1. Christoph ANDERL 安東平 (GhentU 比利時根特大學): “Have I thus really heard?”: A study of Vernacularized Life Stories of the Buddha Preserved in Dunhuang Manuscripts – With an Emphasis on Non-canonical Elements and Inconsistencies in the Narrative Structure | “當真我聞如是?”:敦煌文書中方言化的佛傳故事研究——以藏外元素和敘事結構的矛盾處為重點

    Among the semi-vernacular Dunhuang manuscripts discovered at Dunhuang, there is a significant number of texts narrating episodes in the life of the Buddha, many of them extant in fragmentary form. While some loosely follow the story lines of canonical biographies of the Buddha, others significantly divert in terms of content and sequence of events, altering the timeline of the main episodes of Buddha’s life and/or introducing new elements, such as highlighting the role and significance of his wife in Śākyamuni’s quest for salvation. In this lecture I will focus on these “abnormalities” which occasionally lead to serious distortions in the narrative structure, as well as reflect on the motivations behind the introduction of this type of innovative elements.


  2. Stefan BAUMS (LMU Munich 德國慕尼黑大學): Praise as Narrative: Representations of the Buddha in Gāndhārī Stotras and Epithets | 敘事式讚頌:犍陀羅歌讃和修飾語所展現的佛陀

    The Buddhist culture of ancient Gandhāra (modern northern Pakistan and eastern Afghanistan) has preserved for us numerous narratives of the Buddha and of Buddhist ideals. Gandhāra is best known for its rich architectural and artistic heritage, including narrative panels from stūpas recounting events from the Buddha’s life, and statues in stone and clay representing the Buddha in idealized human form. In recent years, this material heritage has been augmented by the discovery of close to two hundred birch-bark manuscripts in the Kharoṣṭhī script and Gāndhārī language that are being intensively studied and gradually published. They preserve for us a well-rounded sample of Gandhāran Buddhist literature from the first century BCE up to the third or fourth century CE. Among them are Buddhist narratives, both sparse prose sketches and elaborate metrical compositions, as well as at least two accounts of episodes from the Buddha’s life in prose and verse. This paper will briefly introduce these narrative genres, and then focus on a special kind of narrative – praises of the Buddha’s person and accomplishments. Among the earliest Gāndhārī manuscript finds are two containing an assortment of hymns of praise (stotra; British Library fragment 5C and Bajaur Collection fragment 8) and one containing a prose text praising the Buddha (Bajaur Collection fragment 10). The later Gāndhārī tradition at Bamiyan has preserved a unique text consisting of short phrases in which the Buddha enumerates his major deeds in the first person. To these can be added numerous epithets descriptive of the Buddha’s attainments both in manuscript texts and in inscriptions (such as that of King Senavarma). This paper will provide a collation and analysis of these early Gandhāran expressions of praise, and paint a comprehensive picture of the Buddha, of his deeds, and of his spiritual attainments as it emerges from these sources.


  3. Rostislav BEREZKIN 白若思 (FudanU 復旦): Miracle Stories in the Formation of Precious Scrolls Narratives: With an Example of the Subject of the Miaoying Baojuan 妙英寶卷 | 靈驗故事與寳卷敘事的形成:以《妙英寶卷》的題材爲例

    The Precious Scroll of Miaoying (Miaoying Baojuan 妙英寶卷) is still often used in several traditions of ritualized storytelling in southern Jiangsu, mainly areas around Suzhou. This text represents a narrative of female self-cultivation, which is related to the worship of the so-called White-Robed Guanyin, a popular female form of this Buddhist deity in late imperial China. The earliest extant recension of this text dates back to the beginning of the nineteenth century, but its subject can be traced to the earlier period. Despite the prominent place of the Precious Scroll of Miaoying in modern storytelling traditions using texts of precious scrolls (scroll recitation) in Jiangsu, there are no detailed studies of this text, including the origins of its subject, thus far. I have traced the core story in this text to the stories of miracles preserved in the form of written vernacular novels of the fifteenth-seventeenth centuries. These materials demonstrate the importance of Buddhist miracle tales in the formation of popular narrative precious scrolls in the late imperial period, as well as connections between baojuan and vernacular novel. The author has used written sources and materials obtained during fieldwork in Suzhou and adjacent areas.

    《妙英寶卷》是江蘇南部(所謂吳方言地區)傳統寶卷講唱活動中常用的文本,但目前未見過有關其來源的研究。該寳卷講述觀音菩薩轉世—— 一位虔誠小女妙英的故事,屬於典型女性修行成道題材的寶卷種類。其與白衣觀音信仰有密切關係,并且具有相當高文學價值。雖然該寶卷現存最早的版本只有19世紀初的抄本,相對其他這種作品來說比較晚,其故事題材可以追溯到更早的時代。本文探討《妙英寶卷》與15至17世紀話本小説的關係,以便説明其與明代佛教靈驗傳説故事以及白話小説的關聯,證明晚期寶卷也使用佛教文學題材。

  4. CAI Tiantian 蔡田田 (University of Wisconsin–Madison 美國威斯康辛大學麥迪遜分校): A Survey of the Meaning of prapañca in the Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra

    In Yogācāra epistemology, the notion of prapañca refers to various dimensions of the conceptual process, in aspects ranging from consciousness, language formation, discrimination, the conceptualization of subject-object duality, mental defilement, and ignorance. Given that the Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra conveys the richness of early tenets for both the Yogācāra and Madhyamaka tradition, an investigation of the meaning and discourse context of prapañca is a necessity. This paper conducts a contextual examination of prapañca, primarily addressing 1) a range of meanings; 2) possible characteristics; 3) conditions and consequences, especially the associations with the conceptualization (vikalpa) process; 4) the significance of the elimination that the corresponding dialogue implies. This paper finds that prapañca tends to be a factor giving rise to dualistic conceptualization and the evolution of consciousness. It shows some qualities of a beginningless conceptual format of saṃsāric conditioned negativity and is related to language formation. Considered the root of suffering, the elimination of prapañca is a prerequisite for reaching enlightenment and achieving the state of Buddhahood.

  5. CHEN Yingjin 陳映錦 (Beijing Language and Culture U 北京語言大學): 佛教創世神話文本的成立 ——基於敘事脈絡與線索的考察 | The Development of the Creation Myth of Buddhism in the Sectarian Buddhist Texts

    記載於經、律、論三藏的佛教創世神話向我們展示了世間形成與人類產生的最初場景。其故事內容可以分為三個基本敘事單元:災劫往復與世間形成、眾生墮落與世間統治秩序的建立、種姓緣起與釋迦族王譜。諸部阿含經對情節的選擇和敘事的詳略均有差異。筆者通過對阿含經文本敘事結構、內容的對比,結合該神話產生的敘事語境,以為該神話是以婆羅門身份出家的比丘為說法對象展開,以戒律為敘事線索組織。從文本成立角度來看,與說法目的無關,卻詳說“宇宙論”部分的《長阿含·世紀經》“世本緣品”與《增一阿含經》“七日品”為晚起的“拼湊底本”,且二者屬於同一文本系統;《中阿含·婆羅婆堂經》與巴利《長部》Aggañña Sutta有相似的定型文句和細節描述,應該是分享了相近的文本,其中《婆羅婆堂經》可能更加古老;別立五種姓的《長阿含·小緣經》與諸本細節上的差別,顯示了其另屬於獨立的傳承體系。

    The creation myth of Buddhism tells the story that when the world was robbed, all beings rose to the gods of the bright sound heaven. However, all beings gradually lose their feet and light due to constant greed, and then separate men and women, resulting in disputes and clear sins. The creation myth has been translated and transcribed so much in the Buddhist scriptures that we can analyze its “common text” and study the narrative motivation of the Buddha himself or the editor of the classic based on the analysis results. As this myth has been repeatedly mentioned in the classics of different sects, the author thinks that it can basically be regarded as a common legend formed before the fundamental division of the Buddhist Saṃgha, representing the world outlook and social outlook of Buddha and his direct disciples. According to the interception of plot elements by different sects, it shows the text creation consciousness of classic editors of sects. At the same time, through the comparison of its text details, the influence of the split of sects on the formation of classic texts is analyzed.

  6. Max DEEG 寧梵夫 (CardiffU 英國卡迪夫大學): “Once upon a Time” – So What? The Importance of Place in Buddhist Narratives | “一時”——然後呢?地點在佛教敘事中的重要性

    This paper deals with the aspect of place (space) in Buddhist narratives. Starting from the observation that narrated time is often vaguely indicated in Buddhist narratives, but places and sites of the narrated events are quite specific – although frequently introduced in a stereotypical way (“Once the Buddha dwelled in Śrāvastī …” “Once when Brahmadatta was king in Vārāṇasī …”) – the question is asked why place is so important for and in Buddhist narratives. Based on selected examples, the argument is made that it is the “blueprint” of “early” Buddhist biographical sources with the Buddha acting / preaching at specific places which made these places accessible spaces where merit could be gained through “contact” with soteriologically important events in the past.


  7. HE Yansheng 何燕生 (Koriyama Women’s U 郡山女子大學/KyotoU 京都大學): 柳田聖山禪學敘事中的臨濟、良寬和一休 | Linji 臨濟 (?-867), Ryōkan 良寬 (1758-1831) and Ikkyū 一休 (1394–1481) in the Chan Narratives by Yanagida Seisan


    One of the most distinctive features of Yanagida Seizan’s Chan/ Zen studies is his attempt to critically examine early Chan literature using modern historical and bibliographical methods. However, Yanagida’s field of study was not limited to Zen literature, but also to Chan/Zen personalities, and he seems to have been “obsessed” with the study of Chan/Zen monks such as Linji Yixuan, Ikkyū, and Ryōkan, publishing many works. Yanagida imagined Rinzai Yixuan and idealized his personality, even as an icon. Yanagida studied Ikkyū’s Kyōunshū 狂雲集 and appreciated Ikkyū’s “crazy” character. Yanagida himself had a lifelong love of Chinese poetry, and during his lifetime he was the president of the Japanese Association of Chinese Poets, and in his capacity as a poet, he led several delegations to China. In addition, in memory of the Japanese poet monk Ryōkan’s poem “The Bridge under the Emei Mountain”, in the autumn of 1990, with the assistance of the Japanese Chinese Poetry Association and relevant units in China, Yanagida took the initiative of having a monument built in Fenggang, Emei Mountain, Sichuan Province to memorialize the Zen master Ryōkan. This paper will examine these deeds to clarify specifically the image of Zen monks and their significance in Yanagida’s Chan/Zen narrative.

  8. HO Chiew-Hui 何秋輝 (USydney 澳大利亞悉尼大學): Afterlife Abodes in the Lotus Sutra Tradition: Parasutraic Narratives and the Formation of Cultic Repertoire | 法華經傳統的來世處:副佛經敘事與信仰體系里的要素形成

    Until recently, the study of parasutraic literature in forming and sustaining the system of religious veneration and devotion directed toward the sutra has not received the attention it deserved. Within this genre of literature, parasutraic narratives have been employed to not only extol a particular sutra but also shape believers’ conception of the sutra in contradistinction to other scriptures in its message, powers, benefits, as well as how it should be treated. By examining narratives of the Lotus Sutra of the Tang period, especially those related to afterlife abodes, this paper argues that the Lotus Sutra cult is not only informed by factors within the scripture but also shaped by other factors, such as the legacy of its proponents—its believers, translators, and exegetes. The cultic repertoire of the Lotus Sutra, constituted by a collection of core elements fashioned through the complex intersection of these factors, which distinguishes the cult provides a fertile ground for discussing the broader nexus of issues regarding similar formations and their implications for our understanding of medieval Chinese Buddhism.

    至今,副經文學的研究,針對佛經的宗教敬仰虔誠的系統,是如何形成與維持的,還沒得到應有的重視。在這種文學的體裁,副經敘事形式不僅被運用到讚仰特定的經典,還能夠塑造信徒對佛經的理解,並和其它經典對比而凸顯出自身特有的教義和功能、信仰它能得到的利益,以及如何信奉該經。透過研究唐代法華經的敘事,特別是那些有關來生處的故事,本文認為法華經的信仰不只是由經典裡的因素所形成,更被其他條件所塑就,例如它的擁護者的影響力。法華經信仰的核心元素, 宛如一系列特定的表演項目,可被視作為是通過這些變量條件複雜交集構成的一種「劇目」。此了解可為討論類似信仰體系形成的更廣泛問題,及其對我們理解中古漢傳佛教的影響提供更合宜的立論基礎。

  9. JIN Son/Ven. Jeongwan sunim (DonggukU 韓國東國大學): The Narrative of a Buddhist Statue from Water | 一則出水佛像的故事

    The narrative of a Buddhist statue discovered from water, found in Korea and Japan, frequently appears in the classical Chinese texts related to Buddhism. This paper focuses on a common theme found in Buddhist literary tradition where the statue of the Buddha ‘washes ashore’ or ’emerges from the waters,’ and how the introduction of Buddhism in East Asia necessitated the transmission and acculturation of similar Buddhist narratives in the Region. Buddhist narrative of Korea and Japan have close ties with the Chinese Buddhist texts which makes the study of their origins and transmission all the more meaningful for the propagation and exchange of East Asian Buddhist culture. Uncovering the origins and development of such narrative allows deeper understanding of how the narrative was received and altered in each region.

    The tale of Shi Hui Yuan 釋慧遠 and Shi Huida 釋慧達 from Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳 [The Biographies of Eminent Monks] is believed to be the source material for similar narratives to follow, that are found not only in China but in Korea and Japan as well. The appearance of Aśoka statues in the story demonstrates close linkage between King Aśoka’s origin story and the theme of ‘Buddha statue emerging from the waters’ found in subsequent tales such as Fayuan zhulin 法苑珠林, or Ji Shenzhou sanbao gantong lu 集神州三寶感通錄. And most importantly, the characterization of King Aśoka as the embodiment of Buddhist ideals in India, the birthplace of Buddhism, has lead its East Asian counterparts to identify him as ‘the beginning.’ And this is not to be interpreted as a beginning in historical Sense, but as the beginning of an ideology, as defined by Buddhism when it was first introduced as a foreign Religion.



  10. KISHINO Ryoji 岸野良治 (Kyoto Pharmaceutical University 京都薬科大学): The Narrative Story about the One Who Became a Poisonous Snake preserved in the Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya and the Avadānaśataka |《根本說一切有部律》和《撰集百緣經》所見人變毒蛇的故事

    The vinaya, the name of both a genre of Buddhist canonical texts and specific texts, primarily contains the rules governing Buddhist monastic life. Vinaya texts are, therefore, often referred to as “monastic law codes” by modern scholars. However, some vinaya texts include not only monastic rules but also narrative stories. Some stories outline how and why the Buddha established the rules, while others, although relating to Buddhist teachings, have little to do with the rules. These narrative stories frequently parallel ones preserved in other genres of Buddhist literature, such as the āgama and avadāna. Vinaya texts are, therefore, often used as an informative resource for understanding not only Buddhist monasticism but also Buddhist narrative literature in early India. The Nidāna and Muktaka of the Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya, both of which are fully preserved in Yijing’s 義浄 (635–713) Chinese translation (Chin. Nituona 尼陀那; Mudejia 目得迦) and a Tibetan translation (Tib. Gleng gzhi; rKyang pa or Sil bu) but little, if at all, in Sanskrit, have received scant attention from scholars who study Buddhist narrative literature. This is despite both texts undoubtedly being canonical vinaya texts and preserving several narrative stories. In this presentation, I focus on the beginning of the Muktaka, which contains a series of narrative stories about quarrels between a young monk and an old monk, the latter of whom becomes so furious that he is reborn as a poisonous snake. I note that these stories include several well-known clichés found in the Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya and the Divyavdāna/Avadāna-śataka, and a partial parallel to the 51st story of the Avadānaśataka (“Kṛṣṇa-sarpa”), and then discuss the relationship between the Muktaka’s snake story and “Kṛṣṇa-sarpa” in order to elucidate the significance of the Muktaka for research on Buddhist narrative literature.

    毗奈耶既指一類佛教典籍,也指具體文本,主要包含規範僧眾生活的規則。因此,現代學者常常將之成為“僧院法典”。然而,有些律典中不僅有寺院規範,而且有故事。一些故事介紹佛陀如何以及為何制定這些規則,而另一些故事雖然與佛教教義有關,但與僧律關係不大。這些故事經常與其他佛教文獻中保存的故事相平行,如《阿含經》和《譬喻經》。因此,對於佛教僧團生活和早期印度佛教敘事文學來說,毗奈耶是信息量很大的資料。《根本說一切有部律》中的《尼陀那》《目得迦》都完整地被義淨(635-713)所傳譯,並有藏譯本可資用(Gleng gzhi; rKyang pa or Sil bu),但是其梵文本則鮮有學者關注。儘管如此,這兩部文獻毫無疑問都是經典的戒律文本,並保留了一些敘事性的故事。我將重點考察《目得迦》的開頭部分,有一系列故事講述一少僧人和一老僧的爭吵,老僧憤怒非常,以至於轉生為毒蛇。我注意到,這些故事運用了《根本說一切有部律》和《撰集百緣經》中幾個常見套路,其中一部分與《撰集百緣經》第51個故事(”賢面慳貪受毒蛇身緣”)的部分相平行。隨後,我將討論目得迦的蛇故事和”賢面慳貪受毒蛇身緣”之間的關係,以說明目得迦對佛教敘事文學研究的意義。

  11. Nelson LANDRY 藍山 (Oxford): Monastics and the Medieval Chinese Buddhist Mythos: A Study of Narrative Elements in Daoxuan’s Ji Shenzhou Sanbao Gantong Lu (Collected Record of Miracles Relating to the Three Jewels in China) | 關於僧人與中古中國的佛教敘事:以道宣著“集神州三寶感通錄”的敘事方面為例

    Miracle tales are didactic stories related to Buddhist figures and objects that describe miraculous occurrences brought about by acts of great piety and fervent devotion. They present the audience with concrete examples of the workings of karma, while simultaneously setting verifiable historical precedents in a bid to prove the religious efficacy of Buddhism in China. These were also historiographical works, providing a wealth of details regarding not only religious life and belief in China, but also local lore, politics, architectural trends, and much more.

    This paper will focus on a text called the Ji shenzhou sanbao gantong lu 集神州三寶感通錄 (Collected Record of Miracles Relating to the Three Jewels in China; T2106), a collection of miracle tales compiled by the seventh century scholar monk Daoxuan 道宣 (596-664). This text is a collection of narratives drawn from literary and epigraphy sources, as well as orally transmitted stories, all of which were meant to affirm the power and efficacy of Buddhist individuals, cult objects, and sacred sites in China. Buddhists from India and Central Asia originally came to China during the first and second centuries of our common era. By the seventh century, this foreign religion had taken root in the East and Daoxuan was one of the most important architects of a growing Sinitic Buddhist narrative. Indeed, as a Buddhist figurehead and as the author of many seminal historiographical works, he played a central role in the overall localization—and crystallization—of this tradition in China. Bearing this in mind, this paper seeks to interpret the “collective images” presented in Daoxuan’s collection of miracle tales, those representations of the miraculous and the supernormal. When put together, these images make up a nexus of representations that can be analyzed and interpreted as historical patterns and trends to allow insight into the lived reality of the monk that compiled them as well as, more broadly, the medieval Chinese themselves.


    本文將重點介紹道宣(596-664)所編的神感應事集《集神州三寶感通錄》。印度佛教很早就入進中國,及至唐代,這種外來宗教已經在東方紮根。當時道宣是中國佛教敘事最重要作者之一。事實上,作為許多開創性歷史著作的作者,他在中國這一傳統的整體本土化發揮了核心作用。本文試圖解讀道宣感應故事集中呈現的“集體形象 (collective images)”,即對感應和瑞祥。該文中的形象構成了一個表徵的聯繫,可以分析為歷史模式和趨勢,從而可以洞察編譯它們僧侶的生活現實。

  12. LI Can 李燦 (Beijing Foreign Studies U 北京外國語大學): 陳述還是神通力?: 首楞嚴三昧作為創造佛教故事大乘敘事的工具 | Statement or Supernaturalism?: Śūraṇgamasamādhi as a Tool for Creating Mahāyāna Narratives of Buddhist Stories


    This paper first proposes a new interpretation of Śūraṇgama-samādhi, an important concept of Early Mahāyana Buddhism, based on Śūraṇgamasamādhi Sūtra. And It is then argued that the present sūtra constructs a new narrative of the Buddha’s Deeds by introducing the tool of Śūraṇgamasamādhi to alleviate the great tension between the Buddha’s supramundane image and his worldly actions his biography, which makes Śūraṇgamasamādhi an important medium for Mahāyāna sūtras to reinterpret Buddha’s behaviors and create new narratives of the Divine Buddhas.

  13. LI Wei 李薇 (SuzhouU 蘇州大學):  动机・行为・结果:律藏四波罗夷法的判罪逻辑 | The Logic of Conviction in Vinayapiaka


    The motive is the basic standard while convicting by Buddha in the Vinaya. For example, if a Buddhist monk was guilty of manslaughter, it will not be judged as a crime in Vinaya. The standard of conviction is the motive of homicide. However, this rule is not universal for all cases. There are different conviction principles in different Vinaya. The principle of conviction in Vinaya is actually more complicated. This paper will first investigate the cases recorded in the vinītaka of six Vinayapitakas and generalize the rule of conviction. Secondly this study focuses on the origin of the vinītaka in Vinaya, which is one of the critical issues of the Suttavibhaṅga in Vinaya.

  14. LI Wei 李巍 (He’nanU 河南大學): 由虛向實:六朝小說改寫佛教譬喻故事的歷史維度 | From the Imaginary to the Real: The Historical Aspects of Rewriting Buddhist  Avadāna Stories in Six Dynasty

    佛教譬喻故事眾多,這些故事以印度源生地為起點傳播到世界各地,沿著絲綢之路進入中亞繼而傳入中國,其中一些故事成為中國民間故事的原型。中國民間故事有52個故事類型與佛經故事極其相似。而《百喻經》許多經典譬喻如如「貓裝聖人」、「雁銜龜」、「展轉相殺」、「鄉民照鏡」、「夫妻打賭不語」 等故事增強了譬喻經「牽物連類,轉相證據,互明善惡報應」的特點,更重要的是「增強了口承故事的 哲理性及其社會教化功能, 以致留傳下許多構想 精巧而內涵深邃的精美之作, 對寓言這一文學體裁的發展給予了積極有力的影響」。

    除了民間故事之外,佛教譬喻與中國小說關係非常密切,整體來看可以大致分為兩類。第一類可以視作漢地故事極為相似的平行故事,如《賢愚經》一則故事中有這麼一個情節:「次見耕者,以犁墾地。蟲從土出,蝦蟆拾吞。復有蛇來,吞食蝦蟆。孔雀飛來,啄食其蛇」,這與「螳螂捕蟬,黃雀在後」的成語有異曲同工之妙。如《莊子•山木》雲:「睹一蟬,方得美蔭而忘其身,螳螂執翳(yì)而搏之,見得而忘其形;異雀從而利之,見利而忘其真。」《劉向•說苑•第九卷•正諫》「園中有樹,其上有蟬,蟬高居悲鳴飲露,不知螳螂在其後也!螳螂委身曲附,欲取蟬而不顧知黃雀在其傍也!黃雀延頸欲啄螳螂而不知彈丸在其下也!此三者皆務欲得其前利而不顧其後之有患也。」 以及韓嬰《韓詩外傳》載:「螳螂方欲食蟬,而不知黃雀在後,舉其頸欲啄而食之也。」也有學者根據「螳螂捕蟬,黃雀在後」與佛教故事的相似性來反推漢地典籍的成書時間,這種嘗試有一定的益處,但是並不能據此說明兩者之間的影響關係,更像是一組具有相似義理的平行故事。同樣的例子還有很多,例如劉宋《說法經》中有譬喻雲:「亦如野乾,見甄叔迦樹,其果似肉。見落地時,便往欲食,知其非肉。更復生念,今此非肉,彼樹上者,必當是肉。遂便守之。」 這個故事就和守株待兔有某些神似。不過這類故事和中土已有故事並不一定有直接關聯,不能因為內容某一方面有相似之處妄下定論。


    Buddhist Avadāna literature shares a strong affinity with Chinese literature; one type of story can be seen as a parallel tale that bears striking resemblances to Chinese tales, while the other type has been assimilated by the Chinese writers and transformed into a Chinese tale. In The Record of Mysterious Ghostslinggui zhi 靈鬼志)of Jin Dynasty, the story of “the foreign monk” (waiguo daoren 外國道人) adapts the magical plot in which a man throwing up a pot from the story of “a Brahmin Throwing Up a Pot”(fanzhi tuhu梵志吐壺), yet it changes certain objects of the story to items Chinese characteristics. In Xu qixie續齊諧, the famous “the Goose Cage Scholar” ( e’long shusheng 鵝籠書生also known as ” the Scholar of Yangxian” (yangxian shushing 陽羨書生),  takes the same story to another level. The structure of the story was changed, and a number of literati aesthetic interests were added, improving the literary color, smoothing down the language and substituting the text’s specifics, and bolstering the sense of realism and history. The sense of realism and history is heightened. The Avadāna tale “the Parrot Putting Out the Fire” is not only associated with Buddhism in Liu Yiqing’s(403-444) “Records Proclaiming Manifestations ”(Xuanjianj 宣驗記), and but it can also be seen as a commentary on the turbulent times and a hint of literati optimism in the context of Liu Yiqing’s Record of the Hidden and Visible Worlds (Youminglu 幽明錄). The literary elites of the Six Dynasties drew inspiration from Buddhist Avadāna sources and imaginatively mixed them with particular historical circumstances to create Chinese fictions with new intentions. The rich resources of Avadāna literature from India and the fable tradition in Chinese literature create cultural conditions for their two sources to combine together, and it mutually developed, forming a literature world with colorful stories with meanings.

  15. LI Xiaorong 李小榮 (Fujian Normal University  福建師範大學): 陳瓘佛偈創作綜論 | A Comprehensive Discussion on the Composition of Buddhist Verses by Chen Guan 陳瓘 (1057-1124)


  16. LI Xuan 李瑄 (SichuanU 四川大學): “報慈”書寫與清初遺民僧群體的身份認同 ——佛儒聯合與民間權力訴求

    清初的遺民僧有顯著的社會影響,這來自其群體能量。遺民僧大致可分為 “遺民為僧”與“僧而遺民”兩類。前者多被解釋為逃避政治壓迫,但文獻表明不少遺民自願為僧、抱有積極價值追求。後者中的宗師入清後所受儒者遺民皈依,在遺民僧群體居於核心地位。他們立定遺民僧典範形象,為追隨者提供仰慕和效仿的對象。繼起弘儲主導的“報慈”書寫是一次推動遺民僧群體認同形成的文化建設。從弘儲本人的孝親言行到命名居室、再經圖像傳寫、系列文章闡釋,這次行動集結了僧眾、遺民、居士等佛門內外不同層次的文化力量。


  17. MA Xi 馬熙 (NankaiU 南開大學): 肇紀律教:中晚唐佛教碑銘敘事的轉向與律學的興轉 | Going Forth to Vinaya: The New Turn of Narrative in Chinese Buddhist Epigraphy and the Spread of Monastic Precepts during the Eighth and Ninth Centuries


    From the middle of the eighth century, Vinaya (律) replaced Dharma法 as the dominant Buddhist epigraphic narrative. This change, Liu Zongyuan 柳宗元 called “recent inscriptions are mainly vinaya” (近世碑多律). When writing such inscriptions, the literators of the Zhenyuan 貞元 and Yuanhe 元和 periods paid much attention to the inheritance of Vinaya, which was particularly different from the previous periods. This paper attempts to discuss the changes of the internal and external patterns of Buddhism in the late Tang Dynasty by examining these narrative variations.

  18. Victor MAIR 梅維恆 (UPenn 美國賓夕法尼亞大學): Hybridity in Medieval Buddhist-Chinese Narrative | 中古時期中土佛教敘事的雜糅性

    Neo-Confucianism — a system of thought and practice — was not the invention of 11th- and 12th-century Northern Song intellectuals.  Its gradual emergence had begun already in the mid-9th-century.  In one sense, we may say that Neo-Confucianism was a response to Buddhism, a response that was revealed in a wide range of cultural phenomena:  religion, art, literature, language, and so forth.  Since response does not necessitate rejection or replacement, a preferred analytical approach for what transpired when Buddhism / India encountered Confucianism / China is to examine the fusion that resulted through the lens of hybridity.  The resultant cultural amalgam was neither purely Buddhist / Indian nor wholly Confucian / Chinese.  Naturally, such considerations have broad implications for the question of Chinese identity, i.e., what is “Chineseness” after the advent of Buddhism.  The focus of this particular investigation will be on “transformation” (biàn 變) as broadly conceived and as more narrowly manifested in such dimensions as popular literature, religious art, performed narrative, and linguistic expression.


  19. NG Chin-fung 伍展楓 (Goethe University Frankfurt 法蘭克福大學): Chan With This-Worldly Cares: Hu Pu’an 胡樸安 (1878–1947) and his “matching Hanshan” 和寒山 poems | 世道禪心:胡樸安(1878–1947)及其「和寒山詩」

    Known for its straightforwardness as well as the rendition of religious transcendence and secular concerns about humanity by using narratives, the poetry of the Tang-period Chan monk-poet Hanshan 寒山 (“Cold Mountain”) has attracted many imitations and matching acts by later poets and literati in the history of Chinese literature. This includes those who were active during the late Qing and Republican periods, which witnessed significant changes in politics, society, and culture. This paper examines the case of Hu Pu’an 胡樸安 (1878–1947), a philologist and nationalistic poet who was once a member of the Southern Society (Nanshe 南社, 1909–1923), the largest progressive classical-style literary society of its time. Being a rare example of poets who extensively wrote Hanshan-related works at that time, Hu matched more than 300 poems of Hanshan. In this collection of “matching Hanshan” 和寒山 poems, Hu not only adopts the structural and stylistic features of Hanshan’s poems, but more importantly also uses narratives in many of these matching works to address and respond to the social conditions and political circumstances of China. Having been serialised in widely circulated Buddhist periodicals during the Republican period, Hu’s works demonstrate more realistically expressed socio-political concerns than that in Hanshan poems, and Hu thus also conveyed his social care and political opinions to the lay and monastic public at that time in a more profound manner.


  20. Michael RADICH 何書群 (UHeidelburg 德國海德堡大學): The Mainstream Rebooted: Mahāyāna Twists on Mainstream Narrative Motifs | 重啟下的主流:主流敘述題材的大乘式新手法

    It is a common device in Mahāyāna scriptures to take up narrative events, scenarios or tropes already known from the Mainstream literature, and give them a Mahāyāna twist — sometimes quite radically. A startling case in point is the Mahāyāna Mahāparinirvāṇa-(mahā)sūtra: a text set at the famous moment of the Buddha’s (last) death, in which the Buddha in fact does not die. In this talk, I will consider a few examples of this phenomenon, and also try to begin thinking through the narrative effects the device might achieve.


  21. RAO Xiao 饒驍 (U. of N. Carolina Greensboro 美國北卡大學格林斯伯勒分校): Jeering at Masters before the Rise of Chan: Jokes about Buddhism in Medieval Chinese Jestbook Qiyan Lu | 禪宗之前的呵佛罵祖:《啟顏錄》中關於佛教的笑話

    This paper examines jokes featuring Buddhism that are preserved in the medieval Chinese jestbook Qiyan lu 啟顏錄, the oldest extant version of which is found among Dunhuang 敦煌 manuscripts dating to 723. These jokes feature the failures of Buddhist authorities in public debates when they were challenged by witty jesters, scholars, and even kids who deliberately misinterpreted Buddhist doctrines and themes with a wry sense of humor. These jokes provide a rare opportunity to examine the role of laughter in the interplay between Buddhism and Chinese vernacular literature before the rise of Chan Buddhism in which wit and humor was found more common in Buddhist hagiographies. Whereas in later Chan Buddhist texts laughter, together with riddles and non sequiturs, was regarded as a skillful means to convey Buddhist teachings of illusion and non-duality, jokes about Buddhism in the Qiyan lu appear to be recorded for entertainment. It has been argued that trickster figures in Chan Buddhism can be seen as the domestication of the earlier thaumaturge tradition. The jokes in this medieval Chinese jestbook may shed new light on the rising popularity of laughter in medieval Chinese Buddhist literature. 

    本文探究保存在隋代笑話書《啟顏錄》中關於佛教的笑話。目前最早的《啟顏錄》版本是保存在英藏敦煌寫本中的殘本(S.610)。《啟顏錄》中許多關於佛教的笑話正是在這部分敦煌寫本中。這些笑話展示高僧在公開場合的辯論中面對滑稽藝人,士人,甚至孩童對佛經故意扭曲時,因為應答失據而產生的幽默。這類笑話反映的是禪宗還未大範圍流行之前的情況。在禪宗文獻中有關笑的描述以及答非所問等等獨特語言特征通常被認為是溝通佛教教義的方便法門。與此不同的是,《啟顏錄》中的笑話更多是服務於娛樂效果。佛爾教授(Bernard Faure)對禪宗文學中滑稽搗蛋鬼(trickster)這類人物形象有過論述,認為它們代表著佛教對更早期的玩弄幻術的術士(thaumaturge)等社會邊緣人物的收編。在此基礎上,《啟顏錄》中的笑話或許可以為我們認識笑作為一種文化現象為何在中國中古佛教文學中越來越流行提供新的線索和視角。

  22. Ulrike ROESLER 鄔瑞可 (UOxford 英國牛津大學): Framing the Path to Awakening: Tibetan Adaptations of the Jātaka Genre | 匡範覺悟之路:西藏對本生體裁的改動

    Jātaka and avadāna stories belong to the staples of Buddhist narrative literature. While the Pāli jātakas provide a relatively stable template for the basic narrative format of these stories, jātakas have been told and preserved in a wide variety of languages and literary forms, from simple prose narratives, to complex poems, to visual representations.

    My paper will discuss Tibetan adaptations of the jātaka genre, paying particular attention to the frame story, as this is where the Tibetan narrators are perhaps at their most innovative. The narrative frame of jātakas is typically set in India at the time of Buddha Śākyamuni, who tells the story of the past (Pāli atītavatthu) and identifies the characters from the Jātaka story with the characters present (Pāli samodhāna). This is also the case in most Tibetan collections of jātaka stories. However, we also have examples in which the narrative frame is shifted from India to Tibet, and the main characters of the frame story are newly converted Tibetan Buddhists and their Indian teachers. This highly original appropriation of the jātaka genre allows us to draw conclusions on the role of narrative literature in the Tibetan adoption and adaptation of Buddhism.


  23. SHI Fazhao 釋法照 (Hangzhou Academy of Buddhism 杭州佛學院教師):《瑜伽師地論.體義伽他》「流」(ogha)偈頌的研究與敘事分析 | The Studies and Narrative Analysis of “Flood” (ogha) Verses in the Śarīrārthagāthā of the Yogācārabhūmi





    “Verse” has a strong literary character, expressing the richness meanings in a concise way through various rhetorical devices. The Śarīrārthagāthā is a special verse section in the Yogācārabhūmi, quoting the verses from many early Buddhist texts. The four groups of verses with the theme of “flow” account for a high proportion of the Śarīrārthagāthā , which shows how important the “flow” verses are. This paper explores the content and narrative style of the verses in terms of interpretation by sūtras and by śāstras.

    There are three layers of structure by analyzing the narrative characteristics of the four sets of “flow” verses. The first layer is the primary layer (the verses). The four sets of verses can be divided into three ways in terms of “narrative approaches” and “context.” The shared approach of the four verse sets is that they all begin with “questions” to bring out the main points, and end with “affirmations” to give people confidence in practice or deepen their understanding of the teachings. The “context” of the four groups of verses are all related to the “transmigrating the flood”. Moreover, the background information of the verses, such as the characters and locations, is not consistent from sūtra to sūtra, but it does not affect the reading of the verses. The story plots of verses between sūtras and śāstras are sometimes different. For example, the Saṃyuktāgama considers the yoktra to be an obstacle to crossing the flood, but the Yogācārabhūmi considers it to be an auxiliary tool.

    The second layer is the narrative expression from the Chinese translators. Most translators use “five words” (五言), but the “number of pada” are diverged. “Four padas in one verse” is the pattern only presented by Venerable Xuanzang in accordance with the Indian text, while other Chinese translations go beyond four padas. In terms of translation style, the two Saṃyuktāgama translators are often interpreted out of a personal understanding beyond the literal meaning, probably to help readers understand the verses.

    The third layer is the narrative of the Yogācārabhūmi, which not only explains the “practice connotation” behind the “verse words”, but also explains the logical relationship between each verse which shows the progressive movement. That means, “verse to verse” connects with “the levels of practice” or “the levels of cleaning the defilement”. However, most of the verse background information is not given. Although it is a Mahayana treatise, the commentary on the verses does not contain any specific Mahayana vocabulary or ideas.

  24. Eviatar SHULMAN 舒爾曼 (Hebrew U. of Jerusalem 以色列耶路撒冷希伯來大學): Storytelling in the Pāli Nikāyas: The participle kho and the genre of the sick monk 

    This article re-opens the question of performance in relation to the early Buddhist discourses. While leading scholars have denied that texts relate to performances beyond joint recitation, the evidence for this claim is not strong enough to serve as the final word on the matter. In this article, two new central elements to the early Buddhist textual tradition are examined – the use of particles, and the existence of narrative cycles that rely on the same themes or formulaic sequences. Both point to a context of live speech and active storytelling at work behind the texts. These themes are analyzed in relation to one genre of texts, those of meetings between the Buddha or a leading monk and a sick or dying monk or householder. The literary expression here is remarkably sharp and emotive, and the messages deeply relevant for diverse Buddhist audiences. These considerations suggest that at least for these kinds of texts, live storytelling in contexts that exceed joint recitation, including in sermons, visits to donors, and modelled Buddhist confessions, must have been the norm.

  25. Peter SKILLING (EFEO 法國遠東學院/Chulalongkorn University 泰國朱拉隆功大學): Eva me suta: Who Heard What? Dedicated to the memory of Leon Hurvitz and Marketa Goetz-Stankiewitz | 如是我聞:聞者何人?所聞何事

    My paper does not go much beyond the first four words of the conference title, ‘Thus have I heard’. But these four words have propelled Buddhist literature across Asia and beyond from its beginnings to the present. The deceptively simple phrase is the logic and the basis (nidana) for the authority of the scriptures. The ‘who’ of the matter is who heard what and where? Another question is what degree the authority of words depends on speakers’ identities.


  26. Christopher K. TONG 唐思凱 (UMaryland, Baltimore 馬里蘭大學, 巴爾的摩):  Wang Guowei’s Poetics of Self-withdrawal: A Case of Modern Transcultural Buddhism? | 王國維之「無我詩學」: 跨文化佛學的現代先例?

    This paper focuses on the literary criticism of the late Qing aesthetician Wang Guowei 王國維 (1877-1927), drawing on the intellectual resources of traditional Chinese poetics, Buddhism, and modern Western philosophy to develop a framework for understanding the concept of self-withdrawal. In Renjian cihua (Remarks on Lyrics in the Human World 人間詞話), Wang claims that the most important element in lyric poetry is jingjie 境界, a Chinese term originating from Buddhist thought that signifies “realm.” Two realms are pertinent to Chinese poetry: youwo zhi jing 有我之境, “the realm in which the human self appears”; and wuwo zhi jing 無 我 之 境 , “the realm in which the human self withdraws.” I suggest that Wang’s concept of wuwo zhi jing is as much concerned with the cultivation of a state of mind as it is with the increasing awareness of other (nonhuman) beings in Nature. More importantly, I argue that Wang’s concepts have been understudied in the context of comparative philosophy and thought, especially the transcultural reception of Buddhist ideas.

    Scholars have traditionally interpreted Wang’s aesthetics in the context of Daoist and Buddhist thought and along the lines of Wang Fuzhi 王夫之, Yan Yu 嚴羽, Wang Shizhen 王士禎, and Sikong Tu 司 空 圖 . Although Wang’s work is rooted in traditional Chinese literature and thought, it draws considerably on Western philosophy as well. Through Japanese and English translations, Wang became familiar with such thinkers as Hegel, Fichte, Schelling, and Eduard von Hartmann and commented on the works of Schiller, Nietzsche, and Harald Høffding. His most significant influences were undoubtedly Kant and Schopenhauer. As one of the first Chinese intellectuals to comment on Western philosophy and aesthetics, Wang introduced the works of these major figures of German Idealism to Chinese readers in the early 20th century. In turn, Schopenhauer’s reception of Hindu and Buddhist thought contributes to a narrative of mutual influence between the East and the West. As such, Renjian cihua not only constitutes a unique synthesis of traditional Chinese literary criticism, Buddhism, and Western aesthetics in the early 20th century, but also inspires a renewed appreciation of Nature in a transcultural manner.

    本文著重於晚清美學家王國維(1877-1927)的文學批評,借鑒中國傳統詩學、佛教和現代西方哲學的知識資源,構建一個理解自我退出概念的框架。 在《人間詞話》中,王聲稱抒情詩中最重要的元素是 “境界”,這是一個源自佛教思想的術語。學者們傳統上在道家和佛教思想的背景下,按照王夫之、嚴羽、王士禎、司空圖等方式解讀王的美學。王的作品雖然植根於中國傳統文學和思想,但也相當多地借鑒了西方哲學。通過日文和英文的翻譯,王先生熟悉了黑格爾、費希特、謝林、愛德華·馮·哈特曼等思想家,並對席勒、尼采、哈拉爾·霍夫丁的著作進行了點評。他最重要的影響無疑是康德和叔本華。作為最早評論西方哲學和美學的中國學者之一,王在20世紀初向中國讀者介紹了這些德國唯心主義主要人物的作品。反過來,叔本華對印度教和佛教思想的接受也促成了東西方相互影響的敘述。因此,《人間詞話》不僅構成了20世紀初中國傳統文學批評、佛教和西方美學的獨特綜合,而且以跨文化的方式激發了對自然的重新認識。

  27. Ben Van Overmeire 歐馥般 (Duke Kunshan University 崑山杜克大學): Understanding Chan Koan As a Literary Genre | 禅宗公案:一种文学体裁

    Encounter dialogues, cases, koan. These small exchanges between Zen masters and their students go by various names and have varied historical origins. Though we understand well the historical contexts in which koan originated and to what rhetorical purposes they were put, relatively little attention has been paid to koan as a literary genre. In this paper, I propose that our understanding of the rhetorical operation of koan benefits from a genre studies approach, where genre is seen as a descriptive as well as a performative category. Specifically, after disambiguating the terms cases, koan, and encounter dialogue, I will argue that this genre is best understood as a type of riddle. Riddles create a hierarchical situation, suggest esoteric knowledge, create a contest of life and death, bring the miraculous back to the everyday. To prove that koan were already understood to have such functions during the high point of Zen, namely the Song dynasty, I will close-read commentaries from the most influential koan collections: the Wumenguan, the Biyanlu and the Congronglu. I will then compare these readings with contemporary interpretations by American Buddhist practitioners to show that the narrative logic of koan endures today.


  28. WANG Bangwei 王邦維 (PekingU 北京大學): 《方廣大莊嚴經》中的《示書品》| The Chinese Translation of the Lipiśālāsaṃdarśanaparivarta in the Lalitavistara


  29. WANG Fang 王芳 (Saxon Academy of Sciences in Leipzig 德國薩克森省科學與人文學院 [萊比錫]): The Mural Painting of “Siddhārtha descending on the elephant” in Kizil Cave 110 | 克孜尔110窟佛传壁画“乘象入胎”考察

    The mural scene under discussion illustrates Bodhisatva Siddhārtha’s descent to Māyā’s womb, which is also named as Māyā’s dream in art historical studies. As the start of the Buddha’s life sequence in Kizil Cave 110 (ca. 7th century), it is the single extant picture of the motif among the oasis Buddhist centres in Tarim Basin. It is of additional significance in that it bridges the concerns of the Indian and the Chinese pictorial traditions in regard to their representation of the miraculous conception in the Buddha’s last life. This article aims to give an analysis of the narrative elements in the picture in terms of the Indian archetypes as well as local innovations, of which the portrayal of Siddhārtha entering the mother-to-be’s womb by riding an elephant is compared with the counterpart motif in Chinese Buddhist artworks from the mid 5th century. The approach will address the drastic textual and pictorial transformation between the Indian prototype “Siddhārtha as the elephant” and the Chinese version “Siddhārtha on the elephant” in the conception episode, which reflects the transmission of the Indian belief in embryogenesis which was adopted and adapted by non-Indian peoples in Central Asia and China. With a reinvestigation of the Kuchan picture and several pertinent literatures, the article attempts to establish a link in the transformation process.


  30. WANG Junqi 王俊淇 (Renmin U of China 中國人民大學): 遮詮與表詮——一對佛教哲學概念的形成 | On the Formation of Zhequan 遮詮 (Apophatic Discourse) and Biaoquan 表詮 (Apothatic Discourse) into a Pair of Philosophical Concepts in Chinese Buddhism

    一般認為,遮詮與表詮是一對佛教哲學概念,常被用來描述佛教中兩種截然相反的言說或陳述形式:前者往往是一種否定性的陳述,後者則是一種肯定性的陳述。從翻譯史的角度來看,實際上,來自玄奘譯經工作的這兩個概念,各有各的教理背景,並不必然地作為一對概念出現。以遮詮概念來說,在不同情況下,它分別對應於否定(*pratiṣedha, *vyāvṛtti, *nivṛtti)、相對否定(paryudāsa)、遣除他者(anyāpoha)三個用法上涇渭分明的印度佛教概念。因此,在不同情況下,遮詮或與表詮相對,或與止濫相對,或者乾脆沒有與之相對的概念。但在漢傳佛教的發展中,遮詮最終被確定為與表詮相對,二者作為一對相反的陳述形式被普及開來,流傳至今。本文在介紹遮詮與表詮二者各自成立背景的基礎上,將著重考察二者在漢傳佛教中如何被當作一組相對的哲學概念使用,進而分析這對概念對漢傳佛教的深遠影響。

    It is generally accepted that zhequan and biaoquan are a pair of Buddhist philosophical concepts often used to describe two diametrically opposed forms of speech or statement in Buddhism: the former is often a negative statement, while the latter is an affirmative statement. From the perspective of translation history, in fact, these two concepts from Xuanzang’s translation work, each with its own doctrinal background, do not necessarily appear as a pair. In the case of the concept of zhequan, it corresponds in different contexts to the three Indian Buddhist concepts of negation (*pratiṣedha, *vyāvṛtti, *nivṛtti), implicative negation (paryudāsa), and exclusion of others (anyāpoha), which are distinct in their usage. Thus, in different cases, the concept of zhequan is either opposed to biaoquan (*vidhi, *sādhana), or opposed to pure negation (prasajya), or there is no concept opposed to it at all. However, in the development of Chinese Buddhism, zhequan was finally established as opposed to biaoquan, and the two were popularized as a pair of opposite forms of statements that have been passed down to this day. In this paper, based on the background of their respective founding, we will focus on how they were used as a pair of opposing philosophical concepts in Chinese Buddhism, and then analyze the profound influence of these two concepts on Chinese Buddhism.

  31. WANG Lina 王麗娜 (National Library of China 國家圖書館): 漢譯說一切有部佛典中之“未曾有”文體研究 | On the Literary Form of the ‘Adbhuta-dharma-paryāya‘ as seen in Chinese Translations of Sarvāstivādin Texts


    The literary genre called ‘Adbhuta-dharma-paryāya’, those accounts recorded in scriptures related to the miraculous in the Buddha’s life, have varied and, indeed, evolved in their narrative content throughout Buddhist history. For example, in the twelve part classification of the teachings, the ‘Adbhuta-dharma-paryāya‘ was paired with nidāna, avadāna, and jataka literature, forming with each one a different compoundedgenre. This paper will study this complex literary genre in the context of the Sarvāstivādin scriptures, studying in particular the Mahāsammata-rāja, ‘Sūtrâlaṃkāra-śāstra’, and ‘The Buddhacarita’.Of note is the fact that ‘Adbhuta-dharma-paryāya’ was not only an inclusion in the scriptures, but actually played an important role in the popularization of Sarvāstivādin ideas and doctrines. This paper argues how ‘Adbhuta-dharma-paryāya’ and other similar styles have played pivotal roles in the promotion of Mahayana Buddhism and in the proliferation of Mahayana teachings.

  32. WU Weilin 吳蔚琳 (Sun Yat-sen U 中山大學): 造像的開眼:以古代南印度和斯里蘭卡佛教和印度教文本為中心 | The Eye-opening Ritual in Image-making: based on Buddhist and Hindu Narratives in pre-modern South India and Sri Lanka

    造像的最後一個環節是開眼,無論是印度教還是佛教傳統都認為開眼是不可或缺的儀式。本文考察古代南印度和斯里蘭卡佛教和印度教造像的開眼儀式,依據文本是南印度濕婆派經典《量度精要》(Mānasāra)《摩耶工論》(Mayamata)、毗濕奴派經典《敬天宮儀軌》(Vimānārcanākalpa)《吠佉那薩阿笈摩》(Vaikhāsanāgama)、斯里蘭卡大乘佛典《文殊師利說畫業論》(Mañjuśrībhāṣita Citrakarmaśāstra)。通過比較研究這些文本對造像開眼儀式的記載,可以看出12世紀以後流傳於斯里蘭卡的密教造像開眼儀式深受南印度印度教造像儀式傳統的影響。

    The ceremonies connected with the ritual of painting of the eyes of an image are the final procedures in both Hindu and Buddhist image-making, which are considered as essential part of image-making in both Hindu and Buddhist architectural traditions. Based on South Indian Śaiva texts Mānasāra and Mayamata, South Indian Vaiṣṇava texts Vimānārcanākalpa and Vaikhāsanāgama as well as Mahāyānic text Mañjuśrībhāṣita Citrakarmaśāstra discovered in Sri Lanka, this article focuses on the ceremonies connected with the eye-opening ritual in image-making in Hindu and Buddhist narratives in pre-modern South India and Sri Lanka. A comparative study on the above-mentioned texts reflects that South Indian Hindu ritual of image-making has exerted a great influence on tantric ritual of painting of the eyes of an image in Sri Lanka after the 12th century.

  33. XIAO Yue 肖越 (RyūkokuU 龍谷大學): A Comparative Study of the Dharmākara Narrative in the Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha-sūtra | 《無量壽經》諸本中法藏菩薩論的比較研究

    The intention of this paper is to explore the formation process of Chinese Pure Land Buddhism through a comparative study of the Dharmākara narrative in the different versions of the Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha-sūtra. Undoubtedly, both the Larger and the Smaller Sukhāvatīvyūha sūtras are playing an important role both in the field of Pure Land and early Mahāyāna Buddhism, and scholars produced a considerable amount of research. The most significant issue, however, the history of the formation process of the Chinese Pure Land sūtras, remained a puzzle. This paper will focus on the Dharmākara narrative in the two earliest versions – the Da Amiituo jing (T362) and the Pingdengjue jing (T361) –, which were separately translated into Chinese in the third century, or earlier, and the extant Sanskrit version, whose earliest extant manuscript is determined to have been written in the middle of the twelfth century. Because this issue is related to almost all significant issues in the field of Mahāyāna Buddhism, the paper will explain: (1) why did the various Dharmākara nattatives present diverse patterns and logic compared to each other and how did the translators of the Da Amituo jing and the Pingdengjue jing subsequently translate and compile the Darmākara narrative; (ii) the chronological order between the Larger and the Smaller Sukhāvatīvyūha sūtras in terms of the various versions of the Dharmākara narrative.


  34. Megha YADAV (SRM University- Andhra Pradesh 印度安得拉邦SRM大學): Society, Soteriology and Stories: A Case Study of ‘Sex Transformation’ in Mahāratnakūṭs Sūtras | 社會,度脫論和故事:《大寶積經》中“性別轉換”的案例研究

    The use of narrative techniques/styles in religious literature enhances the reach of the content. In Buddhism, one such category is Mahāratnakūṭs Sūtras. The unique narrative template along with the discourse of emptiness, used in these stories is ‘Sex Transformation’; where a female disciple changes her or someone else’s sex in order to showcase her abilities. All the texts dealing with this template use the ignorance of a male disciple (usually, Ānanda or Śāriputra) as a framing device to bring in the element of ‘Sex Transformation’. While these stories do begin with the classic monomyth methodology of making a prophecy about someone becoming ‘great’ (in this case, a Buddha) in the future as was the case of Śākyamunī Buddha; they do not stop there and add another template of ‘Sex Transformation’ which makes these narratives far more complex and nuanced in their approach towards the questions of the body. Hence, the question arises, beyond the theological debates, what was the social role played by this template? Does this template represent the debate regarding the ‘gender question’ within the Mahāyāna community or between different groups of Buddhism? This paper will try to enquire into some of these questions and understand the evolution of Mahāratnakūṭa Sūtras.


  35. YAMABE Nobuyoshi 山部能宜 (WasedaU 日本早稻田大學): Pure Land Paintings in Dunhuang: A Reconsideration of the Relationship between Text and Art | 敦煌的淨土變:文本與藝術之間關係的再思考

    The Guan wuliangshou jing, or the Sūtra on the Visualization of Amitāyus Buddha (hereafter: Visualization Sūtra), is a well-known sūtra that explains how to visualize Sukhāvatī and Amitāyus. The content is highly pictorial, so, as one might expect, numerous paintings were executed based on this sūtra. Today we can still see many examples of these paintings in or from Dunhuang. As has been noted by previous scholars, however, except for some early paintings, many of them show serious deviations from their source text, the Visualization Sūtra. In this paper, I shall attempt to explain how these deviations came about. This investigation will shed light on the relation between Buddhist art and texts, and on the process by which Buddhist paintings were produced.


  36. YI Ji-ho 李智浩 (Saxon Academy of Sciences in Leipzig 德國薩克森省科學與人文學院 [萊比錫]): Offering Scent to Call for Help: Sumāgadhā / Sumatī Story Illustrated in Kizil Grottoes and the Local Fragrance Offering | 克孜爾千佛洞中關於寺院供香的三摩竭繪畫

    Sumāgadhā was a pious laywoman, the daughter of the wealthy patron of Buddhism Anāthapiṇḍada, newly married to a heretic family from a different town. Being reluctant to serve the heretic ascetics with reverence, she faces troubles with her family-in-law. To overcome troublesome situation and convince her family-in-law, she requests help from Buddha residing in the Jetavana, by burning incense to deliver the scent. When the scent reaches the Buddha, he visits Sumāgadhā with his enlightened monks by travelling in the air, converting many people who lived in the city of Sumāgadhā’s new home.

    This scene was depicted in the Kizil Grottoes in the Baicheng County, Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, in Kizil Cave 178, Cave 198, Cave 205, and Cave 224, on the median strip of the barrel vault. The artisans painted the row of miraculously flying monks approaching Sumāgadhā seated on the top of the building. Although there are some differences in the details of the painting, the visual elements show that the painting possibly illustrates the narrative closest to the version survived in T 125 Zengyi ahan jing 增一阿含經 / Ekottarikāgama translated by Gautama Saṅghadeva 瞿曇僧伽提婆 in 397 CE, and the T 128a and T 128b both titled as 須摩提女經 Xumotinǚ jing translated by 支謙 Zhi Qian (active 223–253 CE) with the fewer number of flying monks than the later versions and more focused on the event itself than describing the former life of the Sumāgadhā.

    Based on the text fragments from Duldur-Akur, studied by Ching Chao-jung 慶昭蓉the incense was offered in Kucha as an offering to the Buddha, possibly used in rituals. Its possible relationship with the perfumed chamber or gandhakuṭī could also be considered. In short, the story of Sumāgadhā illustrated in Kizil Grottoes is a fascinating example of the text and material culture merged and visualised as a wall painting.




  37. Zhanru 湛如 (PekingU 北京大學): 西明寺文學與藝術傳統 | The Ximingsi literary and Artistic Traditions


    As a “cultural field,” Ximing Monastery was not only a religious site. The monks who lived there represented an essential part of cultural heritage, especially in art, literature, education, and the collection of documents. The Monastery housed many exquisite works of calligraphy and painting by famous masters. Among them, most notable is the “Diamond Sūtra Tablet” (Jingangjing bei 金剛經碑), written by the famous Tang dynasty statesman and calligrapher Liu Gongquan 柳公權 (ca. 778–865), whose only extant Tang rubbing (拓) now remains in the stone caves of Dunhuang 敦煌. The paintings of Ximing Monastery are even more famous. With the Monastery’s world-famous peonies, Ximing Monastery’s paintings also attracted many famous poets and literati of the time, who composed poetry leaving behind numerous widely popular works.

    As a translation center, Ximing Monastery also placed great importance on collecting and preserving various religious and non-religious texts, making its site both a cultural depository and hub for creating new cultural capital. Because of its lineage of masters and disciples and repository of classics, Ximing Monastery also accomplished the task of administering cultural education and inheritance. At its site, monks and lay Buddhists could not only acquire religious knowledge but also inherit the knowledge of classical Chinese and foreign secular cultures. Monks such as Yixing 一行 (ca. 683–727) embodied the multicultural inheritance of East Asian and South Asian religious and secular cultures.

    Considering Ximing Monastery as a model, the reason medieval monasteries were able to take on the critical role of cultural promulgation and inheritance is mainly related to the fact that their sites served as “fields” where key culture could converge with society’s gentry and literati.

    In Ximing Monastery, monks and the social elites coexisted. Especially when secular ruling class families offered their homes to build monasteries in large numbers, Tang dynasty monasteries became even more interlinked with society’s upper echelon. Additionally, medieval monasteries were open to meet the needs of the public, particularly in the case of “feast gatherings” and festivals, which attracted large numbers of ordinary people and allowed monasteries to become cultural melting pots for all strata of society.

    In this deeply rooted and diverse way, Ximing Monastery directly influenced the literature, art, culture, education, and the inheritance of classics in the medieval period.

  38. ZHAO Jinchao 趙晉超 (NYU-Shanghai 上海紐約大學): Loving-kindness, Filial Piety, and Transcendence Seeking: The Tension between the Textual and Visual traditions of Syama Jātaka in Early Medieval China | 善行、孝道、與修仙:從睒子本生看魏晉南北朝時期本生文本與圖像傳統之差異

    Syama jataka is renowned in the Chinese context for its portrayal of a filial son who supported his blinded parents. Translated in multiple textual versions and depicted in reliefs and murals, it has been circulated broadly in the Buddhist world. Previous scholarship on the story’s Chinese transmission focuses on the story’s representation of the virtue of filial piety and its alignment with the Chinese context. However, a close examination of surviving visual depictions of jataka stories reveal an often-ignored regional disparities of popularity of Syama’s story in early medieval China. While the story became flourishing among other jatakas in murals from cave-temples along the Hexi Corridor, it is intriguingly absent on the Central Plain during the sixth century. The story’s disappearance in the Central Plain raises more questions given the comparative popularity of Sudana jataka and Mahasattva jataka, another two birth stories that has been circulated widely in China.

    This article addresses Syama jataka’s unbalanced adaptation in Chinese visual culture by contextualizing its textual and visual tradition into the broader historical milieu of depicting Buddhist stories and filial paragons in the sixth century. It shows that the transformed theme of the story, from loving-kindness to filial piety, was gradually shaped in the translation process of the story’s textual tradition in the third and fourth centuries. Yet the story’s visual tradition encounters reluctance in its integration into the indigenous teaching on filial piety in sixth-century northern China. This hesitation was formed by two historical contexts: the pre-existing visual tradition of depicting filial paragons in the secular world, as well as the gradual dominance of seeking transcendence as the primary teaching delivered in representations of jataka tales in sixth-century northern China.

    This research further serves as an example to highlight the tension between the textual and the visual tradition in adapting Buddhist teachings into indigenous social milieu. While a rich array of rhetoric strategies in text translation were developed to integrate Buddhist teachings into existing Chinese thoughts, the visual tradition encounters a separate set of questions concerning availability, necessity, and the visual logic of viewers.




  39. ZHAO Wen 趙文 (NankaiU 南開): The Buddhist Narrative and the Cult of Prajñāpāramitā in China during the 6th Century | 常啼菩薩求法敘事與西元6世紀中國的《般若經》信仰

    The narrative of Sadāprarudita bodhisattva seeking for the Dharma found in the Prajñāpāramitā literature contributed to the transmission of the cult of Prajñāpāramitā among the Indian Mahāyāna Buddhists, and it also exerted influence on the thinking and behaviors of people during the 6th Century in China — the sermon of the Emperor Wu of Liang 梁武帝 and the vow made by the Master Huisi 慧思 both can be linked with the scenes in the narrative of Sadāprarudita. When those events are presented in the new narrative writing, we see not only the simulations of the episodes in the narrative of Sadāprarudita, but also the incorporation of other episodes declaring the power of Prajñāpāramitā. These narrative skills promoted the development of the cult of Prajñāpāramitā in the medieval China.


  40. ZHAO You 趙悠 (PekingU 北京大學): 佛典中的機關木人喻 | The Metaphor of Yantraputraka in Buddhist Literature


    Mechanical beings are used as metaphors to question the agency problem in Indian literatures. For the Jains and Hindus, a robot “represents an unanimated body”, hence a self is suggested by the simile; while for Buddhists, on the contrary, it forms a poetic argument exactly for non-self doctrine. In this essay, I will focus on the Buddhist side and read closely two sets of examples roughly dated to the early centuries of the common era: they introduced mechanical man either straightforwardly as a simile, or playfully as a plot. Through this limited but telling examples, we shall see a basic rationale of the metaphor and the dynamics of its usage in Buddhist texts.

  41. ZHONG Haoqin 鍾昊沁 (University of Hong Kong 香港大學): The Vicissitudes of the Story of Therī Paṭācārā: From Early Buddhism to Mahāyāna | 微妙比丘尼故事的前世今生 从原始佛教到大乘佛

    In Pāli commentaries, there is a famous story of Therī Paṭācārā, who was plagued by a chain of catastrophes and was finally bereft of all her kinsmen. Similar stories appear in Chinese and Tibetan Buddhist literature, but with obvious variations.

    First, in Chinese and Tibetan, three different Therī-s, namely Therī Paṭācārā, Therī Kisāgotamī, and Therī Utpalavarṇā, take the main role in different records. Second, Chinese and Tibetan records usually contain more episodes than those in Pāli. And the protagonists in Chinese and Tibetan endured more suffering after her kinsmen died, for example being buried alive with her dead husband, and being enforced to eat her own son in her later marital experience. Third, in some Chinese and Tibetan records, the past life story of the protagonist is included to explain the karma result for moral education.

    Clearly, this is a salient and typical case of the appropriation and assimilation of Indian Buddhist literature by Chinese Buddhists, which merits further study. Similar studies have been done by many scholars. For example, Bhikkhu Anālayo has examined the differences of similar records between Chinese gama and Pāli Nikāya (Anālayo 2014b, a). Durt has studied on the different stories of Vāseṭṭhī/ Vasiṣṭha from Therīgāthā to Mahayana (Durt 2001).

    Similar to previous comparative studies, this research asks: how these variations came into being? The episode of “wife being buried alive along with her dead husband” does not seem to accord with Indian culture. The episode of “a mother being enforced to eat her own son” is also unseen in Pāli literature. Were such accounts just a result of textual corruptions during the transmission or amended intentionally by the translators and compilers? And since when such variations have come into being?




  42. ZHOU Liqun 周利群 (Beijing Foreign Studies U 北京外國語大學): How One Bhikṣuṇī Met Indian Astrology? ——Buddhist Narrative Paradigm and Logic from the Story of the Mātaṅga Girl | 比丘尼如何遇上印度天文?——從“摩登女”故事看佛教敘事範式與邏輯

    The Chinese word “摩登”, the translation for English word “Modern”, is borrowed from a popular Buddhist story along the Silk Route more than 1700 years. The Buddhist story Śārdūlakarṇāvadāna focuses on a low caste Mātaṅga girl named Prakṛti pursuied Buddha’s disciple Ānanda, and in the end she was converted into a bhikṣuṇī by the Buddha. This story spread among various Buddhist texts like the Merv avadāna from central Asia, the Divyāvadāna from Nepal, the Motengjia jing in China, the vinaya texts, etc. This story of bhikṣuṇī includes both a present life story and a past life story, which hides a textbook of early Indian astrology in the later one. This part of Indian astrology belongs to the period of divination of according to nakṣatras, earlier than the fifth century’s famous Bṛhatsamhitā in India, maybe the same period as Gargasamhitā. Tracing the route of spreading, this paper explores how did this bhikṣuṇī meet Indian astrology and how does this text survive till modern times.

    中文 “摩登”一詞,是英文 “Modern” 的音譯,來源自1700多年前在絲綢之路上流行的佛教故事《虎耳譬喻經》(Śārdūlakarṇāvadāna)。該故事主要講述了一個名叫本性(Prakṛti)的低種姓摩登伽部族的姑娘追求佛祖的弟子阿難,愛而不得最後她皈依了佛教。故事在各種佛教文獻中流傳,如中亞的《木鹿譬喻故事》(Merv avadāna)、尼泊爾的《天譬喻經》(Divyāvadāna)、中國的《摩登伽經》以及《鼻奈耶》等律。此譬喻故事包括現世的故事,也包括前世的故事,在前世的故事中隱藏著一本早期印度占星術的教科書。印度占星學的這一部分屬於早期星宿占卜,早於五世紀著名的星佔書《廣集》(Bṛhatsamhitā),也許與二世紀左右的《竭伽集》(Gargasamhitā)同一時期。探索其文獻來源,追溯其傳播路線,本文探討比丘尼是如何與印度占星術相遇,以及這個文本是如何流傳到現代。


  43. Monika ZIN (LeipzigU 萊比錫大學): Maitreya, the saviour? | 彌勒,那位救世者?

    Narrative art requires pictorial conventions to convey the content of the pictures to the viewer. Artists have to provide information about the social status of a person, the place and time of an event, etc. without being able to use words. It goes without saying that pictorial conventions, once they have been established, have to be used consistently since otherwise they become unintelligible. On the other hand, the viewer will notice any deviation from a successfully implemented convention and will detect the meaning behind it.

    In the paintings of Kucha a clear distinction is made between the headgear of a king and the staked jaṭās of a Brahmanical ascetic. However, in a number of jātaka representations the self-sacrificing king – even in stories as universally known as those of King Śibi – is shown with the hairstyle of a Brahmanical ascetic. There even are jātaka paintings in which the Bodhisatva is shown with a mandorla – a feature reserved in Kucha exclusively for the samyaksaṃbuddhas and the “Mahābodhisatvas” like the future Buddha Maitreya. It is obvious that the paintings are transmitting a particular message. But how would a viewer in the past have understood for example an image of the King Pradīpapradyota – shown guiding the merchants on their way with his hands burning – if he is represented with the ascetic hairdo of Maitreya … or maybe rather of Avalokiteśvara?