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Dipen Barua, The University of Hong Kong Buddhist Art in Samataṭa: An Exploration from the Perspective of Hindu-Buddhist Interactions in Bengal |
Travelogues of Chinese travelers such as Hiuen Tsang (Xuanzang) and Seng-chi offer a glowing description of the condition of Buddhism in Samataṭa, including Bengal in general. Samataṭa comprises of Comilla and Noakhali in present-day Bangladesh, and some parts of Tripura in present-day India, historically recognized as the south-eastern region of ancient Bengal. Hiuen Tsang noted that Samataṭa houses over 30 Buddhist monasteries having more than 2000 monks from Mahāyāna and Sthavira schools. Besides the Buddhist monasteries, he found about 100 deva (deity) temples, and several Digambara ascetics of Jainism. Seng-chi, who visited Samataṭa few decades after Hiuen Tsang’s visit, described that the king in Samataṭa would hold royal processions in honour of the Buddha, featuring an image of Bodhisattva Avalokiteśavara at the forefront. Their accounts can be justified with excavated artworks, inscriptions, copper plates, and Buddhist statues, such as Tārā, Avalokiteśavara and Padmapāṇi, from archaeological sites like Śālban Vihār (Shalban Monastery) at Shalbanpur in Comilla.The findings of Buddhist statues, Brahmanical deities, and artworks from Buddhist archaeological sites in Samataṭa indicate a significant integration of Buddhism and Buddhist art with prevalent beliefs and Brahmanical cults of that time. This assimilation took place during the Chandra dynasty (900–1050 AD) in Samataṭa, when Vajrayāna Buddhism was practiced. Vajrayāna Buddhism in greater Bengal was formally established by the early Pāla rulers, including Gopāla (750–770 AD), Dharmapāla (770–810 AD), and Devapāla (810–850 AD), which later developed in Samataṭa.This paper aims to demonstrate the integration and development of Buddhist art in Samataṭa in three parts. First part will provide a historical outline of the development of Buddhism in Samataṭa. Second part will examine the artistic significant from the perspective of the integration of Buddhism and Brahmanism in Samataṭa. Third part will address the prevalence of Brahmanical sculptures in Buddhist monasteries in Samataṭa. The paper will highlight the distinctive Buddhist sculptures and artworks that exemplify variations in style and artistic taste in Samataṭa, significantly enhancing the field of contemporary Buddhist art studies. |
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Gudrun Bühnemann, University of Wisconsin-Madison Serpentine Travels: Śeṣanāga as Śākyamuni’s Vehicle in Newar Buddhism |
In this paper, I will explore a unique theme within Newar Buddhism, which portrays Śākyamuni Buddha travelling while standing on a serpent, typically identified as the cosmic serpent Śeṣanāga. This theme is described in both Sanskrit and Newari texts and is frequently depicted in art. It manifests in at least two contexts:
While serpents play a significant role as protectors in Buddhist mythology, as evidenced by nāga-enthroned Buddha images in Khmer art—often interpreted as representing the Mucalinda episode)—the motif of Śākyamuni using a Nāga king as a vehicle appears to be unique to Newar Buddhism. In this paper, I will examine this theme within the broader context of the Buddhist-Vaiṣṇava mythology in the Kathmandu Valley. |
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Michael Cavayero, Peking University The Numen of the Landscape: Examining the Concept of Liru Yingji (理入影迹) in Zong Bing’s “Introduction to Painting Landscapes” and its Connections to the Legend of the Buddha’s Shadow Cave |
The Southern Dynasties Song-period literatus Zong Bing 宗炳 (375–443) authored the 5th-century text “Introduction to Painting Landscapes” (Hua shanshui xu 畫山水序), the earliest known discourse on Chinese landscape painting. As a prominent Buddhist apologist and theorist, Zong Bing uniquely integrated newly established Sinitic Buddhist principles with the aesthetics of landscape painting. Despite its historical importance, scholars have often overlooked key terminology in Zong Bing’s text, such as “liru yingji 理入影跡,” which translates as “the [true] essence enters (manifests) through the trace (site) of Buddha’s ‘emanated’ (form).” This phrase reveals a profound Buddhist influence, linking the concept to the “legend of Buddha’s emanation/shadow” (foying 佛影, *Buddhachāyā), a tradition originating in northwest India associated with a famous pilgrimage site in the mountains near Nagarahāra (modern-day Jalalabad, Afghanistan). This study explores the nuances of Zong Bing’s landscape theory, focusing on the concept of “emanation/shadow/reflection” (ying 影). It illuminates how early 5th-century Buddhist discussions of ‘contemplating the Buddha’s emanation’ and concrete visionary experiences influenced early Chinese landscape painting theory and terminology.
南朝宋宗炳（375–443）的《畫山水序》是中國現存最早關於山水畫理論的文獻之一。作爲重要的佛教居士與理論家，宗炳開創性地將興於5世紀早期的佛教思想融入山水畫理論，這在中國繪畫理論形成過程中具有重要的歷史意義。儘管如此，學界卻未深入討論過宗炳文本中關鍵術語的源流問題，例如影響深遠的“理入影跡”這一術語。本文將該術語與源自印度西北部的“佛影”（*Buddhachāyā）傳説結合，探討其具體的佛教淵源及影響，並聚焦於其中“影”這一核心概念的使用，分析其如何反映5世紀早期佛教界對佛像具體“觀佛”經驗的討論，從而揭示此類佛教思想如何影響早期中國山水畫理論與術語的形成與發展。 |
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Louis Copplestone, Victoria & Albert Museum Monks in Shrines and Canopy Ceilings: Observations on the Transregional Circulation of Buddhist Architecture in Early Medieval Asia |
Architecture does not, in itself, move. However, ideas about buildings and their components were evidently carried across long distances in early medieval Asia, often accompanying Buddhist monks—much like more portable objects such as books and sculptures. In some ways, the transregional circulation of architecture is comparable to that of sculpture or painting: when an iconographic or architectural feature appears in two distant locales, realised in distinct styles, one can reasonably infer its transmission between them. While coincidence is always a possibility, these occurrences allow art historians to ask how and why a given feature may have been transmitted, and consider its significance within broader religious and historical contexts. Yet architecture differs in several respects: a building or built environment did not, or at least only very rarely, circulate as a whole; rather, its elements travelled independently, each following a distinct trajectory shaped by different forces of transmission. In this paper, I explore the methodological questions concerning the transregional circulation of Buddhist architecture with reference to two cases: first, the use (or reuse) of monastic cells as shrines for images; and second, the canopy ceiling as a transregional mediator between textiles and built architecture. My discussion draws on examples from the Mogao Caves at Dunhuang, China, and the rock-cut complexes of Ellora, Maharashtra, among others, dating between the 6th and 8th centuries CE. |
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Jiabao Cui, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences A Regional Observation of the Buddhist Relics of the Northern Dynasties in Gaoping, Shanxi |
Gaoping is located in the Dan River valley in the southeast of Shanxi Province. During the Northern Dynasties, Gaoping was on the transport route between Pingcheng and Luoyang, the capitals of the Northern Wei Dynasty, with rich Buddhist relics including cave temples, Buddhist temples, statue tablets and single statues. This article takes the Buddhist relics of the Northern Dynasties in Gaoping as the research object, combines inscriptions and documentary materials, and analyzes the external influences and local characteristics of the Buddhist relics of the Northern Dynasties in Gaoping from the perspective of regional research. As close as possible, the Buddhist landscape of the Northern Dynasties in Gaoping is restored, and its development and transformation are analyzed. This research shows that from the late Northern Wei to the Northern Qi period, the focus of Gaoping Buddhism shifted from the creation of grottoes and statues to the construction of temples and the preaching of scriptures.
高平位於晉東南地區的丹河流域，北朝時期處在溝通北魏都城平城及洛陽的交通線上，有著豐富的佛教遺存，包括石窟、佛寺、造像碑和單體造像等。本文以高平地區為中心，以該地區北朝佛教遺存為研究對象，結合碑刻和文獻資料，從區域研究的視角分析高平北朝佛教遺存所受的外來影響和本地特徵，盡可能復原出接近歷史事實的高平北朝佛教面貌並分析其發展與轉變。研究表明自北魏晚期至北齊時期，高平佛教的發展重心從開窟造像、重視禪修轉向了營造寺院、講經說法。 |
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Cristian de Silveira, Peking University Visual Syntheses in Chinese Buddhism: Transcultural Iconography of the Longmen Grottoes |
This paper interrogates the mechanisms through which Silk Road cultural exchange reconfigured Chinese Buddhist visual traditions via a focused analysis of anthropomorphic Dharmapalas—Lokapalas and Vajrapani—in the Longmen Grottoes. Taking the Fengxiansi carvings as a paradigmatic case, the study details how Hellenistic, Iranian, and Indian visual traditions were transformed to conform with Confucian-inflected notions of embodied propriety. Employing interdisciplinary methods from Silk Road studies and Buddhist art history, the paper argues these guardian deities epitomize strategic appropriation—foreign vocabularies filtered through China’s aesthetic and moral lexicons. In the process, the study unfolds a multi¬directional negotiation: armored bodies meld Greco-Roman naturalism with Chinese attire, and wrathful emotional expressions change Indian grotesquery into Tang period protective symbols. We contest additive cultural exchange paradigms, proposing instead that China’s Buddhist visual dimension emerged through dialectical erasure and reinvention—foreign forms retained vestigial traces yet became novel signifiers. The grottoes materialize the Silk Road as an arena for iconographic contestation, where motifs accrued layered identities through cultural translation. We conclude that Longmen’s Dharmapalas crystallize transcultural religious art’s paradoxical ontology: global in derivation yet irreducibly local in semiotic resonance.
本文以龍門石窟的擬人化護法神像（如天王與金剛力士）為研究對象，探討絲綢之路文化交流重構中國佛教視覺傳統的機制。通過聚焦奉先寺石刻案例，本文揭示了希臘、伊朗及印度視覺傳統如何被本土化改造，以契合儒家禮儀觀念與審美體系。研究採用跨學科方法，結合絲綢之路物質文化與佛教藝術史，論證這些護法神像是文化策略性轉化的產物——外來語匯經中國美學與道德話語過濾後，成為新的視覺符號。 具體而言，護法神像的鎧甲融合了希臘羅馬自然主義與中國服飾元素，其忿怒相將印度神祇的怪誕特質轉化為唐代的威儀象徵。本文質疑“文化層積”範式，提出中國佛教視覺傳統通過對外來形式的辯證性解構與重塑而形成：既保留異域痕跡，又生成本土意涵。龍門石窟由此成為絲綢之路文化競爭的微觀現場，圖像通過多重轉換獲得層累性身份。最終研究表明，唐代護法神像體現了跨文化宗教藝術的雙重性：其形式淵源具有異域全球性，而符號意涵則根植於地方性語境。 |
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Jessica Marie Falcone, Kansas State University Encountering Kannon: Misidentifying and Misgendering Kannon Statues and Sacred Art Outside of Japan |
According to the literature on gendering the Kannon bodhisattva in Japan (by Katharina Epprecht, Sherry Fowler, Sarah Fremerman, Mark Mullins, and others), Kannon has long been depicted as either feminine or masculine-presenting in Japan, although devotees tend to gender the Kannon as female either way. In this paper, I look at how Westerners oblivious to Kannon’s gender have misidentified or misgendered artistic renderings of the bodhisattva. The central case study is based on my research in the collections of the Smithsonian Museum in Washington DC in 2023. I engaged with a single collection of objects sent to the museum from an American Protestant missionary in Japan in the late 19th c. The list of items in the accession record included a reference to a statue of the “goddess of mercy,” so the Smithsonian Museum curators looked at the objects in the box and decided that the only female-presenting statue must be Kannon. In that way, for over a hundred years, a Benzaiten shrine was mislabeled as a shrine to Kannon in the Smithsonian’s collection and publications. I argue that it was another statue, one that is male presenting, which is actually the statue that was listed as the Kannon in the accession documents. I bolster the central case study with some other examples of non-Japanese, non-heritage Buddhists misgendering Kannon based on my fieldwork with Kannon statues and art in Japanese Buddhist temples in Hawaiʻi. |
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Huang Lele, Peking University 印度觀音圖像的發展和演變 |
Avalokiteśvara (Deity who looks down) is a Bodhisattva who is believed to have made a great vow to assist sentient beings in times of difficulty and to postpone his own Buddhahood until he has assisted every sentient being in achieving nirvana. Among all the Bodhisattvas, Avalokiteśvara becomes the most important deity and is popularised throughout Mahāyāna and Tantrayāna/Vajrayāna Buddhism. Avalokiteśvara, the perfect embodiment of compassion, is deemed as important because he is said to be the Boddhisattva who straddles the period between the Śākyamuni Buddha and the advent of the future Buddha, i.e., Maitreya. He lives to work for the people as a guide toward knowledge and self-realisation, i.e., to kill ignorance. This paper is going to look at the iconography of Avalokiteśvara in its homeland, i.e., India, during different time periods. Some interpretations and new lines of investigation to better understand the transformation of Avalokiteśvara and study some of those ideas reflected in the Indian images will be added as well in this paper.
觀音菩薩是印度佛教中非常重要的一位神祇。相傳他曾發願，度一切眾生後才會成佛。其信仰在印度得到了廣泛傳播。觀音菩薩是慈悲的完美體現，引導眾生獲得智慧與自我覺醒，即消除無明。觀音菩薩的重要性源於他被認為是貫穿釋迦牟尼佛與未來佛彌勒佛期間的菩薩。隨著佛教的東傳，觀音信仰也在中國得以確立，並逐步發展成為中國佛教的一種特有的文化現象，素有“家家觀世音，戶戶彌勒佛”之說。本文旨在考察印度觀音信仰的同時，分析和探討觀音在不同時期的視覺體現及其圖像上的發展，並結合一些新的闡釋和研究角度來更好地理解觀音菩薩的演變及其印度圖像所反映的思想。 |
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Todd Lewis, College of the Holy Cross A Transregional, Phenomenological Perspective on the Role of Art in Buddhism |
For the past six years, I have been working with Harvard art historian Jinah Kim to define the roles that art objects have played in the trans-regional expansion of Buddhism. We have co-authored several major articles, and co-curated two exhibitions of Buddhist art. The second, Dharma and Puṇya: Buddhist Ritual Art of Nepal (https://dharmapunya2019.org/), gathered objects from seven museums and three private collectors; it included co-authoring/editing a catalogue (Brill 2019), co-curricular gallery ritual events with the local Nepali community, and was the basis for a Harvard Conference on this exhibition. This collaboration with Professor Kim, and the examination of hundreds of objects at the Harvard Art Museum, the Museum of Fine Art (Boston), and the Metropolitan Museum (New York) led to me think more analytically and beyond my Nepal case study (drawing on 45 years of research there) to think more expansively in geographic and cross-cultural terms, about the role of art in the transmission of Buddhist cultures in Asian societies.This paper will work from the case study of the Kathmandu Valley Newar Buddhist tradition toward a universal paradigm specifying the modes of Buddhist art and their centrality in sustaining “the work of culture.” Although it has been the object of research for relatively few scholars since Nepal opened to the outside world in 1951, Newar Buddhism stands as the sole remaining tradition based on Sanskrit texts; while textual scholars have long utilized the tens of thousands of manuscripts found in the Nepal archives, only recently have historians of Buddhism come to see that the ritual, iconographic, architectural, and art-making traditions still found there offer invaluable insights pertaining the elements of Buddhist history elsewhere. For example, my new research on large Newar banner paintings, hung up in monasteries for display during Buddhist festivals, are the continuation of early and pan-Indic practices (Hindu/Jain/Buddhist), and mirror records of Buddhism in central Asia and China.Through our efforts to introduce and explicate the uses of art for the “Dharma and Puṇya…” exhibition, we identified seven different uses of Newar art: I. Living Images as Spiritual Presence (through ritual enlivening) where devotees can focus on ritual exchange, dāna ↔ prasād to make puṇya, access worldly blessings; II. Commemorative Art, when a sculpture or painting records the participants doing a ritual, from patron families to priests;
III. Illustration of Narrative Teachings, crucial to conveying narratives (Buddha biography, jātakas, avadānas, local history) to the majority of pre-modern populations that were not literate; IV. Art as Source of Lifelong Play: groups turning prayer wheels, making clay stūpas, lighting ritual lamps, pulling image chariots; V. Establishing religious boundaries: art emplacements mark sacred areas, temporary (ritual spaces) and permanent (home as protected sanctuary), from the profane; VI. Paradigms for meditation practice (visualization templates), including maṇḍalas and images; VII. Festive decoration of ritual spaces. This paper will present these seven functions of Buddhist art from the Kathmandu Valley and link them to parallels across Buddhist history, offering the conference many pathways to document and analyze how art has been at the center of the transmission of Buddhist culture, and especially so in the premodern millennia. |
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Dian Li, Nanjing University “銅雀硯”的日本生命史——以五山禪僧為中心 |
本文采用物質文化的研究方法，追溯十六方銅雀硯在日本流傳的脈絡。面對銅雀硯背後的建安時代，日本禪僧大多被“鄴下風流”深深吸引，借曹氏父子的形象頌美當權者，銅雀硯也成為權力網絡中的通貨。在朱子學影響下雖出現了對曹氏篡奪的指責，但其未能匹敵對建安時代的憧憬。本文梳理了中、日、韓三國文人對建安人物及其作品的評論，試圖揭示出日本禪僧如何從文化、政治等不同視角對建安時代展開想象與重構。在題寫銅雀硯的基礎上，日本挖掘、改制、題寫本土古瓦硯之風盛行，其中承載著日本各藩的地方歷史以及全社會共享的神道信仰與集體記憶。
This paper employs a material culture research approach to trace the lineage of sixteen Tongque inkstones circulated in Japan. Confronting the Jian’an era (196–220 CE) associated with these inkstones, Japanese Zen monks were deeply captivated by the “Ye Xia Feng Liu” (鄴下風流), using the imagery of the Cao family (Cao Cao and his sons) to eulogize contemporary rulers. Consequently, the Tongque inkstone became a symbolic currency within power networks. Although criticisms of the Cao family’s political usurpation emerged under the influence of Zhu Xi’s Neo-Confucianism, these critiques could not rival the enduring admiration for the Jian’an era. By analyzing commentaries on Jian’an figures and their works from literati in China, Japan, and Korea, this study reveals how Japanese Zen monks imaginatively reconstructed the Jian’an era through cultural, and political lenses. Building on the literary portrayal of Tongque inkstones, Japan developed a flourishing practice of excavating and repurposing local ancient tile inkstones, which were then richly depicted in poetic and prose works. These artifacts and their literary representations embody the regional histories of Japanese domains and reflect Shinto beliefs and collective memories shared across society. |
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Wei Li, Henan University 從《請雨法曼荼羅》看中日祈雨龍王圖像流變 |
印度那伽形象傳入中國後與中國本土的龍的形象發生融合。中印文化中龍（那伽）均有司雨之職，敦煌壁畫中有許多龍的形象都與司雨有關。這些祈雨龍王形象與中國唐代畫龍祈雨與密教結壇祈雨的宗教實踐密切相關。現存的日本平安時期《請雨法曼荼羅》可以視為這種祈雨龍王傳入日本後的典型形象。其圖像可以分為三種類型：第一類圖像依照《孔雀明王經》，如教王護國寺藏本，最上為海龍王兩層樓閣的王宮，中間為釋迦摩尼佛，左側為金剛智菩薩，右側為觀自在菩薩，宮殿前方則是龍形服飾的難陀、跋難陀兩龍王。第二種依照《大雲經請雨品》為文本依據，中間為頭頂正面龍頭，人首蛇身龍王，且有龍形坐騎，而東西南北各有蛇冠加人首蛇身的龍王形象，穿插幾條龍形的龍王。第三種則是兩者結合，內層為第一種圖像，外層為第二種圖像。這些圖像中的龍王有四種形態，第一種龍和中國龍的形象有相近之處，這些圖像在敦煌分佈較多。第二種則是第一類圖像中人形身披龍形服飾（龍帽或龍形服裝）的龍王形象。這一元素來源可能有二：其一是敦煌、西安以及四川等地的天龍八部中龍帽龍王形象，而其更早的可以追溯到古希臘大力士虎頭帽形象。其二是其近源，來自於《楞伽經》經變圖像中佛陀龍宮說法的（海）龍王形象，以敦煌85窟最為典型。值得注意的《請雨法曼陀羅》中的難陀龍王形象更接近敦煌《楞伽經變》中的海龍王形象，而非北魏譚副造像碑中的難陀龍王形象。第三種則是蛇冠人首蛇身的龍王頭像，龍頭數量不定，且在圖像中多為蛇頭。值得注意的是大都會博物館所藏《請雨法曼荼羅》蛇龍同時出現，應該是融合中國蛇冠造像後所造一個具有原創意味圖像。此類圖像從印度到中國皆有體現，可以歸為蛇冠圖像。其中的人身蛇冠蛇身的形象多出現在唐代密教圖像中的龍王形象。第四種則是正面龍頭（蛇頭）帽，人首蛇身加坐騎的形象。此處龍王頭頂正面的龍頭裝飾不同於蛇冠背光的佛陀形象，也不是雙那伽（龍）頭灌佛或九龍灌佛形式，而是可以視作“天福之面”（包括北朝獸面），佛龕正面龍頭，天龍八部龍王頭戴龍頭帽這些形象融合的產物。
After being brought to China, the Indian Naga image merged with the native Chinese long 龍 (dragon) image. Dragons are said to deliver rain in both Chinese and Indian traditions. Rain invocation is connected to a number of dragon motifs seen in Dunhuang paintings. These depictions of dragon monarchs calling forth rain are strongly associated with religious customs in Tang Dynasty China, such as creating mandalas in Esoteric Buddhist rain invocation ceremonies and painting dragons to call forth rain. The existing “Rainmaking Mandala” 請雨法曼荼羅 (Mandala Method for Rainmaking) from Japan’s Heian period 平安(794-1185) can be regarded as a typical representation of this type of dragon king image after it was introduced to Japan. The images can be divided into three types: The first type follows the Sutra of the Great Peahen, Queen of Mantras (Kongque mingwang jing 孔雀明王經; Skt. Mahāmāyūrī-vidyārājñī) ,as preserved in the Kongobuji Temple, with the palace of the Sea Dragon King (Hai longwang 海龍王) at the top, consisting of two-story pavilions, the Buddha Shakyamuni in the middle, Bodhisattva Vajrabodhi on the left, and Bodhisattva Avalokiteshvara on the right. In front of the palace are the dragon kings Nanda and Upananda, dressed in dragon-themed attire. The second type is based on the Chapter on Rain Invocation of the Mahāmegha Sūtra (Dayunjing qingyupin 大雲經請雨品) featuring a dragon king with a dragon-hood on top of his human head, a human-headed and snake-bodied form, and riding a dragon. Dragon kings with dragon-hood and human-headed, snake-bodied forms appear in the north, south, east, and west, interspersed with several dragon-shaped dragon kings. The third type combines the first two types, with the inner layer depicting the first type and the outer layer the second type. These dragon king images exhibit four forms. The first form resembles the Chinese dragon and is commonly found in Dunhuang. The second form is a dragon king with a human form wearing dragon-themed attire (such as a dragon hat or clothing) from the first type of image. There are two possible sources for this element: one is the dragon-hatted dragon king image from the Eight Groups of Spiritual Beings (tianlong babu 天龍八部) pictures found in Dunhuang, Xi’an, and Sichuan, which can be traced back even earlier to the image of Hercules wearing a tiger-head hat in ancient Greece. Another source is the picture of the (sea) dragon king (hailong wang 海龍王 Sāgara) from The Sutra on (the Buddha’s) Entering (the Country of) Lanka (Lengqie jing 楞伽經, Skt. Laṅkâvatāra-sūtra) scenario, in which the Buddha gives a sermon to dragon-king and his wife in the dragon palace. The most famous example of this is found in Cave 85 in Dunhuang. Interestingly, compared to the Nanda dragon king image in the Tan Fu 譚副 stele from the Northern Wei Dynasty, the image in the “Mandala for Invoking Rain” more closely matches the sea dragon king image from the paintings in Dunhuang. With a variable number of dragon heads—mostly shown as snake heads in the pictures—the third form is a dragon king head that is snake-crowned, human-headed, and snake-bodied. It is worth noting that the “Mandala for Invoking Rain” from the Metropolitan Museum of Art features both snakes and dragons, representing an original image created after fusing Chinese snake-crowned sculptural elements. Such images are found from India to China and can be classified as snake-crown images. The human-bodied, snake-crowned, and snake-tailed images often appear as dragon king images in Tang Dynasty esoteric Buddhist images. The fourth form features a frontal dragon (or snake) head hat, a human-headed and snake-bodied form with a mount. The frontal dragon head decoration on the dragon king’s head differs from the snake-crowned as the nimbus of the Buddha images or the two Naga-kings pouring water on the Buddha or the nine dragonspouring water on the Buddha (jiulong guanfo 九龍灌佛) . Instead, it can be seen as a fusion of various images, including the Kirtimukha (including the beast face of the Northern Dynasties), the frontal dragon head on Buddha niches, and the dragon-headed crowns(hood) worn by dragon kings in the Eight Groups of Spiritual Beings. |
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Irene Lok, University of Cambridge 超然精妙之本質：超越時代與文化之觀音菩薩美學 |
觀自在菩薩於中國佛教中，尊號為觀音，乃傳統中最受崇敬之聖像之一。其慈祥恬靜，具悲憫之姿，常被喻為慈母，予人慰藉與指引。然而，千餘年來，此菩薩之造像歷經巨變，深受印度與中國文化交流之影響。於此演變之中，性別形象之改變為核心議題，引發學界廣泛之討論，見解各異。本文旨在探討觀音菩薩於中國首個千年之間造像之演進，分析其視覺及觀念之變化如何映照不同時期人之靈性需求與信仰實踐。文中闡明觀音形象之再造如何促進佛法之弘傳，並探究人們如何透過此觀賞觀音聖像獲得慰藉、指引與悟道。此外，本文更審視觀音造像轉變對歷代佛教修持之深遠影響，並思考其於當代修行方法與悟道途徑中之意義及啟示。
Bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara, venerated as Guanyin in Chinese Buddhism, stands as one of the most cherished and iconic figures in the tradition. Renowned for a tranquil and compassionate presence, Guanyin is frequently likened to a nurturing mother, embodying solace and guidance. Yet, over the course of a millennium, the iconography of this Bodhisattva underwent significant transformations, influenced by cross-cultural exchanges between India and China. At the heart of these developments lies the evolving depiction of gender—a subject that has ignited extensive scholarly discourse and a spectrum of interpretations. This paper delves into the progressive evolution of Guanyin’s iconography during the first millennium in China, investigating how these visual and conceptual shifts reflect the spiritual aspirations and devotional practices of their respective periods. It explores how the reimagined imagery of Guanyin facilitated the dissemination of dharma, offering insights into the ways individuals found comfort, guidance, and enlightenment through this revered figure. Moreover, the study examines the broader implications of these iconographic transformations for Buddhist practices across time, contemplating their enduring relevance and potential to inform contemporary methods of spiritual discipline and pathways to enlightenment in the modern era. |
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Rufei Luo, Nanjing University 禮懺與末法：西藏西部夏石窟千佛與絲路敦煌遺存的關聯 |
11至12世紀的西藏西部夏石窟（Zhag）主室中心殘存佛壇，四壁滿繪賢劫千佛，題記名號按照藏文《賢劫經》的次序繞行排列，題記同時一一題有緣起偈頌，建窟者構建了一個繞行禮拜賢劫千佛並進行懺悔滅罪的石窟空間。緣起偈頌題記與賢劫千佛的延伸關係體現在十二因緣與佛的關係中，相關內容可呈現在藏西及敦煌出土的藏文《大乘稻桿經》寫經中；千佛與緣起偈的組合則與末法思潮下北涼石塔的敘事結構遙相呼應。四壁繪千佛及繞行禮拜的形式可追溯至敦煌北朝千佛石窟；四壁僅繪賢劫千佛的做法則與年代相近的敦煌曹氏歸義軍中後期至西夏（10世紀中葉至13世紀初）的千佛石窟有著異曲同工之妙，同時提示我們夏石窟中心佛壇的原塑像亦應與之一致為釋迦牟尼。壁沿的蓮花及立佛圖像與敦煌歸義軍至西夏時期流行的賢劫千佛變相題材一致，呼應此期走向頂峰的敦煌賢劫千佛信仰，是末法思想與佛教復興的產物。以上均反映了西藏西部夏石窟賢劫千佛圖像與敦煌相關遺存有著千絲萬縷的關聯，二者在絲綢之路多民族宗教信仰及社會文化的大背景中呈現出較大共性。
The Zhag Cave in western Tibet, from the 11th to 12th centuries, features a central altar in its main chamber adorned with depictions of the Thousand Buddhas of the Bhadrakalpa (Fortunate Aeon) on all four walls. The inscriptions of the Buddhas’ names follow a circumambulatory order based on the Tibetan Bhadrakalpika Sūtra, complemented by accompanying Ye dharmā Verses. This arrangement facilitates a space for worship and confession, allowing practitioners to eradicate sins. The connection between the Ye dharmā Verses and the Thousand Buddhas reflects the interplay between the Pratītyasamutpāda (Dependent Origination) and the Buddhas, which is supported by Tibetan manuscripts of the Śālistamba Sūtra found in both western Tibet and Dunhuang. Additionally, the combination of the Thousand Buddhas and the Ye dharmā Verses resonates with the narrative structure seen in the Northern Liang stone pagodas influenced by Dharma-ending Age ideologies. The style of the Thousand Buddhas depicted in the Zhag Cave can be traced back to earlier Thousand Buddha caves from the Northern Dynasties period at Dunhuang. The specific practice of only depicting the Thousand Buddhas of the Bhadrakalpa on the walls parallels similar caves from the later Guiyijun to Tangut periods at Dunhuang, indicating that the original statue on the altar was likely Shakyamuni. Furthermore, the lotus and standing Buddha images along the edges of the walls align with the prevalent themes found in the transformed images of the Thousand Buddhas of the Bhadrakalpa during the Guiyijun to Tangut periods, reflecting a peak in the faith related to the Thousand Buddhas of the Bhadrakalpa and a revival of Buddhism under the influence of Dharma-ending Age thought. Overall, these elements highlight the complex interconnections between the Thousand Buddhas imagery of the Zhag Cave and the associated relics from Dunhuang, revealing notable similarities between the two within the broader context of multicultural religious beliefs and social dynamics along the Silk Road. |
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Nils Martin, Leiden University On some of the earliest painted stupas of the Western Himalayas |
In the quasi-absence of related written sources, the early history of the development of Buddhism in Ladakh (India), at the intersection of the Tibetan plateau, Central Asia, and the North-Western Indian subcontinent, still largely escapes us. Modest advances are however being made in the field. In this paper, I will introduce what may be considered the oldest Buddhist wall-paintings known to date in the Western Himalayan and Tibetan belt.In 2018, two students in archaeology at the Deccan College Post-Graduate and Research Institute (Pune), Tsering Chosdol and Motup Yangchen, documented in Nubra a stupa housing remains of paintings and shared their discovery with the archeologist Quentin Devers and the present researcher. Two years later, a second painted stupa with similar murals was found in the vicinity of the first one by Devers during extensive fieldwork in the region.This second stupa, called the Triad Stupa, was, however, in an extremely precarious state that prompted efforts among scholars, conservators, and local stakeholders to ensure its stabilization before it is too late. During the stabilization process, two samples of straw from the plaster of the murals were collected for radiocarbon measurement, which provided a dating to about the 9th century.Owing in part to this early dating, the murals painted inside the two stupas are so far unique both in and outside Ladakh. Indeed, no paintings predating the Later diffusion of Buddhism encouraged by the Western Tibetan confederation (10th– mid-13th centuries) has hitherto been documented in Ladakh, nor in Baltistan. We also lack such early murals for the neighboring regions of Gilgit, Kashmir, Swat, and Western Tibet. Analysis of the once magnificent murals inside the chambers of these two stupas is considerably limited by their dilapidated condition and difficult access. Nonetheless, the fine quality and exceptional rarity of these murals make it worth the effort of exploring their painting technique and iconographic programme, as well as drawing comparisons to contemporaneous artworks from the surrounding regions and from Ladakh itself with regards to their iconography and style. In this way, I will propose to place the murals of the two stupas in the continuation of the artistic traditions of North-Western India, especially Gilgit, in the context of late- or post- imperial Tibet. |
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Thomas Mazanec, University of California, Santa Barbara 聖塔芭芭拉分校The Discipline of Madness in the Late Tang Arts |
In the Tang, madness could be disciplined. The terms for madness (kuang 狂 or dian 顛) referred not to a deviation from a mental norm, but to the complete lack of any external restraint. Thus, it was used to describe the wind and rivers’ flow, bees and butterflies’ flight, and the allure of blossomed peonies, as well as the works and personalities of great artists. Madness was not in itself good or bad but a means of unmasking. Though later derided as a kind of boorish libertinism, aesthetic madness was closely associated with religious practice and social critique in the latter half of the Tang. Set free from social norms, the madman sees through surface-level reality to criticize those in power (like Jieyu of Chu) or to blur the line separating the mundane from the divine (like the enlightened Chan master). Starting with the “mad cursive” (kuangcao 狂草) calligraphy of Buddhist monks like Huaisu 懷素, Bianguang 辯光, and Guanxiu 貫休, my paper charts this discursive landscape by reading poems, essays, and catalogues on the attribute of madness in late Tang arts. It argues that, in artistic pursuits of the latter half of the Tang, madness was grounded in disciplines of self-cultivation. In doing so, it shows discursive continuities across Buddhist, Daoist, Confucian, artistic, and literary practices. |
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David L. McMahan, Franklin & Marshall College Transnational Hybridity, Cosmic Interconnectedness, and Socio-political Disruption in Contemporary Buddhist Art |
Although the influence of Buddhism on twentieth-century avant-garde art has been well documented, little research has been done on the impact of Buddhism on visual art in the twenty-first century. This paper surveys a few contemporary artists who boldly incorporate Buddhist imagery and philosophical ideas into contemporary issues such as the fragmentation of attention and selfhood in the information age, the pervasiveness of commercial and entertainment imagery in modern life, the cosmic interconnectedness reflected in scientific and Buddhist cosmologies, and the realities of climate change, war, and terrorism. It examines works by Nick Dong, Gonkar Gyatso, Xu Bing, and others. These artists invite a fresh examination of the influence of Buddhist ideas, images, and sensibilities on contemporary art. They suggest that prominent artists are inaugurating a new era of vigorous exploration of traditional Buddhist themes like impermanence, emptiness, non-self, and interdependence in light of contemporary psychological, social, and political realities. |
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Wendelin S. Morrison, independent scholar Pārasaṃgate: Visual transmission and Buddhist Iconography across and beyond Culture |
As an aspect of sacred art, Buddhist iconography is part of a Nirmāṇakāya practice, creating a visual transmission of the Dharma without words. Considering the Dharma as the truth of the Buddha’s teachings, is it possible therefore to talk about iconography as a cultural artefact?This paper will offer points for discussion related to this question, considering:The value of analysing Buddhist iconography across cultures as well as beyond them when interpreting the transmission of Buddhism across different times, and as sacred practices made manifest as the nirmāṇakāya, the body of the Buddha which appears in this world to teach the Dharma;The meaning of different regional iconographic styles included in individual paintings; and what they can tell us about specific practice transmissions as well as about the movement of Buddhist teachings and practice across regions/cultures, using specific examples including the Indian style lotus in the otherwise stylistically Tibetan 11th Century thangka painting of Tara and the Eight Fears 1919,0101,0.140 (Ch.lii.001) from the Library Cave in Dunhuang, Northwestern China and the 9th Century painting of Mañjuśrī 1919,0101,0.141 (Ch.0036), also from Dunhuang, where Indian iconographic style merges subtly with Chinese and Tibetan aspects.
and; Is it possible and useful for scholars to discuss Buddhist iconography beyond cultures, where the visual transmission of a teaching is recognised as universal and wordless, and what might this mean for Buddhist iconography in its historic cultural assimilation with indigenous traditions such as Daoism and Bon? This paper does not seek to generate a resolution, but rather to open up discussion to bring multiple perspectives forward to reflect cross-disciplinary understandings and enrich the way Buddhist iconography is historically and currently considered. 作為神聖藝術的一個方面，佛教圖像是化身修行的一部分，創造了一種無言的佛法視覺傳播。考慮到佛法是佛陀教義的真理，那麼是否可以將圖像作為一種文化藝術品來談論？ 本文將提供與此問題相關的討論要點，考慮： – 在解釋佛教在不同時代的傳播時，分析跨文化以及超越文化的佛教圖像的價值，以及作為化身（佛陀的身體出現在這個世界教導佛法）的神聖修行； – 個別繪畫中包含的不同區域圖像風格的含義；以及它們能告訴我們關於具體修行傳承以及佛教教義和修行在不同地區/文化之間的流動情況，具體例子包括來自敦煌藏經洞的十一世紀吐蕃佛教唐卡《度母與八大畏》中的印度風格蓮花1919,0101,0.140 (Ch.lii.001)，以及同樣來自 敦煌的九世紀文殊菩薩 1919,0101,0.141 (Ch.0036)，其中印度圖像風格巧妙地與中國和吐蕃 元素融合。 和; – 學者們是否有可能並且有必要討論跨文化的佛教圖像學，其中教義的視覺傳承被認為是普遍的和無言的，這對佛教圖像學在其與道教和苯教等本土傳統的歷史文化融合中意味著什麼？ 本文並非尋求解決方案，而是希望展開討論，提出多種觀點來反映跨學科的理解，並豐富佛教 圖像學在歷史和當前的看法。 |
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Michael Norton, Harvard University Modularity, movement, and memory: the role of image stupa-pagodas in the transmission of Buddhism to China |
Modular stupa-pagodas (zuheshi zaoxiang ta 组合式造像塔) appear throughout the Buddhist world, with the largest number of extant examples unearthed in Gansu and Shanxi provinces in China. Composed of as few as three to as many as seven individual trapezoidal blocks and varying in height from one to over three meters, each face of these sculptural works features Buddha or bodhisattva statues set into recessed niches, along with accompanying visual motifs adapted from a variety of early medieval Buddhist sutras. Based on in-person fieldwork conducted from 2016 to 2019, this paper investigates the role stupa-pagodas played in the dissemination of Buddhism from South and Central Asia into China from the fourth to the sixth centuries.
Through close readings of several extant modular, image stupa-pagodas from South Asia and China, this study demonstrates how the spatial and visual logics of the monument type reflect evolving understandings of Buddhist doctrine. Specifically, it contends that the selection of narrative scenes and their arrangement on the stupa-pagodas gesture toward conceptual maps and organizational frameworks employed by early Buddhist communities to navigate the shifting landscape of medieval Buddhism. In other words, modularity functioned not only as a productive intervention in the plastic arts but also as a mechanism for forging new connections between textual motifs, explored visually through the iterative capacity of modular blocks. By positioning modular stupa-pagodas as milestones in the transmission of Buddhist thought to China, this paper ultimately sheds light on how these monuments facilitated the localization of Buddhist ideas and practices through their modular construction and pictorial content. 多級組合式造像塔出土於印度、中國等地，目前以中國甘肅省與山西省的出土實例最多。各造像塔由三至七塊單體梯形造像石疊累而成，高度介於一至三米之間。塔石四面刻有位於佛龕中的佛、菩薩像，並飾以千佛、飛天等取材於佛經的紋樣與題材。基於2016年至2019年間的實地考察，本文探討造像塔在公元四至六世紀佛教自南亞與中亞傳入中國過程中所發揮的作用。 通過對南亞與中國現存的多座組合式造像塔進行細讀分析，本文探討此類文物的空間與視覺邏輯如何體現對佛教教義的理解。具體而言，筆者認為，造像塔上的敘事場景選擇與構圖安排呈現了早期佛教團體在應對中古時期佛教格局變遷時所構建的概念框架。換言之，組合式造像塔的模塊性不僅是雕塑藝術上的創新，更是一種視覺化的思想工具，透過其迭代特性，促成佛教文獻題材之間的動態關聯，進而反映佛教教義的多層次發展。 總言之，本文將組合式造像塔視為佛教傳入中國過程中的里程碑，並闡釋這一類藝術品如何通過其模塊化結構與圖像內容，促進佛教思想與實踐的本土化。 |
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Alessandro Poletto, Washington University in St. Louis “The whole body of the Thus Come One”: The Lotus Sūtra, stūpas, and sūtra burials in Japanese Buddhist Art |
The Lotus Sūtra (妙法蓮華経; S. Saddharma-puṇḍarīka-sūtra) is renowned as one of the most important Mahāyāna scriptures in East Asian Buddhism. Its influence was especially persuasive in Japan, where it was copied and reproduced in various formats and materials. This talk focuses on a particularly radical claim that the sūtra makes about itself — namely, that it contains the “whole body of the Thus Come One” (ch. 10, “Teachers of the Dharma”), and that it can, therefore, replace the śarīra (relics) traditionally placed inside stupas — and its implications and influence as seen in material expressions of Lotus Sūtra worship. That claim was also reaffirmed in some of the exegetical literature on the Lotus, for instance by the famed Tiantai master Zhiyi (538-597).It wasn’t, however, merely a scholastic take on the Lotus Sūtra, and its influence can be seen informing the visual features, iconographical strategies, and, at times, the materiality adopted in some of the copies of the sūtra commissioned by Japanese lay practitioners in the early medieval period (ca. 10-12th c.). The famous copy of chapter one, “Introductory” held by Zentsūji 善通寺 Temple makes the equivalence between scripture and sūtra very explicit: each character of the scripture is flanked by a small, hand-drawn buddha. Other copies of the Lotus Sūtra, for instance the one now held by the Kyoto National Museum (Moriya Collection), or the Yamato Bunkakan 大和文華館-owned chapter 28, “Encouragement of the Bodhisattva Universal Sage”, make a similar claim in a similar fashion: each character of the sūtra is placed upon a lotus flower, as it would be expected of a buddha.In other cases, it’s the relationship between stupas, relics and the sūtra that is emphasized. In the copy of chapter 11 of the celebrated Heike nōkyō 平家納経, the text of the sūtra is organized in traditional 17-character lines, but each character is also placed within a silver circle. Looking at each line as a whole, one will notice that each of these circles also doubles as the water (水) element of a gorintō 五輪塔, a Japanese five-ring stūpa: each line is topped by the void (空), wind (風) and fire (火) elements, the three upper sections of a gorintō, while at the bottom there is the rectangular earth (地) element. In other words, the text of the sūtra functions as a relic and is placed within stūpas (albeit symbolic ones, on paper). Similarly, in the Honmanji 本満寺 Temple copy of the Lotus, each character is inscribed within the body of a jeweled stūpa (hōtō 宝塔), complete with decorative elements on the “roof” section.The practice of burying sūtras (maikyō 埋経) or producing sūtra mounds (kyōzuka 経塚), which began in earnest in Japan around the second half of the 11th century, extended this logic of identification between scripture and relic. Sūtra tubes (kyōzutsu 経筒), in which sūtra copies were stored before being buried in a ritual context, were sometimes cast in metal or fashioned from other materials to reflect the symbolism of the stūpa. This is very explicit, for instance, in the jeweled stūpa (hōtō 宝塔)-shaped sūtra vessel said to be excavated in Fukuoka and dated 1116. The container is shaped as a stūpa — including a finial, wind chimes, and other decorative elements; the content — namely, the relic — is the scripture, the Lotus Sūtra. A similar example is the sūtra tube excavated from Mount Shiōji 四王寺山 in Fukuoka and dated 1123: it is shaped as a jeweled stūpa and used to contain a Lotus Sūtra.<
The bulk of my talk will focus on a specific item, the gorintō-shaped stūpa in the collection of the Aichi Prefectural Ceramic Museum 愛知県陶磁美術館. This object, originally part of a sūtra mound and dated 1146, is richly inscribed, and these inscriptions reveal some of the background that led to its creation. They also very prominently establish a connection between the object and the Lotus Sūtra, since lines from the scripture are carved in several prominent places. I will, therefore, first of all discuss the inscriptions and their sources, to then focus on the format of the sūtra receptacle. This is, in fact, quite unique: it’s shaped like a gorintō, a form not seen in any other sūtra mound, but one that, in its identification of the sūtra container with a form of reliquary, and of the sūtra itself with a relic, resonates with the copied sūtra manuscripts mentioned above and produced in the same period. By looking at these objects — copied sūtras or cast or fired sūtra receptacles — produced in diverse ritual contexts, we see a great attention paid to discourses present in the Lotus Sūtra and concerning the ontological status of the sūtra itself, as well as a devotional approach that attempted to project that ontological status (of the sūtra as relic) onto its material forms of reproduction. The Lotus Sūtra, copied and buried, written and carved, was indeed understood, at least by some, as “the whole body of the Thus Come One.” |
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Xiaoyun Qiu, Peking University 東京國立博物館藏古長安寶慶寺塔倚坐佛佛龕裝飾研究 |
古長安寶慶寺始建於隋文帝仁壽（601~604）初年，唐文宗（827~840）時曾在寺內以五色磚建寶慶寺花塔，遺址現位中國陝西省於西安南門城內書院門西北側，現僅存一塔。寶慶寺花塔高約23米，平面呈六角形，共有七層，寺內及塔的周身原有共32鋪造像龕，但在19世紀末至20世紀初被日本人陸續運至國外，現僅有6鋪還保留在寶慶寺塔上，另有1鋪藏於碑林博物館。流落到海外的25件文物中，有4件被轉手至美國，剩餘的21件則留在日本，分別藏於東京國立博物館東洋館、奈良國立博物館、九州國立博物館、根津美術館和個人藏家手中，其中東京國立博物館藏件數最多，有13鋪佛龕和2尊十一面觀音像共計15件。本文將通過圖像分析、文獻比較的方式，對東京國立博物館藏古長安寶慶寺塔倚坐的兩鋪倚坐佛佛龕中的裝飾元素展開研究，將這兩組造像中的拏具元素置於漢地傳播與發展的路徑中，嘗試判斷佛像的尊格以及佛龕中的裝飾和構圖產生的原因。 |
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Ziyi Shao, SOAS University of London Sinicization or Not: Tibetan Buddhist Representation in Fanhualou 梵華樓 |
It is widely known that a large number of Tibetan Buddhist images were produced during the Qianlong reign, and these images have often been termed as the “Sino-Tibetan” style to highlight the fusion of both Tibetan and Chinese visual traditions. Fanhualou 梵華樓, one of the most important religious monuments in the Forbidden City, was commissioned by the Qianlong Emperor in 1772 and stands as one of the most exquisite examples of this kind of “Sino-Tibetan” style. However, in this presentation, I will go beyond the hyphenated terms commonly used in academia and analyze the design logic behind the stylistic juxtaposition of the huge number of sculptures and bronzes displayed in Fanhualou. Specifically, I intend to address the following questions: Does the Tibetan Buddhist pantheon in Fanhualou reflect the “Sino-Tibetan” style? Does the stylistic hydration aim to target both Tibetan and Chinese audiences? Or, conversely, does it imply a deliberate construction of the imperial Manchu identity? |
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Paride Stortini, Ghent University Past and Future of Buddhist Art: Transnational and Transtemporal Buddhism in Hirayama Ikuo’s Art |
The Japanese artist and UNESCO goodwill ambassador Hirayama Ikuo (1930‒2009) has built his artistic career on a reimagination of Buddhist narratives and of the historical spread of Buddhism along the Silk Road. The first painting that earned him fame, Bukkyō Denrai (“The Transmission of Buddhism,” 1959), idealizes the pilgrimage to India of the seventh century Chinese monk Xuanzang as a harbinger of peace. Hirayama himself followed the steps of Xuanzang with a large number of travels across the Silk Road, which inspired both his artistic production and his mission to study and preserve the cultural heritage of the Silk Road, also developing programs for artistic and educational exchange between Japan and the People’s Republic of China. While Buddhism becomes in Hirayama’s art an object of study and reimagination to foster transnational collaborations, his art is not confined to museums, but it gets sacralized as a form of contemporary Buddhist art in places such as Yakushiji temple in Nara.In this paper, I will analyze Hirayama’s artistic production as a form of contemporary Buddhist art, which builds on the reimagination and temporal blurring of the Silk Road chronotope, including inspiration from Western Classical and Renaissance art, reflecting the artist’s original approach to comparative religious art. The artist’s focus on Buddhism as a religion that crosses national and cultural borders gets also translated into practices of transnational community building through pilgrimage, education, cultural heritage preservation. In this way, I will argue that, far from being only a nostalgic reimagination of the past of Buddhism, Hirayama’s art proposes a future temporality for Buddhism. |
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Dessie Vendova, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston Taking the Bodhisattva into Town: The Forgotten Cult of the ‘Jambu Tree Shadow’ Image |
With the notable exception of Gregory Schopen, the cult of the Bodhisattva Siddhartha image—depicting him as a prince during the life episode known as the First Meditation—has received little scholarly attention. Often dismissed as an “odd” or minor life event, even by Schopen, or treated as a “floating episode” due to its variable placement within different versions of the Buddha’s life narrative, this significant episode has largely eluded the detailed study it deserves.Drawing upon understudied versions of the Buddha’s life preserved in early sources, I will examine images of Siddhartha as a prince during his First Meditation from the early centuries C.E., along with epigraphical records that attest to this image cult. I will also explore monastic code (Vinaya) texts of the Mahāsāṃghikas, Sarvāstivādins, and Mūlasarvāstivādins, which document the now largely forgotten significance of the Bodhisattva Siddhartha’s image cult, particularly the depiction of the Bodhisattva “under the jambu tree shadow.” This image appears to have held special significance and was celebrated during image processions as part of the most important Buddhist festival honoring Śākyamuni’s Enlightenment.Additionally, I will discuss the connection between this image cult and the rise of the “Pensive Crown Prince” (Ch. siwei taizi 思維太子), also known as the “Pensive Bodhisattva.” Likely originating in India and Gandhāra, this image gained immense popularity in East Asia, where its symbolic meaning evolved over time after the fifth-sixth centuries. Despite these changes, the “Pensive Crown Prince” stands as further evidence of the once prominent but now largely forgotten image cult of the Bodhisattva Siddhartha and the now forgotten cult of the “jambu tree shadow” image. |
| 24 |
Bing Wang, Hong Kong Chu Hai College 跨越、融合與重構：香港東蓮覺苑與“進念．二十面體”的佛教藝術實踐 |
論文探討香港東蓮覺苑與香港實驗藝術團體「進念．二十面體」如何以當代舞臺藝術表達佛教傳統，並分析這些藝術實踐在現代社會中的宗教與文化意涵。
一方面，東蓮覺苑將「五會念佛」這一淨土宗傳統唱誦形式升華為充滿藝術感染力的現代舞台表演。「五會念佛」源於唐代法照大師的真聲念佛，經觀本法師在近代的音樂化改編，發展出五段不同音調與節奏的佛號唱誦。東蓮覺苑與進念．二十面體合作，透過舞台設計、音樂創作與宗教儀式的融合，平衡了佛教修持的宗教功能與藝術表現的需要。 另一方面，進念．二十面體也以實驗劇場和多媒體藝術的形式，對佛教經典《華嚴經》進行創新演繹。其代表作從《華嚴經1.0》到《華嚴經4.0 清淨之行》，通過聲音、視覺與沉浸式體驗，將佛教經典中的精華理念立體化呈現，其中也包括華嚴字母唱誦，以便觀眾在藝術與宗教的交互中感受「華嚴世界」的深邃意境，實現了對宗教與藝術邊界的跨越與重構。 本論文運用實地觀察、深度訪談及文獻分析等多種方法，從文化社會學與儀式理論的角度，考察這些香港本土創新實踐在全球化背景下對佛教藝術發展的啟示。作者認為，這一類創新不僅豐富了佛教藝術的表現範疇，也對當代信眾的宗教體驗與文化認同產生了深遠影響。 This paper explores how Tung Lin Kok Yuen and Hong Kong based international experimental theatre company “Zuni Icosahedron” incorporate Buddhist traditions into contemporary stage art. It further analyzes the religious and cultural implications of these artistic practices in modern society. On one hand, Tung Lin Kok Yuen elevates the Pure Land Buddhist chanting tradition of the Pentatonic Buddhist Chanting (Wuhui Nianfo) into a modern stage performance imbued with artistic expressiveness. The Pentatonic Buddhist Chanting (Wuhui Nianfo) originates from the Tang dynasty master Fazhao’s style of intoning the Buddha’s name and was later musically adapted by Master Guanben in the modern era, developing into five distinct tonal and rhythmic segments. In collaboration with Zuni, Tung Lin Kok Yuen integrates stage design, musical composition, and religious ritual, balancing the devotional function of Buddhist practice with the aesthetic demands of artistic expression. On the other hand, Zuni engages in experimental theater and multimedia art to reinterpret the Buddhist scriptureAvataṃsaka Sūtra. Its representative works, from Avataṃsaka Sutra 1.0 to Avataṃsaka Sutra 4.0: The Path of Purity, employ sound, visuals, and immersive experiences to render the core philosophical concepts of the scripture in a multidimensional form. The performances also incorporate the chanting of Huayan syllables, allowing audiences to experience the profound essence of the Huayan world through the interplay of art and religion, thereby transcending and reconstructing the boundaries between the two domains. This study employs ethnographic observation, in-depth interviews, and textual analysis, adopting perspectives from cultural sociology and ritual theory to examine the implications of these Hong Kong-based innovative practices for the development of Buddhist art in the context of globalization. The author argues that such innovations not only enrich the expressive scope of Buddhist art but also profoundly influence contemporary practitioners’ religious experiences and cultural identities. |
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Eugene Wang, Harvard University How to Sculpt the Mind? The Plastic Turn in Medieval China |
The early sixth century witnessed the emergence of two remarkable works. One is The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons (ca. 502 CE), Liu Xie’s encyclopedic treatise on literary theory. The other is a Buddhist stone sculpture in Shanxi Museum, dated 534 CE, created to commemorate the Northern Wei aristocrat Cheng Zhe (d. 534). Though the two creators were unaware of each other, the synergy between their works is striking. Liu Xie’s treatise heralds a “plastic turn”: for the first time in Chinese history, the sculptural medium becomes the governing model for writing and cultural production. The stele image for Cheng Zhe, meanwhile, unwittingly materializes Liu’s conceptual scheme, embodying the dynamic complexity Liu theorized in prose. Together, these works testify to a paradigmatic shift—one that made medieval China “medieval” through the plastic imagination.
六世紀初，中國文化史上湧現出兩部引人注目的作品。一是劉勰（約465–522）所撰文論鉅著《文心雕龍》（成書於502年左右）；一是刻於534年、爲北魏士族程哲（卒於534）營造的佛教石雕紀念碑像，現存山西博物院。兩位作者遙隔南北，雖互不相識，然其觀念意趣之呼應，令人歎服。劉勰《文心雕龍》首以雕塑爲喻，構建文藝與文化之理論範式，標誌中國思想史上的“造型轉向”。程哲碑像則無意中將劉勰的觀念具象化，生動體現其所闡釋的雕塑性動靜交融、形神互動的精神內涵。二者互爲印證，昭示了中古中國文化的一次深刻轉型——正是這一“造型轉向”，賦予“中古”以其獨特的文化面貌。 |
| 26 |
Youkui Wang, Sichuan University 魏晉南北朝時期的七佛像及其組合分析 |
七佛造像在中印度紀元前的佛教雕刻中已經出現，之後在西北印度作為並列多佛像形式之一得到長足發展，並與彌勒菩薩等題材形成特定組合。傳播至中國，其在石窟等造像中往往與釋迦多寶佛、彌勒菩薩等組合表現，推測在佛教信仰方面存在兩方面內涵。一是如《觀佛三昧海經》所說的懺悔滅罪，只有償清宿世業緣，才能往生至淨土世界繼續修行；二是，施造者在造像中試圖表現自己「宿殖明珠」，已經供養過去諸佛。這些內涵，總體而言與在輪回修行中成就佛道的願望是相契合的。
The Seven Buddhas statue appeared in Buddhist carvings in the pre-Christian era in Central India, and then developed in Northwest India as one of the forms of parallel multi-Buddhist statues, forming specific combinations with Maitreya Bodhisattva and other subjects. Spreading to China, it was often combined with Śākyamuni-Prabhūtaratna Buddha and Maitreya Bodhisattva in grottoes and other statues, and it is assumed that there are two connotations in terms of Buddhist beliefs. Firstly, just like the ideas of repentance and elimination of sins as stated in the Guanfo sanmei haijing 觀佛三昧海經 [Sutra on the Ocean-Like Samādhi of the Visualization of the Buddha], only by paying off the karma of the past lives may one be reborn to the Pure Land to continue their cultivation. Secondly, the builders of the statue attempted to show that they, by “planting the bright pearls in their previous lives” (宿殖明珠), had made offerings to the past Buddhas. These connotations are, on the whole, compatible with the desire to attain Buddhahood in the cycle of birth and death. |
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Pamela D. Winfield, Elon University Vajrapani in Renaissance Italy?: Buddhist Iconography and the Question of Premodern Orientalism |
Art historians widely agree that as Hellenistic influence spread into the subcontinent in the 3rd century BCE, the Greek hero Herakles became integrated into the Buddhist pantheon as the dharma protector Vajrapani. His tell-tale warrior’s mace and billowing mantle iconographically transformed into a vajra weapon and wafting ribbon-like scarf, and his wrathful, open-mouthed yell eventually developed a closed-mouth alter-ego who together formed the Two Guardian Kings (Niō), the militant protectors of all East Asian Buddhist temple gates (Frédéric, 1995). This uni-directional west-to-east iconographic trajectory usually is said to terminate at the farthest reaches of the Silk Road in Japan’s ancient capital of Nara, with a 7th century CE freestanding lifesize Vajrapani statue in Tōdaiji’s Sangatsudō Hall, as well as Unkei’s two monumental 12th century CE Niō warriors housed in Tōdaiji’s Sanmon gate.
This paper, by contrast, proposes that Silk Route influence ran both ways, and that a reverse direction east-to-west feedback loop of neo-classical Vajrapani/Niō iconography re-entered the Greco-Roman cultural sphere beginning in the 1430s. This is when Admiral Zheng He’s fleet of Ming dynasty Treasure Ships first made direct contact with merchants in the Arabian Peninsula at the doorstep of European trade, and when subsequent waves of Arab, Venetian and Dutch maritime activity fueled Europe’s cosmopolitan craze for exotic, ‘Oriental’ forms especially after the Ottoman Turks took Byzantium in 1453. Specifically, this paper will examine the striking iconographic similarities between the fierce Vajrapani/Niō imagery and a famous drawing in the Uffizi collection dated to 1525 that is known as “the Damned Soul” (l’anima dannata) by Michelangelo Buornarotti (1487-1530). Both images display the same fearsome expression of furrowed brows, bared teeth, an open yelling mouth, and glaring eyes trained to the left over a flexed, rotated shoulder, with a windswept mantle billowing behind a powerful contrapposto torso. In addition, it will contextualize Michelangelo’s finished drawing in light of his other Orientalist fantasies, such as his “presentation sheets” of Cleopatra and the Palmyran Queen Zenobia which he gifted to his friends and lovers in Florence. Finally, it will examine the resignifications of Niō imagery in the work of the Baroque sculptor Gian Lorenzo Bernini (1598-1680), who copied Michelangelo’s Vajrapani-like open-mouthed “Damned Soul” and paired it with a complementary closed-mouthed “Blessed Soul” (anima beata) circa 1619. This paper thus seeks to substantiate the reverse-flow reintroduction and resignification of Niō-like imagery back into the Italian peninsula in the form of the Damned & Blessed Souls during the height of the Renaissance. In so doing, it speaks to iconographic change over the longue durée and seeks to amplify the growing scholarship on Orientalist fascination with foreign figures in pre- and early modern Europe. |
| 28 |
Shaowei Wu, Shandong University 敦煌本《白澤精怪圖》年代考 |
白泽信仰是汉晋以降广泛流传于中国乃至整个汉字文化圈的重要信仰，而敦煌文献P.2682和S.6261是目前所知最早的《白泽精怪图》。这两件写本图文并茂，是宝贵的中古时期“精抄本”文献，并且还保留有一条重要题记。通过对题记的新释录和解读以及对一些重要图像的分析，可以将敦煌本《白泽精怪图》正文部分的年代圈定为贞观十六年（642）以后的唐太宗统治后期至高宗统治初期，也就是642年至650年代的十余年间；题记的年代则是在上元元年（674）高宗下令“僧道不须更为先后”之前。 The Bai Ze faith, which originated from the Han to Jin dynasties, is a significant belief system widely circulated in China and throughout the Sinographic cultural sphere. The Dunhuang manuscripts P.2682 and S.6261 are currently known as the earliest versions of the “Bai Ze Jingguai Tu” (White Marsh diagrams of spectral prodigies). These two manuscripts are richly illustrated and are invaluable documents from the medieval period known as “fine-copied editions,” also retaining an important inscription. Through the reinterpretation and analysis of the inscription, as well as the analysis of some significant images, the main text of the Dunhuang manuscript can be dated to the later period of Emperor Taizong’s reign to the early period of Emperor Gaozong’s rule, specifically between 642 and the 650s, following the sixteenth year of the Zhenguan era. The inscription dates back to before the first year of the Shang Yuan era (674) when Emperor Gaozong decreed that “monks and Taoist priests should not be ranked in order of precedence.” |
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Xie Jisheng, Zhejiang University 雕板刻印、瓷青紙泥金寫經與亞洲文明交流 |
10世纪后半叶至13世纪前后，是包括中国在内的东亚物质文明发展的黄金时期，市民社会的形成与印刷业的兴盛是本时期突出的标志，从晚唐敦煌《妙法莲华经》，吴越钱俶《宝箧印陀罗尼经》（965）、《开宝藏》（983）、《高丽藏》（1087）、《崇宁藏》（1080），及至入元以后的《碛砂藏》与《普宁藏》（1302），再雕《高丽大藏经》（1236）等，佛经的刊刻成为社会繁荣、政治清明、皇权稳固的标志之一。不同国家和地区之间雕板的使用和的传播，也是这一时期亚洲不同文明之间交流融合的写照。 雕板佛经的流行并没有消弭信众抄经回向的热情，能够显示社会地位的瓷青纸泥金写经逐渐流行，晚唐就有瓷青纸泥金写经，宋元之际逐渐大范围流行，成为信众可以和施造雕板比拟的福田供养。与雕板的刻印情形相仿，这段时间辽、西夏、回鹘、吐蕃、高丽都有瓷青纸泥金写经流行，可以看做是东亚汉字文化圈及其变化形态相互关联的文化现象。瓷青纸、泥金、秀丽的欧体小楷，是堪比印刷术的奢华书写形式，在元明时代泥金写本艺术达到顶峰。 本文以9世纪以来东亚地区所见瓷青纸泥金写经为例，观察其与中土泥金写经的诸多关联，如高丽时期泥金写经在形制、扉画插图，特别是就扉画经首或跋尾的发愿文的祝釐形式，与元代流行的其他泥金字写经、与雕板《碛砂藏》《普宁藏》等的扉页万岁牌进行分析，说明雕板与写经祝釐格式的差别，以及元代扉页万岁祝釐格式如何影响东亚的写经格式。 From the late 10th to the 13th century, East Asia—including China—witnessed a golden age of material civilization. Key markers of this period included the rise of urban societies and the flourishing of printing. Buddhist sutra publication became a symbol of social prosperity, political stability, and imperial authority, as seen in examples ranging from the late Tang Lotus Sutra (Miaofa Lianhua Jing) at Dunhuang, King Qian Chu of Wuyue’s Precious Casket Seal Dharani Sutra (965), the Kaibao Canon (983), the Goryeo Tripitaka (1087), and the Chongning Canon (1080) to the Yuan-era Qisha Canon, Puning Canon (1302), and the re-engraved Goryeo Tripitaka (1236). The spread and application of woodblock carving techniques across regions also reflected broader cultural exchanges and integration in Asia during this period. Despite the popularity of printed sutras, devotees retained their enthusiasm for handwritten sutras as acts of merit-making. Gold-ink sutras on indigo paper, which symbolized social status, gradually gained prominence. Originating in the late Tang, this practice became widespread during the Song-Yuan transition, emerging as a form of pious devotion comparable to sponsoring woodblock printing. Similar to woodblock printing’s regional diffusion, gold-ink sutras proliferated in the Liao, Western Xia, Uighur, Tibetan, and Goryeo realms, reflecting interconnected cultural phenomena within the East Asian Chinese-character cultural sphere and its evolving forms. The indigo paper, gold pigment, and elegant regular script in the style of Ouyang Xun (欧体小楷) constituted a luxurious form of calligraphy rivaling printed texts, with the art of gold-ink manuscripts reaching its zenith during the Yuan-Ming periods. This paper examines gold-ink sutras on indigo paper in East Asia from the 9th century onward, exploring their connections to Chinese traditions. Focusing on Goryeo-era examples, it analyzes their formats, frontispiece illustrations, and benedictory texts—particularly the prayer formats in colophons or frontispiece dedicatory inscriptions. By comparing these with Yuan-era gold-ink manuscripts and longevity tablets on the frontispieces of woodblock-printed canons like the Qisha and Puning Canons, the study highlights distinctions between woodblock-printed and handwritten sutra formats. It further demonstrates how Yuan-era frontispiece prayer conventions influenced sutra-copying practices across East Asia. |
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Zhang Meiqiao, Zhejiang University Movable Sutra Wrappers: Japanese Sutra Wrappers and Their Origins in the Tang Dynasty |
The manuscripts of Chinese Buddhist literature and their wrappers discovered in the Dunhuang Mogao Caves have garnered significant scholarly attention over the years. Previous studies emphasized the role of sutra wrappers in the storage of manuscripts, but neglected the fact that sutra wrappers also travelled with the manuscripts. However, Shōsōin 正倉院 documents and treasures stored in the Shōsōin in Japan provide new insights into the textuality and materiality of sutra wrappers in the Tang dynasty. This study draws on a range of materials, including manuscripts, treasures stored in the Shōsōin in Japan and ancient Chinese paintings in various museums. It is argued that official sutra wrappers made in the Nara period in Japan have been influenced by the Tang culture, which can not only be an important reference for the restoration of the production process of the official sutra wrappers of Tang dynasty, but also expand the historical scene that ancient sutra wrappers served not only as a means of protecting manuscripts in a static state, but also served as a carrier of the manuscripts and moved with them at the same time. |
